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The  Lore  of  Cathay 


Dr.  Martin’s  “Compendium  of  Information” 

A pYCLE  OF  f ATHAY 

or 

China,  South  and  North 

WITH  PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  BY 

W.  A.  P.  MARTIN,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

President  of  the  Imperial  University  of  Peking 

With  Seventy  Illustrations,  Map  and  Index,  8vo, 
Decorated  Cloth,  $2.00 


“A  scholarly  epitome  of  the  life  and  thought  of  the  Chi- 
nese nation  for  upwards  of  four  thousand  years.” — Phila- 
delphia Times. 

“Will  add  even  to  the  specialists  knowledge  of  Chinese 
character.  A storehouse  of  facts  and  personal  reminiscen- 
ces.”— San  Francisco  Chronicle. 

“Nowhere  can  be  found  a more  luminous  sketch  of  Chi- 
nese history  during  the  last  four  thousand  years  . . . With 
the  actual  political  and  social  condition  of  the  country.” — 
New  York  Sun. 

“ Earnestly  to  be  commended  for  its  liberality  of  view, 
wealth  of  information  and  clear  knowledge.” — Boston 
Beacon. 


FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 

New  York  : 158  Fifth  Ave.  Chicago  : 6)  Washington  St. 
Toronto:  27  Richmond  St.  West. 


DR.  W.  A.  P.  MARTIN 
JF.t  73 


The  Lore  of  Cathay 

or 

The  Intellect  of  China 


BY 

/ 

W.  A.  P.  MARTIN,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

President  of  the  Chinese  Imperial  University 
AUTHOR  OF 

A CYCLE  OF  CATHAY,”  “THE  SIEGE  IN  PEKING,”  ETC.,  ETC 


ILLUSTRATED 


NEW  YORK  CHICAGO  TORONTO 

FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 

1901 


Copyright  1901 
by 

FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 
(September) 


TO  THE 

Hon.  JOHN  W.  FOSTER 

FORMERLY  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  OF  AMERICA 


PREFACE 


^HE  Lore  of  Cathay,”  is  an  essential  comple- 
yj  ment  to  “ A Cycle  of  Cathay.  The  latter 
represents  the  active  life  of  the  Chinese  as 
it  appeared  to  the  writer  in  the  course  of  a long  and 
varied  experience.  This  book  mirrors  their  intellectual 
life  as  it  developed  under  investigations  extending  through 
many  years  of  intimate  association  with  Chinese  scholars, 
and  of  identification  with  Chinese  education. 

Its  contents  comprise  the  “ Hanlin  Papers,”  revised 
and  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  much  new  matter.  Its 
materials  have  been  drawn  exclusively  from  native 
sources,  and  are  the  result  of  original  research.  The  author 
has  treated,  with  considerable  detail,  of  subjects  so  diverse 
as  Chinese  education  and  Chinese  alchemy ; and  he  ven- 
tures to  believe  that  he  throws  fresh  light  on  some  points 
of  Oriental  literature,  science  and  philosophy ; and  that  he 
may  fairly  claim,  as  a field  of  his  own  discovery,  the  inter- 
national law  and  diplomacy  of  the  ancient  Chinese. 

In  the  San  Kuo  Chi  it  is  laid  down  as  a law  of  the 
national  life,  confirmed  by  history,  that  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire, when  it  has  been  long  united,  is  sure  to  be  divided ; 
when  it  has  been  long  divided,  is  sure  to  be  reunited. 
Just  now  the  centrifugal  forces  are  portentously  active. 
Should  they  eventuate  in  partition,  that  state  of  things 
could  not  be  permanent,  though  it  might  accelerate  the 
acquisition  of  our  Western  civilization  by  the  people  of 
China.  Quickened  into  new  life,  they  would  be  sure  to 

i 


2 PREFACE 

reconstruct  the  Empire  and  to  take  their  place  among  the 
leading  powers  of  the  civilized  world. 

While  the  Manchu  rulers  have  made  grudging  conces- 
sions to  superior  force,  they  have  always,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Kuang  Hsu,  contrived  to  maintain  a latent 
hostility  in  the  minds  of  their  people.  That  hostility  has 
diminished — strange  to  say — with  each  defeat  by  foreign 
powers,  and  it  almost  disappeared  during  the  reform 
♦movement  under  the  young  Emperor,  which  followed  the 
war  with  Japan. 

To  prevent  the  recurrence  of  outrages  it  is  necessary 
to  foster  a fellow-feeling  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  As 
Captain  Mahan  says : “ Toward  Asia  in  its  present  con- 
dition Europe  has  learned  that  it  has  a community  of 
interest  that  may  be  defined  as  the  need  of  bringing  the 
Asian  peoples  within  the  compass  of  the  family  of  Chris- 
tian States.  They  will  have  to  insist  that  currency  be 
permitted  to  our  ideas — liberty  to  exchange  thought  in 
Chinese  territory  with  the  individual  Chinaman.  The 
open  door,  both  for  commerce  and  for  intellectual  inter- 
action, should  be  our  aim  everywhere  in  China.” 

One  essential  to  this  intellectual  interaction  is  mutual 
intellectual  comprehension.  If  China  is  to  be  a part  of 
the  family  of  civilized  States — Chinese  thought,  the 
principles  at  the  basis  of  Chinese  history  and  life  must 
be  understood.  It  is  with  the  hope  that  this  may  be 
furthered  that  “ The  Lore  of  Cathay  ” is  offered  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  public. 

W.  A.  P.  M. 

Peking.,  July  ist. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 

PAGE 

The  Awakening  in  China 7 

BOOK  I 

CHINA’S  CONTRIBUTION  TO  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES 

I.  Chinese  Discoveries 23 

II.  Chinese  Speculations  in  Philosophy  and 

Science 33 

III.  Alchemy  in  China;  the  Source  of  Chemistry  . 44 


BOOK  II 

CHINESE  LITERATURE 

IV.  Poets  and  Poetry  of  China  . . . .75 

V.  The  Confucian  Apocrypha 87 

VI.  Confucius  and  Plato — A Coincidence  . . .106 

VII.  Chinese  Prose  Composition in 

VIII.  Chinese  Letter  Writing 130 

IX.  Chinese  Fables 144 

X.  Native  Tracts  of  China 148 


BOOK  III 

RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  CHINESE 
XI-  The  San  Chiao  or  Three  Religions  of  China  . 165 
XII.  The  Ethical  Philosophy  of  the  Chinese  . . 205 

3 


4 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

XIII.  Chinese  Ideas  of  Inspiration 234 

XIV.  Buddhism  a Preparation  for  Christianity  . . 249 

XV.  The  Worship  of  Ancestors  in  China  . . . 264 

BOOK  IV 

EDUCATION  IN  CHINA 

XVI.  School  and  Family  Training 281 

XVII.  Civil  Service  Examinations  .....  308 

XVIII.  The  Imperial  Academy  329 

XIX.  An  Old  University  in  China 371 

BOOK  V 

STUDIES  IN  CHINESE  HISTORY 

XX.  The  Study  of  Chinese  History  ....  387 

XXI.  The  Tartars  in  Ancient  China  ....  409 

XXII.  International  Law  in  Ancient  China  . . . 427 

XXIII.  Diplomacy  in  Ancient  China 450 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Dr.  W.  A.  P.  Martin Frontispiece 

FACING  PACES 

President  Martin  and  Faculty  of  the  Chinese  Imperial  Uni- 
versity   18 

Dr.  Martin  and  some  of  his  Students 34 

Shrine  and  Temple  of  Confucius 88 

The  Temple  of  Heaven  | 

The  Altar  of  Heaven  . } ^ 

Arch  and  Temple  of  Confucius 200 

Gateway  of  Lama  Temple 240 

Buddhist  Monument 254 

The  Imperial  Ancestral  Temple 274 

The  Watch-tower  in  Examination  Grounds  . . } 

Furnace  for  burning  paper  in  Examination  Grounds  J ’ ' 

Row  of  Cells  in  Examination  University  ....  326 

The  Imperial  Lecture  Room,  Old  University  . . . ) 

r 373 

Prospect  Hill  where  the  last  of  the  Mings  hanged  himself  j 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 

FOR  a long  time  the  giant  of  the  East  has  been 
rubbing  his  eyes.  Each  collision  with  foreign 
powers  has  had  the  effect  of  making  him  more 
conscious  of  his  helpless  condition  and  more  ready  to 
open  his  lids  to  the  light  of  a new  day. 

Never  was  he  more  wide  awake  than  during  the  few 
years  following  the  war  with  Japan,  when  the  young 
Emperor,  Kuang  Hsu,  attempted  to  make  his  reign  an 
era  of  reform.  The  counter-revolution  brought  about 
by  the  Empress  Dowager,*  and  the  cosmic  shock  by.  which 
it  was  succeeded,  proved  the  strength  and  reality  of  the 
reform  movement.  So  far  from  extinguishing  that 
movement,  the  effect  of  this  convulsion  will  be  to  wake 
it  into  fresh  activity.  The  Chinese  people  may  be  ex- 
pected to  welcome  new  ideas  with  more  eagerness  than 
ever  before. 

This  proposition  will  be  received  with  distrust  by  some 
who  are  skeptical  as  to  the  doctrine  of  human  progress. 
It  will  be  questioned  by  others,  who  deride  as  visionary 
the  efforts  of  Christian  enterprise.  Nor  will  it  be  readily 
admitted  by  that  large  class  who  are  wont  to  regard  the 
Chinese  mind  as  hopelessly  incrusted  with  the  prejudices 
of  antiquity. 

* Having  treated  that  subject  in  “ The  Siege  in  Peking,”  it  is 
unnecessary  to  enlarge  upon  it  in  this  place. 


7 


8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Never  have  a great  people  been  more  misunderstood. 
They  are  denounced  as  stolid,  because  we  are  not  in  pos- 
session of  a medium  sufficiently  transparent  to  convey  our 
ideas  to 'them,  or  transmit  theirs  to  us;  and  stigmatized 
as  barbarians,  because  we  want  the  breadth  to  comprehend 
a civilization  different  from  our  own.  They  are  repre- 
sented as  servile  imitators,  though  they  have  borrowed 
less  than  any  other  people;  as  destitute  of  the  inventive 
faculty,  though  the  world  is  indebted  to  them  for  a long 
catalogue  of  the  most  useful  discoveries ; and  as  clinging 
with  unquestioning  tenacity  to  a heritage  of  traditions, 
though  they  have  passed  through  many  and  profound 
changes  in  the  course  of  their  history. 

Nothing  has  done  so  much  to  lower  them  in  our  esteem 
and  to  exclude  them  from  our  sympathies  as  the  atrocities 
of  the  Boxer  outbreak'.  That,  however,  was  the  effect  of 
a sudden  recoil,  stirred  up  for  political  purposes  by  a 
usurping  Regent  and  her  Manchu  agents.  Foreigners 
themselves,  they  were  jealous  of  anything  that  tends  to 
disturb  the  repose  of  the  Chinese  mind,  or  to  strengthen 
the  foothold  of  other  foreigners.  Exasperated,  too,  by  a 
series  of  encroachments  on  their  territory,  they  gave  way 
to  a mad  fury  that  proved  contagious.  But  if  the  reign 
of  terror  was  the  renovation  of  France,  and  the  Sepoy 
mutiny  the  harbinger  of  better  things  for  India,  why 
may  not  this  dreadful  drama  prove  to  be  the  birth-pangs 
of  a new  China? 

That  China  is  not  incapable  of  reformation,  we  shall 
show  first  by  a glance  at  changes  that  passed  over  the 
national  mind  prior  to  the  first  war  with  England.  We 
shall  then  pass  in  review  the  steps  taken  in  the  way  of 
reform  in  the  course  of  the  next  fifty  years.  Finally,  we 
shall  describe  in  outline,  the  reform  movement  under  the 
Emperor,  Kuang  Hsu,  which  has  more  right  than  the 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


9 

Boxer  craze  to  be  accepted  as  the  real  attitude  of  the 
Chinese  mind. 

The  Chinese  have  not  been  stationary,  as  generally  sup- 
posed, through  the  long  past  of  their  national  life.  The 
national  mind  has  advanced  from  age  to  age  with  a stately 
march ; not  indeed  always  in  a direct  course,  but  at  each 
of  its  great  epochs,  recording,  as  we  think,  a decided  gain  ; 
like  the  dawn  of  an  arctic  morning,  in  which  the  first 
blush  of  the  eastern  sky  disappears  for  many  hours,  only 
to  be  succeeded  by  a brighter  glow,  growing  brighter  yet, 
after  each  interval  of  darkness,  as  the  time  of  sunrise 
approaches. 

The  existence  in  such  a country  of  such  a thing  as  a 
national  mind  is  itself  an  evidence  of  a susceptibility  to 
change ; and,  at  the  same  time,  a guarantee  for  the  com- 
parative stability  of  its  institutions.  It  proves  that  China 
is  not  an  immense  congeries  of  polyps,  each  encased  in 
his  narrow  cell,  a workshop  and  a tomb,  and  all  toil- 
ing on  without  the  stimulus  of  common  sympathy  or 
mental  reaction.  It  proves  that  China  is  not  like  Africa, 
and  aboriginal  America,  or  even  like  British  India,  an 
assemblage  of  tribes  with  little  or  no  community  of  feel- 
ing. It  is  a unit,  and  through  all  its  members  there 
sweeps  the  mighty  tide  of  a common  life. 

In  the  progress  of  its  enormous  growth,  it  has  ab- 
sorbed many  a heterogeneous  element,  which  has  always 
been  transformed  into  its  own  substance  by  an  assimila- 
tive power  that  asserts  the  marvelous  energy  of  the 
Chinese  civilization.  It  has,  too,  undergone  many  modi- 
fications, in  consequence  of  influences  operating  ab  extra 
as  well  as  from  within ; and  though  the  process  of  trans- 
mission has  often  been  slow,  those  influences  have  al- 
ways extended  to  the  whole  body.  Within  the  bounds 
of  China  proper,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  the  waves  of 


10 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Buddhism  or  Taoism  being  arrested  at  the  confines  of  a 
particular  province ; nor  is  there  any  district  in  which  the 
pulsations  from  the  great  heart  of  the  empire  do  not,  by 
virtue  of  a common  language  and  common  feeling,  meet 
with  a prompt  response. 

Yet  the  existence  of  this  oneness  and  sympathy, — this 
nationality  of  mind,  which  brings  modifications  on  a vast 
scale  within  the  range  of  possibility,  necessarily  inter- 
poses an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  their  speedy  consumma- 
tion. Planted  on  the  deep  foundations  of  antiquity,  ex- 
tending over  so  wide  an  area,  and  proudly  conscious  of  its 
own  greatness,  its  very  inertia  is  opposed  to  change.  In 
China,  accordingly,  great  revolutions,  whether  political, 
religious,  or  intellectual,  have  always  been  slow  of  ac- 
complishment. Compared  with  the  facility  with  which 
these  are  brought  about  in  some  Occidental  countries, 
they  resemble  the  slow  revolution  of  those  huge  planets 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  solar  system,  which  require  more 
than  the  period  of  a human  life  to  make  the  circuit  of  the 
sun,  while  the  little  planet  Mercury  wheels  round  the 
center  once  in  three  months. 

Great  dynastic  changes,  involving  as  they  do  a period 
of  disintegration,  and  another  of  reconstruction,  have 
usually  occupied  from  one  to  three  generations,  while  the 
growth  of  those  grand  revolutions,  which  resulted  in  the 
ascendency  of  a religion  or  a philosophy,  must  be  reck- 
oned by  centuries. 

A brief  review  of  some  of  the  more  remarkable  changes 
that  have  occurred  in  the  progress  of  Chinese  civilization, 
will  enable  us  better  to  understand  the  nature  of  the  in- 
tellectual movement  now  going  on. 

To  begin  with  the  development  of  political  ideas.  In- 
stead of  being  wedded  to  a uniform  system  of  despotic 
government,  the  Chinese  have  lived  under  as  many  forms 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


1 1 


of  government  as  ancient  Rome  or  modern  France. 
While  the  Romans  passed  under  their  kings,  consuls,  and 
emperors,  the  Chinese  had  their  tis,  their  wangs,  and 
their  huang  tis.  And  as  France  has  passed  through  the 
various  phases  of  a feudal  and  centralized  monarchy,  a 
military  despotism,  and  a republic,  so  China  exhibits  an 
equal  variety  in  the  forms  of  her  civil  government. 

When  the  hand  of  history  first  lifts  the  curtain,  two 
thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era,  it  discloses  to 
us  an  elective  monarchy,  in  which  the  voice  of  the  peo- 
ple was  admitted  to  express  the  will  of  Heaven.  Thus, 
Yao,  the  model  monarch  of  antiquity,  was  raised  to  the 
throne  by  the  voice  of  the  nobles,  in  lieu  of  his  elder 
brother,  who  was  set  aside  on  account  of  his  disorderly 
life.  Yao,  in  turn,  set  aside  his  own  son,  and  called  on 
the  nobles  to  name  a successor,  when  Shun  was  chosen. 
Again,  Shun,  passing  by  an  unworthy  son,  transmitted  the 
“ yellow  ” to  an  able  minister,  the  great  Yu. 

Yu,  though  a good  sovereign,  departed  from  these  illus- 
trious precedents,  and  incurred  the  censure  of  “ convert- 
ing the  empire  into  a family  estate.”  The  hereditary 
principle  became  fixed.  Branches  of  the  imperial  family 
were  assigned  portions  of  the  empire,  and  their  descend- 
ants succeeding  to  their  principalities,  the  feudal  system 
was  confirmed. 

This,  in  China,  is  the  classical  form  of  government,  but 
it  was  overthrown  completely  two  thousand  years  ago, 
by  one  of  the  most  sweeping  revolutions  on  the  records 
of  history.  Since  that  date,  China  has  been  a consoli- 
dated monarchy,  living  in  complete  isolation ; without 
neighbors,  and  without  a conception  of  international  inter- 
course. This  has  been  a fruitful  source  of  conflict  with 
the  great  nations  of  the  West  and  East. 

Under  the  dynasty  of  Han,  about  the  commencement 


12 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  the  Christian  era,  a still  more  important  modification 
was  introduced  into  the  constitution  of  the  empire — viz., 
a democratic  element,  in  virtue  of  which  appointments  to 
office  were  not  left  to  the  caprice  of  the  sovereign  and 
his  favorites.  This  consisted  in  testing  the  capacity  of 
candidates  by  a literary  examination ; and  it  operated  so 
well  that  it  was  not  only  adopted  but  greatly  improved 
by  succeeding  dynasties,  and  continues  in  force  at  the 
present  day.  The  Americans  would  as  soon  surrender 
their  ballot-box,  as  the  Chinese  that  noble  system  of  lit- 
erary competition,  which  makes  public  office  the  reward 
of  scholarship,  and  gives  every  man  an  opportunity  of 
elevating  himself  by  his  own  exertions. 

Nor  are  the  Chinese  less  familiar  with  the  idea  of 
change  in  the  region  of  religious  thought.  Three  systems 
of  religion  have  appeared  on  the  arena  of  the  empire,  and 
struggled  for  ascendency  since  the  sixth  century  before 
the  Christian  era.  Confucianism  was  persecuted  under 
the  dynasty  of  Ch’in ; and  Taoism  and  Buddhism  alter- 
nately persecuting  and  persecuted,  kept  up  a conflict  for 
ages,  each  in  turn  seating  its  own  disciples  on  the  throne 
of  the  empire.  The  last  of  these  is  of  foreign  origin ; 
and  its  universal  prevalence  does  much  to  reconcile  the 
people  to  the  introduction  of  religious  ideas  from  abroad ; 
while  it  stands  forth  as  a visible  proof  of  the  possibility 
of  converting  the  Chinese  to  a foreign  creed.  A leading 
statesman*  of  China  has  made  use  of  this  as  an  argu- 
ment to  show  that  the  emperor  should  not  object  to  the 
propagation  of  Christianity.  “ From  the  time  of  Ch’in 
and  Han,”  he  says,  “ the  doctrines  of  Confucius  began 
to  be  obscured,  and  the  religion  of  Buddha  spread.  Now 
Buddhism  originated  in  India,  but  many  of  the  Hindus 
have  renounced  Buddhism  and  embraced  Mohammedan- 

♦Tseng  Kuo  Fan,  viceroy  of  Nanking. 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


»3 


ism.  The  Roman  Catholic  faith  originated  in  the  West, 
but  some  nations  of  the  West  have  adopted  Protestantism, 
and  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  faith  of  Rome. 
Whence  we  see  that  other  religions  rise  and  fall  from 
age  to  age,  but  the  doctrine  of  Confucius  survives,  un- 
impaired throughout  all  ages.”  The  writer  is  careful  to 
disavow  any  sympathy  for  Christianity,  and  he  by  no 
means  recommends  its  adoption ; but  he  wishes  to  assure 
His  Majesty  that  there  is  no  serious  evil  to  be  appre- 
hended even  if  Christianity  should  succeed  in  supplanting 
Buddhism,  as  long  as  the  people  adhere  to  the  cardinal 
doctrines  of  their  ancient  sage.  It  is  a great  thing  for  the 
leading  minds  to  acknowledge  the  possibility  of  a change 
even  in  this  hypothetical  form. 

Aside  from  these  religious  revolutions,  and  altogether 
distinct  from  them,  are  several  periods  of  intellectual 
awakening,  that  constitute  marked  epochs  in  the  history 
of  literature. 

The  first  of  these  was  occasioned  by  the  teachings  of 
Confucius.  Another  occurred  in  the  time  of  Mencius, 
a century  later,  when  the  ethical  basis  of  the  school  under- 
went a searching  revision,  the  great  question  of  the  origi- 
nal goodness  or  depravity  of  human  nature  being  dis- 
cussed with  acuteness  and  power.  A third  and  more 
powerful  awakening  took  place,  when  the  classic  books 
which  Lu  Cheng  had  burned,  rose,  phcenix-like,  from  their 
ashes,  or  to  speak  more  correctly,  issued,  Minerva-like, 
from  the  retentive  brain  of  those  venerable  scholars  who 
had  committed  them  to  memory  in  their  early  boyhood. 

This  was  the  age  of  criticism ; the  very  circumstances 
which  roused  the  national  mind  to  activity,  directed  its 
efforts  to  the  settlement  of  the  text  of  their  ancient 
records.  But  it  did  not  stop  here.  Slips  of  bamboo,  and 
tablets  of  wood,  the  clumsy  materials  of  ancient  books, 


14 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


gave  place  to  linen,  silk,  and  paper.  The  convenience 
and  elegance  of  the  material  contributed  to  multiply  books 
and  to  stimulate  literary  labor. 

But  the  grandest  of  all  the  revivals  of  learning,  was, 
as  might  be  expected,  that  which  ensued  on  the  discovery 
of  the  art  of  printing.  In  the  period  above  referred  to, 
about  A.  D.  177,  the  revised  text  of  the  sacred  books  was 
engraved  on  tablets  of  stone,  by  Imperial  order,  as  a pre- 
caution to  secure  it  against  the  danger  of  another  con- 
flagration. Impressions  must  have  been  taken  from  these, 
and  the  art  of  printing  thus  practiced  to  a limited  ex- 
tent at  that  early  date;  but  it  was  not  till  the  eighth  cen- 
tury that  it  came  into  general  use  for  the  manufacture  of 
books. 

It  was  not  so  much  the  augmented  rate  of  production 
that  marked  this  epoch,  as  the  improved  character  of  its 
original  literature.  This  was  eminently  the  age  of  po- 
etry; when  Li  Tai  Po,  and  Tu  Fu,  and  a whole  constella- 
tion of  lesser  lights  rose  above  the  horizon.  The  Poems 
of  T’ang  are  still  recognized  as  forming  the  text-books 
of  standard  poetry. 

This  period  was  succeeded  by  another  in  the  reign  of 
the  Sung  dynasty  (960-1279),  when  the  mind  of  China 
exhibited  itself  in  a new  development.  It  became  seized 
with  a mania  for  philosophical  speculation,  and  grap- 
pled with  the  deepest  questions  of  ontology.  Choutze, 
Chengtze,  and,  above  all,  the  famous  Chu  Hsi,  distin- 
guished themselves  by  the  penetrating  subtlety  and  the 
daring  freedom  of  their  inquiries.  Professing  to  eluci- 
date the  ancient  philosophy,  they  in  reality  founded  a new 
one — a school  of  pantheistic  materialism,  which  has  con- 
tinued dominant  to  the  present  hour. 

The  last  two  dynasties  have  not  been  unfruitful  in  the 
products  of  the  intellect ; indeed,  there  seems  to  be  no 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


x5 


end  or  abatement  to  the  teeming  fertility  of  the  Chinese 
mind.  Less  daringly  original  than  in  the  preceding 
period,  it  has  yet,  under  each  of  these  dynasties,  appeared 
in  a new  style — the  writers  of  the  Ming  being  distin- 
guished for  masculine  energy  of  expression,  and  those  of 
the  Ta  Ch’ing  for  graceful  elegance. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  Chinese  have 
not  maintained  through  all  the  ages  that  character  of 
cast-iron  uniformity  so  generally  ascribed  to  them. 
Worshipers  of  antiquity,  they  certainly  are,  and  strongly 
conservative  in  their  mental  tendencies ; hut  they  have 
not  been  content,  as  is  too  commonly  supposed,  to  hand 
down  from  the  earliest  times  a small  stock  of  crystallized 
ideas  without  increase  or  modification.  The  germs  of 
their  civilization,  like  those  of  any  civilization  worth  pre- 
serving, are  not  precious  stones  to  be  kept  in  a casket, 
but  seeds  to  be  cultivated  and  improved.  In  fact,  modi- 
fications have  taken  place  on  an  extensive  scale,  foreign 
elements  have  from  time  to  time  been  engrafted  on  the 
native  root,  and  the  native  scholar,  as  he  follows  back 
the  pathway  of  history,  fails  to  discover  anything  like 
uniformity  or  constancy,  except  in  a few  of  the  most 
fundamental  principles.  The  doctrine  of  filial  piety,  car- 
ried to  the  point  of  religious  devotion,  extends  like  a 
golden  thread  through  all  the  ages,  as  the  foundation  of 
family  ties  and  social  order;  while  the  principle  of  the 
divine  origin  of  government,  administered  by  one  man 
as  the  representative  of  Heaven,  and  modified  by  the 
corresponding  doctrine  that  the  will  of  Heaven  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  will  of  the  people,  is  found  alike  in  every 
period,  as  the  basis  of  their  civil  institutions. 

Though  not  so  much  given  to  change  as  their  more 
mercurial  antipodes,  it  is  still  true  that  the  constant 
factors  of  their  civilization  have  been  few,  and  the  varia- 


i6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


ble  ones  many.  Bold  innovations  and  radical  revolutions 
rise  to  view  all  along  in  the  retrospect  of  their  far-reach- 
ing past,  and  prepare  them  to  anticipate  the  same  for  the 
future.  With  such  antecedents,  and  such  a character  for 
intellectual  activity,  it  would  be  next  to  impossible  that 
they  should  not  be  profoundly  affected  by  their  contacts 
and  collisions  with  the  civilization  of  Christendom. 

In  point  of  fact  the  impression  was  profound,  though 
it  was  not  immediately  apparent.  For  over  half  a cen- 
tury the  West  had  been  acting  on  China  by  the  combined 
influence  of  its  arms,  its  commerce,  its  religion,  and  its 
science.  Some  of  these  influences  commenced  to  operate 
at  a much  earlier  date,  and  their  effects  were  by  no  means 
insignificant.  But  of  late  years  all  of  them  have  been 
combined  with  an  oxyhydrogen  blow-pipe  intensity,  that 
one  would  think  sufficient  to  melt  a mountain  of  ada- 
mant. They  could  not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  have  been 
brought  to  bear  on  China  so  effectively  at  any  earlier 
period  on  account  of  her  geographical  isolation.  The  na- 
tions of  the  West  were  too  remote  to  cause  solicitude;  but 
when  steamships  and  the  cutting  of  the  Isthmus  brought 
them  nearer,  and  when  in  two  wars  they  displayed  their 
ability  to  beat  her  in  every  battle,  they  taught  her  a les- 
son, without  which  all  attempts  to  benefit  the  Chinese 
must  have  proved  like  irrigating  the  side  of  a mountain 
by  projecting  water  from  its  base. 

The  effect  was  immediate.  The  Chinese  were  for  the 
first  time  convinced  that  they  had  something  to  learn. 
Within  less  than  a year  from  the  close  of  hostilities  in 
i860,  large  bodies  of  Chinese  troops  might  have  been  seen 
learning  foreign  tactics  under  foreign  drill-masters,  on 
the  very  battle  grounds  where  they  had  been  defeated. 
Arsenals,  well  supplied  with  machinery  from  foreign 
countries,  were  put  in  operation  at  four  important  points, 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


*7 


and  Navy  Yards  were  established  at  two  principal  sea- 
ports, where  native  mechanics  were  taught  the  construc- 
tion of  steam  gun-boats. 

Such,  indeed,  was  their  proficiency  in  the  arts  of  war, 
that  they  supposed  themselves  able  to  cope  with  a first- 
class  power,  until  the  war  with  Japan  dispelled  the  illu- 
sion. 

Nor  was  education  in  other  lines  wholly  neglected.  A 
school  for  the  training  of  interpreters  was  opened  in  Can- 
ton, and  a similar  school  established  in  the  Capital.  It  is 
significant  of  the  animus  of  the  ruling  race  that  in  both 
schools  the  students  were  exclusively  drawn  from  the 
Tartar  tribes,  or  from  Chinese  whose  families  had  been 
adopted  into  the  Manchu  race  in  the  age  of  the  conquest. 
The  government  was  not  desirous  of  extending  the  bene- 
fits of  the  new  education  to  its  Chinese  subjects.  One 
Manchu  statesman  there  was,  with  sounder  views  and 
greater  breadth — Wen  Hsiang,  the  enlightened  chief  of 
the  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  induced  the  throne  to 
open  the  doors  of  the  College  to  Chinese  who  were  high- 
class  graduates  in  letters;  but  the  haughty  graduates  de- 
clined to  enter.  Wojin,  the  Emperor’s  teacher,  de- 
nounced the  proposal  to  have  her  learned  doctors  sit  at 
the  feet  of  foreigners  as  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of 
China.  Being  at  the  head  of  the  Imperial  Academy,  he 
encouraged  the  Hanlins  in  their  opposition  to  such  an 
innovation.  Unable  to  reach  the  higher  literati,  Wen 
Hsiang  had  to  content  himself  with  recruits  from  lower 
grades.  The  number  of  scholarships  was  raised  from 
thirty  to  one  hundred  and  twenty,  and  the  curriculum  en- 
larged to  embrace  a liberal  course  in  sciences  and  arts, 
as  well  as  languages.  The  Imperial  T’ung  Wen  College 
became  an  important  factor  in  helping  forward  the  cause 
of  progress. 


i8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Some  of  its  students  found  employment  in  schools  and 
arsenals.  Many  of  them  were  attached  to  embassies  in 
foreign  parts,  and  two  of  them  had  the  distinguished 
honor  of  becoming  tutors  in  English  to  His  Majesty,  the 
Emperor,  then  in  his  early  minority.  Instead  of  printed 
books,  they  were  required  to  place  in  the  hands  of  their 
Imperial  pupil,  a series  of  lessons  written  out  in  beauti- 
ful manuscript.  These  they  always  brought  to  me  to  be 
sure  that  they  were  correct.  I may  here  mention  that 
my  first  appointment  in  connection  with  the  T’ung  Wen 
College,  was  the  charge  of  a class  of  boys,  ten  in  number, 
who  were  studying  English.  After  a short  time,  I pro- 
posed to  give  up  the  charge.  An  aged  minister,  who  had 
the  oversight  of  the  school,  inquiring  my  reason  for  re- 
signing, I told  him  I thought  the  business  too  small 
for  me. 

“ Don’t  call  it  small,”  he  said,  “ some  of  your  students 
may  yet  become  teachers  of  the  Emperor.” 

Needless  to  say,  this  argument  proved  conclusive;  not 
only  was  his  prophesy  with  reference  to  the  students  ful- 
filled, a prediction  which  he  had  a good  deal  to  do  in 
fulfilling,  but,  in  the  further  enlargement  of  the  institu- 
tion, I was  appointed  to  the  Presidency  in  connection  with 
the  Chair  of  International  Law,  a two-fold  position,  which 
I continued  to  hold  for  twenty-five  years,  until  ill-health 
compelled  my  resignation. 

Our  students,  who  went  abroad  in  connection  with  em- 
bassies, were  some  of  them  interpreters,  some  secretaries, 
some  consuls  and  vice-consuls,  while  one  or  two  even  rose 
to  the  dignity  of  minister  plenipotentiary : notably  was 
this  the  case  with  Mr.  Ching  Chang,*  late  minister  to 
France. 

♦The  late  Marquis  Tseng.  Minister  to  England,  though  not  a 
student  of  the  College,  took  private  lessons  from  me,  and  always 
manifested  towards  me  the  respect  due  to  a teacher. 


PRESIDENT  W.  A.  P.  MARTIN  AND  FACULTY  OF  CHINESE  IMPERIAL  UNIVERSITY 


l:  . 


Oj 


THE  AWAKENING  IN  CHINA 


19 


The  embassies  themselves  must  not  be  overlooked  as 
an  educational  agency.  Each  minister  and  his  suite  re- 
garded themselves  as  on  a mission  of  exploration.  Some- 
times the  minister  embodied  his  observations  in  a set  of 
volumes.  More  frequently  their  secretaries  published  an 
account  of  their  travels.  These  publications,  not  being 
pigeon-holed  like  official  reports,  had  the  effect  of  doing 
much  to  awaken  the  reading  class. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  enterprises  of  that  age  was 
the  educational  mission  originated  by  Mr.  Yuflg  Wing, 
a graduate  and  doctor  of  laws  of  Yale  University.  By 
him  and  his  successors,  about  three  hundred  picked  youth 
were  led  to  Hartford  for  training  in  every  branch  of 
knowledge  that  could  make  them  useful  to  their  country. 
The  mission  was,  as  I have  elsewhere  stated,  finally  re- 
called, because  it  was  thought  these  young  men  were 
learning  too  much. 

The  efforts  hitherto  made  in  this  direction,  were  mainly 
official,  and  intended  for  the  use  of  the  Government. 
They  wrere  feeble  in  comparison  with  the  strength  of  the 
movement  which  followed  on  the  w-ar  with  Japan.  The 
first  effect  of  defeat  was  to  excite  earnest  inquiry  as  to 
the  cause  of  China's  humiliation.  Those  haughty  sc'uol 
ars,  the  members  of  the  Hanlin,  who  had  disdained  to 
enter  the  T’ung  Wen  College,  now  became  convinced  that 
the  Japanese  w'ere  victorious  because  a new  education  had 
supplied  them  with  new  sources  of  power.  They  began 
the  organization  of  reform  clubs  in  the  capital  and 
throughout  the  empire,  in  many  places.  They  sought  the 
advice  of  missionaries,  such  as  Dr.  Allen,  the  Rev.  Tim- 
othy Richard,  and  the  Rev.  Gilbert  Reid.  They  were  en- 
couraged by  Viceroys  and  Governors.  The  Great  Vice- 
roy, Chang  Chih  Tung  published  a book  to  stimulate  the 
movement,  showing  that  a change  of  base  for  the  educa- 
tional system  is  “ China’s  Only  Hope.” 


20 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  1897,  the  eminent  Cantonese  scholar,  Kang  Yii  Wei, 
went  to  the  capital  to  compete  for  a place  in  the  Imperial 
Academy.  He  won  for  himself  a more  distinguished 
position  by  getting  the  ear  of  the  Emperor.  Deeply 
penetrated  with  the  conviction  that  China’s  safety  re- 
quired her  to  imitate  the  example  of  Japan,  he  fired  the 
mind  of  the  Emperor  with  enthusiasm  to  be  the  leader  of 
his  people  in  the  path  of  reform. 

The  Emperor  issued  a series  of  decrees,  all  commend- 
ing themselves  to  the  judgment  of  reasonable  men,  but 
fraught  with  the  spirit  of  innovation.  He  proposed,  in- 
stead of  choosing  the  employees  of  the  government  as  the 
result  of  a competition  in  ornamental  handwriting  and 
verse  making,  to  have  them  examined  in  sciences  and 
practical  arts.  With  this  in  view,  he  ordered  the  estab- 
lishment of  common  schools,  for  which  the  idol  temples 
in  the  provinces  were  to  be  thrown  open,  an  act  regarded 
by  his  people  as  equivalent  to  confiscation.  He  also  or- 
dered the  creation  of  upper  schools  and  colleges  in  the 
provinces,  and  established  a University  in  the  capital, 
which  should  gather  in  the  provincial  graduates  and  train 
them  for  the  service  of  the  state.  The  writer  was  called 
to  the  Presidency  of  this  institution.  It  had  been  in  op- 
eration for  two  years  with  a corps  of  ten  foreign  profes- 
sors, and  twelve  native  assistants,  mostly  Christian  grad- 
uates of  mission  schools,  when  its  operations  were  brought 
to  a standstill  by  the  Boxer  outbreak. 

That  temporary  madness  which  showed  itself  in  the 
burning  of  the  Hanlin  Library,  the  destruction  by  fire  of 
the  richest  sections  of  the  capital,  and  the  destruction 
by  water  of  the  library  of  our  University,  is  sure  to  have 
the  effect  of  giving  a fresh  impetus  to  the  cause  of  edu- 
cational reform. 


BOOK  I 

China’s  Contribution  to  Arts  and 
Sciences 


I 


CHINESE  DISCOVERIES 

THAT  a people  whose  history  runs  hack  almost  as 
far  as  that  of  Egypt,  and  whose  continuity  has 
been  far  less  disturbed  by  foreign  conquest, 
should  hit  on  many  useful  discoveries  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at.  The  wonder  is  that  so  little  pains  have  been 
taken  to  point  out  the  extent  of  our  indebtedness  to  the 
ancient  civilization  of  the  Far  East.  In  many  instances 
our  obligations  can  be  proven.  In  others,  where  the  evi- 
dence is  not  conclusive,  the  fact  of  priority  creates  a pre- 
sumption in  favor  of  the  Chinese.  The  channel  of  trans- 
mission may  not  be  easy  to  detect ; but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  such  existed  even  prior  to  the  records  of  history, 
just  as  the  ocean  throbs  with  a common  pulse,  and  secret 
currents  connect  its  distant  shores. 

It  might  be  difficult  to  show  that  the  Chinese  are  distin- 
guished for  inventive  talent,  but  intelligent  and  practical 
as  they  are,  it  is  inevitable  that  in  the  course  of  ages 
they  should  accumulate  a considerable  stock  of  arts  and 
of  the  rudiments  of  science.  They  are  not  wanting  in 
originality,  the  political  and  social  system  under  which 
we  meet  them  at  the  dawn  of  history  is  obviously  of 
native  origin,  and  the  traveler  even  at  the  present  day  is 
struck  by  the  peculiar  methods  of  the  Chinese  in  much 
that  goes  to  make  up  their  material  civilization. 

We  shall  call  attention  chiefly  (but  not  exclusively),  to 
such  discoveries  and  inventions  as  have  made  their  way 
to  the  western  world. 


2 3 


24 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


The  author  of  the  Liao  Chai,  a popular  story  book 
compiled  about  two  centuries  ago,  describes  a tube  into 
which  a message  might  be  spoken  and  conveyed  to  a dis- 
tant place,  when  on  the  removal  of  a seal  the  words 
become  audible.  I am  not  going  to  champion  Chiang 
Hsien-sheng  against  Mr.  Edison,  as  the  inventor  of  a pho- 
nograph. His  specifications  are  too  few  and  vague  to 
pass  muster  in  our  patent  office.  Like  many  anticipa- 
tory hints  to  be  found  in  the  literature  of  other  countries 
this  fanciful  outline  seems  rather  to  indicate  the  con- 
sciousness of  a want  than  to  show  the  way  in  which  the 
problem  was  to  be  solved. 

Discarding  fancy,  we  shall  confine  ourselves  to  solid 
ground,  and  after  vindicating  for  the  Chinese  the  honor 
of  discovery  in  two  or  three  important  arts,  we  shall  indi- 
cate in  a few  words  what  they  have  done  in  the  less  famil- 
iar domain  of  science. 

I.  i.  Gunpowder,  which  Sir  James  MacKintosh 
brackets  together  with  printing  as  securing  our  civilization 
against  another  irruption  of  barbarians,  is,  in  my  opinion, 
to  be  set  to  the  credit  of  the  Chinese.  The  honor  is  con- 
tested by  English,  German,  Arab  and  Hindu ; nor  is  it 
impossible  that  the  discovery  may  have  been  made  inde- 
pendently by  each.  Its  ingredients,  sulphur,  nitre  and 
carbon,  were  in  constant  use  by  alchemists,  and  it  was 
inevitable  that  the  explosive  force  of  the  compound  should 
be  found  out  if  only  by  accident — especially  as  no  fixed 
proportion  is  required.  The  first  to  meet  with  this  happy 
accident  would  be  the  Chinese,  who  were  the  first  experi- 
menters in  the  field  of  alchemy.* 

The  pretentions  of  Schwartz  and  Roger  Bacon  need  not 
be  discussed  on  account  of  their  comparatively  recent 
date.  As  for  the  Arabs,  they  were  transmitters,  not 

* See  chapter  III. 


CHINESE  DISCOVERIES 


25 


inventors.  The  only  people  who  can  seriously  compete 
with  the  Chinese  are  the  Hindus.  Their  knowledge  of 
gunpowder  is  certainly  of  great  antiquity,  but  their 
ancient  dates  are  difficult  to  fix,  and  the  balance  of  evi- 
dence as  to  priority  appears  to  be  in  favor  of  China. 

One  of  the  weightiest  documents  bearing  on  the  ques- 
tion is  a paper  set  for  a metropolitan  examination  about 
twenty  years  ago.  The  answers  given  by  the  candidates 
would  be  of  little  worth ; but  the  facts  stated  or  assumed 
in  the  questions  are  of  great  value,  emanating  as  they  do 
from  the  chief  examiner,  one  of  the  most  learned  men  in 
the  Empire. 

“ Fire-arms  began  with  the  use  of  rockets  in  the  dy- 
nasty of  Chou  (b.  c.  1 122-255) — what  book  do  we 
first  meet  with  the  word  p’ao,  now  used  for  cannon  ? ” 

“ Is  the  defense  of  Kai  Feng  Fu  against  the  Mongols 
(1232)  the  first  recorded  use  of  cannon?” 

“ The  Sung  dynasty  (a.  d.  960-1278)  had  several  vari- 
eties of  small  guns — what  were  their  advantages  ? ” 

These  three  questions  all  relate  to  fire-arms.  They 
imply  an  explosive,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  such  ex- 
plosive was  always  employed  to  discharge  projectiles. 
Indeed  the  rockets  referred  to  can  scarcely  be  reckoned 
as  projectiles,  being  used  for  signals  or  for  festive  display, 
rather  than  as  weapons  of  war.  The  famous  siege  re- 
ferred to  in  the  second  question  was  more  than  a hun- 
dred years  earlier  than  the  first  incontestable  use  of 
cannon  in  Europe  (1338). 

If  we  turn  to  the  Ko  Chieh  Ching  Yuan,  “ The  Mirror 
of  Research  ”,  the  best  Chinese  authority  on  the  subject 
of  invention,  we  obtain  a little  light  on  the  transition  from 
signal  rockets  to  fire-arms  properly  so-called.  The 


26 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


author  cites  an  ancient  book  to  the  effect  that  in  998  a.  d. 
one  Tang  Fu  produced  a rocket  of  a new  style  having  a 
head  of  iron, — proof  that  it  was  not  intended  for  a mere 
signal  or  a feu  de  joie.  He  also  cites  another  book  which 
relates  that  in  a.  d.  1131  a piratical  fleet  on  the  River 
Yangtze  was  destroyed  by  a “ thunder  bomb  ”,  secretly 
sent  among  the  ships.  The  bomb  made  of  paper  was 
filled,  he  says,  with  sulphur  and  quicklime.  As  it  rose  to 
the  sky  with  a report  like  thunder,  it  must  have  been 
launched  from  a mortar  by  the  force  of  gunpowder. 

He  further  quotes  a statement  that  at  a date  not  men- 
tioned, but  earlier  than  the  defense  of  Kai  Feng  Fu  the 
walls  of  Hsi  An,  the  ancient  capital,  were  provided  with 
cannon  which  went  off  with  a report  that  could  be  heard 
thirty  miles  and  spread  flames  over  half  an  acre.  The 
balls  or  bombs  for  these  guns  were  made  of  iron,  but 
porcelain  was  also  used. 

Goubel,  cited  by  Pauthier,  says  that  cannon  throwing 
stones  were  used  in  the  defense  of  T’ai  Yuan,  a.  d.,  767, 
and  that  mines  were  employed.  He  says  no  explosive  is 
mentioned  by  the  native  author,  its  existence  being  taken 
as  well-known. 

2.  China’s  claim  to  the  discovery  of  the  Mariner’s 
Compass  is  uncontested.  The  magnet  was  known  at  an 
early  epoch  to  both  Greeks  and  Egyptians ; the  former 
gave  it  its  name,  and  the  latter,  according  to  Plutarch, 
employed  it  as  a symbol  for  a good  man  who  not  only 
attracts  others  but  possesses  the  power  of  imparting  his 
virtues.  Yet  the  first  to  observe  its  directive  properties 
were  the  Chinese.  By  them  the  polarity  of  the  needle 
was  utilized  long  before  the  Christian  era.  Some  of 
their  books  assert  that  it  was  used  to  guide  war-chariots 
across  a desert  as  early  as  2600  n.  c.,  but  the  war  is 
legendary  and  the  assertion  groundless.  More  within 


CHINESE  DISCOVERIES 


27 


range  is  their  unvarying  statement,  that  magnetic  needles 
were  given  to  ambassadors  from  a southern  country  to 
enable  them  to  find  their  way  home,  1100  b.  c.  Those 
ambassadors  came  by  land,  and  from  its  use  in  their 
vehicles  the  compass  came  to  be  described  as  Chili  nan 
cltii,  a “South-pointing  chariot.’’  A curious  illustration 
of  that  primitive  application  of  the  needle  may  be  seen  any 
day  in  a small  compass  suspended  in  the  sedan  or  cart  of 
a Mandarin. 

The  use  of  the  needle  at  sea  follows  as  a matter  of 
course.  The  Chinese  employed  it  in  coasting  voyages  as 
early  as  the  fifth  century  a.  d.,  and  it  is  probable  that 
their  junks  as  well  as  their  land  carriages  were  provided 
with  it  long  before  that  date.  Its  use  was  known  in 
Europe  as  early  as  the  twelfth  century,  and  possibly  much 
earlier,  the  crusades,  which  mingled  all  nations,  having 
served  to  propagate  the  arts  of  the  East — but  it  was  slow 
in  coming  into  vogue.  In  the  bold  hands  of  Columbus 
three  centuries  later  it  pointed  the  way  to  a new  world. 
Yet  Vasco  da  Gama  seems  to  have  made  little  or  no  use  of 
it  in  his  voyage  to  India  in  1497,  which  was  in  fact  a 
coasting  voyage  all  the  way.  Camoens  in  his  poetical 
narrative  Os  Lusiadas,  though  he  praises  the  astrolabe 
and  is  ever  on  the  alert  for  things  marvellous  and  strange, 
makes  no  allusion  to  the  needle. 

3.  That  Gutenberg’s  invention  of  printing  was 
prompted  by  the  knowledge  that  something  similar  existed 
in  China  is  next  to  certain.  For  seven  hundred  years 
the  art  had  been  practiced  there,  not  in  secret  as  he  and 
Faustus  practiced  it,  but  as  a great  popular  industry. 
Its  origin  is  remarkable.  A tyrant,  determined  to  uproot 
the  principles  of  Confucius,  burned  the  books  of  the  Sage. 
They  were  restored  partly  from  memory,  partly  from  im- 
perfect copies  found  hidden  in  the  wall  of  a house.  The 


28 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Emperor  Tai  Tsung,  (a.  d.  627)  resolved  that  the  sacred 
inheritance  should  never  again  be  exposed  to  destruction 
by  fire,  caused  the  books  to  be  engraved  on  stone.  That 
stone  library  is  still  extant.  A hundred  and  seventy  slabs 
of  granite  bearing  on  their  faces  the  text  of  the  thirteen 
classics  may  still  be  seen  at  Hsi  An  Fu,  and  a modem. imi- 
tation of  it  stands  in  the  old  Confucian  University  at 
Peking. 

No  sooner  was  that'  Imperial  edition  completed  than 
the  idea  occurred  of  making  it  accessible  to  scholars  in 
all  parts  of  the  country  by  means  of  rubbings.  That  was 
printing.  Nor  in  China  has  the  form  of  that  art  greatly 
changed  in  the  lapse  of  a thousand  years.  Wood  has 
been  substituted  for  stone  and  r'clievo  for  intaglio,  mak- 
ing the  page  white  instead  of  black,  but  the  impressions 
are  still  rubbings,  made  with  a soft  brush  and  without  the 
use  of  a press. 

From  the  invention  of  block  printing  it  was  not  long 
until  attempts  were  made  to  print  with  divisible  type,  but 
they  failed  to  supersede  the  primitive  method,  the  Chinese 
not  having  hit  on  that  happy  alloy  known  as  “ printers’ 
metal.”  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  Chinese  type 
of  wood,  copper  or  terra  cotta  found  their  way  to  May- 
ence ; the  smallest  fragment  of  printed  paper  carried  in  a 
China  vase  or  roll  of  silk  would  be  sufficient  to  suggest 
the  whole  art  to  a mind  like  that  of  Gutenberg. 

4.  The  art  of  making  porcelain  is  so  obviously  Chi- 
nese in  its  origin  that  porcelain  continues  to  bear  the 
name  of  China  ware. 

5.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  manufacture  of  silk. 
The  name  is  somewhat  disguised,  but  it  is  obviously  de- 
rived from  Seres  the  Latin  for  Chinese,  through  the  ad- 
jective sericum,  which  dropping  the  final  syllable  becomes 
jmV-silk,  i.  e.,  China  stuff.  I need  not  push  the  argument 


CHINESE  DISCOVERIES 


29 


so  far  as  to  assert  that  scr  is  Chinese  for  silkworm ; 
though  that  derivation  is  not  without  plausibility.  In 
the  making  of  paper,  not  only  were  the  Chinese  far  in 
advance  of  us — they  preceded  us  in  the  special  art  of  pro- 
ducing it  from  wood  pulp.  Paper  was  invented  by  China 
about  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era ; but  for  many 
centuries  preceding  their  books  were  engraved  on  slips  of 
bamboo  with  the  point  of  a stile. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  arts  originating  in  China  seem 
to  require  transplanting  in  order  to  attain  a higher  de- 
velopment. Witness  the  marvellous  improvements  made 
in  the  application  of  gunpou'der,  printing  and  the  mari- 
ner’s compass.  This  may  be  due  to  an  inborn  conservatism 
which  makes  the  Chinese  reluctant  to  alter  the  methods 
approved  by  their  fathers. 

II.  The  same  observation  may  be  made  in  regard  to 
their  essays  in  the  field  of  science.  Ideas  which  in  their 
native  soil  have  remained  stunted  and  deformed  yield  a 
rich  fruitage  under  a more  genial  sky. 

1.  Notably  is  this  the  case  with  Alchemy,*  which  in 
the  western  world  has  expanded  into  a vast  body  of  sci- 
ence which,  in  no  mean  sense,  fulfils  its  promise  of  trans- 
muting baser  elements  into  gold.  In  its  native  soil  it  con- 
tinues to  be  an  occult  art  laden  with  all  the  superstitions 
of  the  middle  ages. 

There  is  no  other  science  for  which  we  are  indebted 
to  China,  but  there  are  many  in  which  the  Chinese  made 
a beginning  at  an  epoch  when  Europe  was  still  in  a state 
of  barbarism. 

2.  Astronomy.  In  this  they  made  a good  beginning 
twenty-two  centuries  before  Christ.  They  had  an  astro- 
nomical board  with  regular  professors,  two  of  whom  were 
put  to  death  for  failing,  as  some  think,  to  foretell  an 

* See  chap.  III. 


30 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


eclipse  of  the  sun.  Others,  however,  suppose  that  their 
offense  was  failing  to  solemnize  the  event  with  proper 
rites. 

At  that  epoch  they  had  fixed  the  length  of  the  year 
more  exactly  than  it  was  fixed  by  the  Romans  in  the  time 
of  Numa.  In  their  later  astronomy  Indian  and  Babylonian 
influences  are  conspicuous  and  we  are  unable  to  assign  to 
them  any  credit  beyond  that  of  being  good  observers. 

3.  Mathematics.  Decimal  Arithmetic,  we  are  told, 
was  brought  to  Europe  by  the  Arabs,  along  with  what  we 
still  call  the  Arabic  figures.  That  the  Arabs  obtained 
it  from  India  requires  no  demonstration ; but  did  it  origi- 
nate in  India?  Whether  it  passed  from  China  to  India  or 
vice  versa  is  not  easy  to  determine.  It  is  not  very  likely, 
however,  that  the  Chinese  would  borrow  it  as  early  as 
2600  b.  c.,  when  their  chronological  computation  was 
adopted — a system  in  which  it  is  manifestly  involved. 
Their  oldest  arithmetic,  the  Chou  Pei , proceeds  upon  it, 
and  that  dates,  in  part  at  least,  from  the  Chou  dynasty, 
whose  name  it  bears,  1125  b.  c. 

Not  a little  remarkable  is  it  that  this  venerable  book 
contains  a treatise  on  right-angled  triangles,  bearing  the 
name  of  Chou  Kung,  the  founder  of  the  House  of  Chou. 
Trigonometry  as  it  appeared  in  Europe  is  ascribed  to  the 
Hindus,  but  with  them  it  dates  from  the  Greek  invasion, 
having  been  developed  from  the  Geometry  of  the  Greeks. 
Of  Algebra  the  Chinese  possess  an  original  form  called 
Tien  Yuan,  which  though  not  found  in  any  book  earlier 
than  A.  D.  1247,  gives  signs  of  being  of  indigenous 
growth.  The  words  Tien  and  Yuan  are  equivalent  to  x 
and  y signs  for  unknown  quantities. 

4.  Physics.  Ether,  that  mysterious  substance  which 
of  late  has  forced  itself  on  the  attention  of  our 
philosophers  as  a necessary  postulate,  was  known  to  the 


CHINESE  DISCOVERIES 


31 

Chinese  a thousand  years  ago.  It  is,  says  Professor 
Lodge,  “ The  simplest  conception  of  the  Universe  that  has 
yet  occurred  to  the  mind  of  man — one  continuous  sub- 
stance filling  all  space,  which  can  vibrate  as  light,  which 
can  be  parted  into  positive  and  negative  electricity,  which 
in  whirls  or  vortices  constitutes  matter,  and  which  trans- 
mits by  continuity,  not  by  impact,  every  action  and  re- 
action of  which  matter  is  capable — this  is  the  modern 
view  of  ether  and  its  functions.” 

This  conception,  as  I shall  show  in  the  next  chapter, 
is  not  new  to  the  philosophers  of  China.  How  early  it 
appeared  there  it  is  not  easy  to  affirm — perhaps  eleven 
centuries  before  our  era,  when  the  earliest  speculations  on 
the  forces  of  nature  were  embodied  in  the  I Ching,  or 
“ Book  of  Changes.”  It  is  found  as  a full-fledged  doc- 
trine in  several  writers  of  the  eleventh  century  of  our  era, 
who  not  only  speak  of  an  ethereal  medium,  but  ascribe  to 
it  all  the  properties  above  enumerated,  except  that  of  pro- 
ducing electricity. 

The  word  Ether  is  Greek,  but  our  scientific  use  of  it  is 
essentially  Chinese.  .That  we  borrowed  the  idea  from 
China  I will  not  assert,  but  it  is  easy  to  point  out  a way 
by  which  it  might  have  passed  into  Europe.  The  author 
of  the  modern  theory  of  ether  is  Rene  Descartes.  Edu- 
cated at  the  Jesuit  Seminary  of  La  Fleche  in  France,  who 
can  prove  that  he  did  not  there  meet  with  fragments  of 
Chinese  philosophy  in  the  writings  of  Jesuit  missionaries  ? 

5.  If  the  Chinese  had  the  Cartesian  philosophy  before 
Descartes,  it  is  equally  true  that  they  understood  the 
Baconian  method  before  Bacon.  They  knew  the  doctrine 
only  to  reject  it,  as  did  Descartes  at  a later  date.  Even 
such  general  ideas  as  that  of  Biological  Evolution,  and 
that  of  the  conservation  of  energy,  they  appear  to  have 
apprehended  with  great  clearness,  but  they  never  took  the 


32 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


trouble  to  fortify  them  by  the  laborious  process  of  sys- 
tematic induction.  Says  Mencius,  “ The  study  of  nature 
has  for  its  object  to  get  at  the  causes  of  things.  In  causes 
the  ground  principle  is  advantage.  Tho’  heaven  is  high, 
and  sun  and  stars  are  far  away,  if  we  could  find  out  the 
causes  of  their  phenomena,  we  might  sit  still  and  calculate 
the  solstice  of  a thousand  years.” 

In  this  remarkable  speech  uttered  400  b.  c.  he  shows 
that  he  knew  how  to  set  about  the  study  of  nature.  It 
might  perhaps  be  going  too  far  to  affirm,  that  in  speaking 
of  “ advantage  ” as  a fundamental  principle  in  natural 
causes,  he  anticipated  the  author  of  The  Origin  of 
Species ; yet  this  obscure  hint,  if  followed  up,  might  have 
led  to  Darwin’s  doctrine. 

As  most  of  the  points  under  this  last  head  are  treated 
in  the  next  chapter,  I bring  the  enumeration  to  a close  by 
inquiring  why  the  Chinese  failed  to  profit  by  their  discov- 
eries? The  answer  is  brief  but  decided:  In  the  arts,  the 
slavish  habit  of  following  in  the  footsteps  of  their 
fathers  acted  as  a bar  to  improvement.  In  the  sciences, 
progress  was  rendered  impossible  by  a system  of  state 
education  which  made  the  ancient  classics  the  only  basis 
of  public  instruction. 


II 


CHINESE  SPECULATION  IN  PHILOSOPHY  AND  SCIENCE 

THE  term  speculative  philosophy*  is  a little  hazy ; 
perhaps,  however,  not  more  so  than  the  thing 
indicated.  It  represents  an  early  stage  of 
thought  prior  to  the  rise  of  physical  science — may  we 
not  add  prior  to,  and  for  the  most  part  in  neglect  of,  that 
logic  whose  office  it  is  to  analyze  the  process  of  reasoning 
and  to  fix  the  limits  of  knowledge? 

Irregular  and  haphazard  as  it  has  shown  itself  in  most 
countries,  it  is  not  inaptly  described  by  the  word  specu- 
lation, as  understood  in  business  transactions.  Why  is  it 
that  the  speculator  in  the  stock  market  may,  as  by  the  cast 
of  a die,  achieve  fortune  or  provoke  ruin?  Is  it  not 
because  the  unknown  and  the  variable  are  elements  that 
elude  his  grasp?  Yet  the  element  of  uncertainty  is  pre- 
cisely that  which  contributes  most  to  the  fascination  of  his 
ventures.  Has  it  not  been  the  same  with  most  of  those 
early  thinkers  who  have  undertaken  to  explain  the 
mystery  of  existence? 

When  the  pole  of  which  they  are  in  search  is  hedged 
about  by  frozen  seas,  what  wonder  if  their  happiest  efforts 
have  not  been  rewarded  by  complete  success?  Yet  has  the 
pursuit  of  truth  in  those  regions  and  in  all  ages  been 
justly  regarded  as  the  most  ennobling  occupation  of  the 
human  mind.  Nor  has  it  been  barren  of  results.  Would 

* This  chapter  is  included  under  the  head  of  Science,  notwith- 
standing the  word  Philosbphy  in  its  title,  because  it  deals  chiefly 
with  the  study  of  nature. 


33 


34 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


it  not  be  a surprise  to  find  that  Chinese  explorers  in 
these  high  latitudes  have  planted  their  standard  nearer  to 
the  pole  than  those  of  most  other  nations? 

To  show  what  they  have  accomplished,  I shall  not  deem 
it  necessary  to  trace  their  philosophy,  even  in  outline, 
from  the  dawn  of  speculation,  but  shall  select  a period 
when  their  speculative  thought  was  most  active  and  when 
the  now  dominant  philosophy  was  formulated.  Of  the 
forty  centuries  included  in  the  records  of  the  Chinese 
Empire,  there  is  one  century,  and  no  other,  that  can  be 
selected  as  preeminently  the  age  of  philosophy.  This  was 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Sung  dynasty  ( 1020  to  1 120  a.  d.  ), 
when  gross  darkness  brooded  over  Europe  and  when  the 
western  world  was  convulsed  by  the  Crusades.  Earlier 
dynasties  had  been  distinguished  by  various  forms  of  in- 
tellectual activity, — one  by  the  invention  of  political  sys- 
tems, one  by  historical  writings,  one  for  poetry  and  the 
drama,  etc., — but  not  until  this  epoch  did  the  Chinese 
mind  evince  a disposition  to  question  everything  in  heaven 
and  earth.  In  the  work  of  setting  anew  the  foundations  of 
faith  and  knowledge,  five  men  took  the  lead,  whose  family 
names  (two  being  brothers)  fall  curiously  into  an  allitera- 
tive line  of  four  syllables, — Chou,  Chang,  Cheng,  Chu, — 
all  so  distinguished  that  they  may  be  compared  with  a 
Pleiad  cluster,  a constellation  (and  are  there  not  many 
such?)  whose  light  has  not  yet  reached  our  shores.  The 
last  named  is  by  far  the  most  celebrated.  Not  more  origi- 
nal than  the  others,  he  combined  the  qualities  of  a labori- 
ous scholar  and  an  acute  thinker,  and  knew  how  to  gather 
the  scattered  rays  of  his  predecessors  into  a focus. 
Though  shining  in  part  by  borrowed  light,  Chu  Hsi  looms 
up  like  a pharos,  taking  (after  Confucius  and  Mencius) 
the  third  place  among  the  great  teachers  of  the  Chinese 
people.  All  five  were  Confucian  scholars,  but  there  can 


DR.  MARTIN  AND  SOME  OF  HIS  STUDENTS 


CHINESE  SPECULATION 


35 


be  no  doubt  that  their  mental  activity  was  stimulated  and 
its  direction  determined  by  the  speculations  of  Buddhist 
and  Taoist  writers.  Their  writings  derive  immense  im- 
portance from  the  fact  that  for  five  hundred  years,  since 
the  publication  by  imperial  authority  of  the  great  Ency- 
clopedia of  Philosophy,  they  have  been  accepted  by  the 
government  as  the  standard  of  orthodoxy  to  which  all 
who  aspire  to  the  honors  of  the  civil-service  examinations 
are  expected  to  conform.  Their  views  are  therefore  to  be 
taken  as  the  views  of  the  educated  men  of  the  China  of 
to-day. 

In  their  mode  of  philosophizing  they  resemble  Des- 
cartes more  than  Bacon.  Their  method  is  a priori,  and, 
like  the  great  Frenchman  who  had  read  Bacon  and  re- 
jected his  doctrine,  they  adopted  theirs,  not  through  ig- 
norance of  the  experimental  method,  but  from  choice. 
Confucius  himself  had  laid  down  the  maxim  that  “ knowl- 
edge comes  from  the  study  of  things,”  a maxim  which 
seems  as  much  out  of  place  in  his  pages  as  that  fine 
aphorism  which  sets  forth  the  value  of  experiment  does 
in  those  of  Plato:  IpKetpia  noiti  rov  aiaova  r/pabv  rtopeve- 
trflai  Kara  rixvVv<l>  rTtipia  Si  Kara  rvxvv ■* 

The  Chinese  assert  that  their  sage  wrote  a treatise  on 
the  experimental  study  of  nature,  but  that  it  was  lost,  and 
this  fact  they  offer  as  an  excuse  for  the  backwardness  of 
their  country  in  that  department  of  science.  Descartes’s 
preference  for  the  deductive  method  sprang  from  his 
mathematical  genius.  On  the  part  of  the  Chinese  it  was 
due  to  a desire  to  follow  what  they  considered  the  order 
of  nature.  Both  esteemed  it  most  rational  to  do  as  Stan- 
ley did  in  exploring  the  Congo — to  strike  the  stream  at  its 

* Experiment  (or  experience,  for  in  Greek  as  in  French  the 
word  means  both)  causes  the  world  to  go  forward  in  a scientific 
way;  the  want  of  it,  in  a haphazard  manner. — Gorgias. 


36 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


head  and  follow  it  down  to  the  sea — rather  than  with 
Bacon  to  enter  the  mouth  and  creep  slowly  upward 
against  the  current.  Which  is  the  more  daring  feat,  and 
which  the  more  certain  method,  needs  not  to  be  pointed 
out.  To  compare  the  two  methods  and  define  the  province 
of  each,  does  not  belong  to  our  present  theme.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  the  champions  of  the  one  not  infrequently 
made  use  of  the  other.  When  the  Baconian  got  hold  of  a 
great  principle,  he  did  not  fail  to  deduce  its  consequences ; 
nor,  on  the  other  hand,  did  a Cartesian  neglect  to  appeal 
to  experiment.  With  the  former  experiment  preceded 
discovery ; with  the  latter  it  was  employed  to  confirm 
conclusions. 

Practical  as  the  Chinese  mind  confessedly  is,  it  is  not 
a little  remarkable  that  in  the  study  of  nature  Chinese 
philosophers  have  never  made  extensive  use  of  the  in- 
ductive method.  That  they  have  not  been  unacquainted 
with  it  is  evident  from  the  following  questions  and 
answers  found  in  the  writings  of  the  brothers  Cheng: 

“ One  asked  whether,  to  arrive  at  a knowledge  of  na- 
ture, it  is  necessary  to  investigate  each  particular  object ; 
or  may  not  some  one  thing  be  seized  upon  from  which 
the  knowledge  of  many  things  may  be  derived  ? ” 

“ The  Master  replied  : ‘ A comprehensive  knowledge 

of  nature  is  not  so  easily  acquired.  You  must  examine 
one  thing  to-day  and  another  thing  to-morrow,  and  when 
you  have  accumulated  a store  of  facts,  your  knowledge 
will  burst  its  shell  and  come  forth  into  fuller  light,  con- 
necting all  the  particulars  by  general  laws.’  ” 

In  view  of  this  lucid  response  of  one  of  their  great 
oracles,  who  can  deny  that  the  Chinese  had  a clear  con- 
ception of  the  inductive  method  five  hundred  years  before 
Bacon  ? But,  as  Channing  says,  “ Great  men  are  not  so 
much  distinguished  by  difference  of  ideas,  as  by  different 


CHINESE  SPECULATION 


37 


degrees  in  the  impression  made  by  the  same  idea.”  Con- 
trast with  this  a dictum  of  Chang,  the  second  of  the  five : 
“To  know  nature,  you  must  first  know  Heaven.  If 
you  have  pushed  your  science  so  far  as  to  know  Heaven, 
then  you  are  at  the  source  of  all  things.  Knowing  their 
evolution  you  can  tell  what  ought  to  he,  and  what  ought 
not  to  be,  without  waiting  for  anyone  to  inform  you.” 
The  former  statement  made  no  impression  on  the  Chinese 
mind,  while  the  latter  is  universally  regarded  as  its  guid- 
ing star.  How  different  must  have  been  the  history  of  the 
world  had  Chinese  thinkers,  instead  of  seeking  for  a short 
cut  to  universal  knowledge,  been  content  to  study  one 
thing  at  a time,  with  a view  to  “ connecting  all  the 
particulars  by  general  laws.” 

In  accordance  with  the  principle  so  confidently  enunci- 
ated, Chang  and  his  followers  (and  his  predecessors  as 
well)  have  directed  their  main  attack  to  the  problems  of 
cosmogony,  believing  that  they  might  thereby  arrive  at 
the  “ source  of  all  things.”  Tomes  are  filled  with  conjec- 
tures and  reasonings  which  it  would  be  unprofitable  to 
follow  out  in  detail.  The  results,  however,  if  I may  so 
call  them,  which  they  reached  by  a sort  of  happy  guess 
work,  are  not  unworthy  of  notice,  forming  as  they  do  the 
philosophical  creed  of  educated  China. 

Stimulated,  as  I have  said,  by  the  speculations  of  Bud- 
dhist and  Taoist  schools,  they  took  care  to  follow  neither; 
and  betray  the  influence  of  these  sectaries  chiefly  by  the 
pains  they  are  at  to  steer  a middle  course  between  the  two. 
To  the  one  school,  mind  is  the  only  entity,  and  matter  a 
deceptive  figment  of  the  imagination ; to  the  other,  matter 
is  the  sole  essence,  and  mind  one  of  its  products.  Each 
inculcated  a species  of  monism.  The  thinkers  of  the 
Sung  dynasty,  combining  these  one-sided  conceptions, 
boldly  assert  a dualism  in  nature,  and  fix  on  li  and  ch’i, 


3» 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


force  and  matter,  as  the  seminal  principles  of  the 
universe.* 

Is  it  not  a little  startling  to  find  them  at  that  early  date 
hitting  on  a generalization  which  to  us  appears  among  the 
late  results  of  modern  science?  Yet  we  shall  see  as  we 
advance  that  this  is  not  the  only  instance  in  which  their 
unscientific  speculations  have  anticipated  the  teachings  of 
modern  science. 

Both  terms  in  their  dual  formula  require  elucidation. 
Of  the  two  principles,  one  is  active,  the  other  passive.  I 
have  rendered  li  by  the  word  “ force,”  as  being  active,  but 
it  is  not  mere  force.  The  word  signifies  a principle  of 
order,  a law  of  nature.  It  is  often  synonymous  with  Tao, 
“ reason,”  answering  to  the  Greek  logos.  When  Chu  Hsi 
says  that  “ heaven  is  li,”  he  evidently  means  that  the 
prime  force  in  the  universe  is  reason, — exactly  the  position 
maintained  by  the  Taoists,  though  they  use  Tao,  and  not 
li,  to  express  the  idea.  With  both,  this  reason,  if  we  may 
so  call  it,  is  rather  a property  of  mind  than  mind  itself. 
Each  denies  its  personality,  not  perceiving  that  a property 
implies  a substance,  and  that  in  this  case  the  substance 
must  be  mind. 

Ch’i,  the  second  term  of  the  formula,  being  passive,  is 
matter.  In  popular  use,  however,  it  is  limited  to  matter  in 
a gaseous  form  and  in  these  philosophical  speculations  it 
means  primordial  matter.  Hear  what  they  say  of  it : 

In  a treatise  called  Cheng  Meng  “ Right  Discipline  for 
Youth,”  Chang,  with  a thoroughness  characteristic  of  the 
Chinese,  begins  with  the  origin  of  the  universe.  “ The 
immensity  of  space,  though  called  the  great  void,”  he  says, 

* They  profess  to  derive  their  doctrines  from  the  I C/ting,  the 
Chinese  Genesis— and  so  do  the  Taoists.  It  is  surprising  with 
what  skill  each  school  succeeds  in  reading  its  tenets  into  that 
ancient  text,  parts  of  which  are  referred  to  b.  c.  2800 1 


CHINESE  SPECULATION 


39 


“ is  not  void.  It  is  filled  with  a subtile  substance.  In 
fact,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a vacuum.”  Now  what  is 
this  omnipresent  “ subtile  substance?  ” If  we  compare  the 
descriptions  of  it  given  by  these  writers,  we  cannot  resist 
the  conclusion  that  it  is  ether ; not  the  ether  of  the  Greeks, 
the  burning  air,  the  empyrean,  but  the  all-pervading  ether 
of  our  modern  science.  It  is  the  stuff  out  of  which  matter 
was  produced.  This  is  now  a familiar  idea,  not  of  sci- 
ence, but  of  scientific  speculation.  It  is  set  forth  with 
special  fullness  in  a work  on  the  unseen  universe,  by  those 
eminent  professors,  P.  G.  Tate  and  Balfour  Stewart, 
along  with  the  correlative  doctrine  of  the  reversion  of 
matter  to  its  primitive  state. 

Our  Chinese  philosophers  taught  the  same  thing  cen- 
turies ago.  What  says  the  author  of  Right  Discipline ? 
His  words  are:  “ Within  the  immensity  of  space  matter 
is  alternately  concentrated  and  dissipated,  much  as  ice  is 
congealed  or  dissolved  in  water.”  Not  merely  do  they 
antedate  these  English  writers  in  making  it  the  source 
of  matter,  they  seem  to  have  hit  on  the  dynamical  theory 
of  the  molecule,  and  particularly  on  vortex  motion,  as  the 
process  of  transformation.  Chou,  a contemporary  of 
Chang,  is  known  as  the  author  of  a diagram  of  cos- 
mogony. He  begins  with  a ring  or  circle  of  uniform 
whiteness,  representing  the  primitive  uniform  ether. 
Then  follows  a circle  partly  dark,  which  shows  the  origi- 
nal substance  differentiated  into  two  forms,  »or  rather 
forces,  called  Yin  and  Yang.  Speaking  of  this  diagram, 
“ It  shows,”  says  Chu,  the  great  expositor  of  the  Chinese 
canonical  books,  “ how  the  primitive  void  is  transformed 
into  matter.”  The  two  forces,  mo  lai  mo  ch’ii,  grind  back 
and  forth,  like  millstones,  in  opposite  directions,  and  the 
detritus  resulting  from  their  friction  is  what  we  call 
matter.” 


4o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Perhaps  the  most  striking  point  in  this  Chinese  cos- 
mogony is  the  account  it  gives  of  the  creation  of  light. 
T’ai  ch’i  tung  erh  sheng  yang.  “ The  primal  essence 
moved,  and  light  was  bom.”  That  the  mode  of  motion 
was  vibratory  they  also  conjectured,  but  I do  not  assert 
that  they  ever  carried  their  researches  so  far  as  to  measure 
the  length  of  a luminiferous  wave,  a performance  which 
may  now  be  witnessed  any  day  in  our  physical  laboratories. 
The  Occidental  theory  of  the  ether  and  its  functions  is 
confirmed  by  a magnificent  array  of  scientific  facts ; the 
Oriental  theory,  standing  apart  from  experimental  sci- 
ence, never  emerged  from  the  state  of  speculation ; a 
speculation  wonderfully  acute  and  sublime,  in  which  the 
scientific  imagination  shows  itself  to  the  best  advantage, 
divining  as  if  by  instinct  great  truths  which  require 
for  their  confirmation  the  slower  process  of  patient 
investigation.  Nor  must  we  forget  that  in  the  West 
this  theory  existed  in  the  state  of  a discarded  specula- 
tion for  at  least  two  centuries  before  it  received  the  seal 
of  science. 

The  first  European  to  get  a glimpse  of  the  circumam- 
bient ocean  was  Rene  Descartes.  His  mistake  in  referring 
the  motions  of  the  planets  to  whirlpools  of  ether  brought 
discredit  on  his  whole  system,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  he  also  held  that  minute  vortices  were  necessary  to 
explain  the  constitution  of  matter.  But  what  a glorious 
resurrection  awaited  it ! In  the  last  year  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  touched  literally  by  a sunbeam,  it  woke 
from  its  long  slumber.  Young  found  it  necessary  to  the 
hypothesis  of  undulations,  to  which  he  was  led  by  the 
interference  of  rays,  and  Fresnel  resorted  to  it  to  explain 
the  phenomena  of  polarization.  If  this  revival  enhances 
the  respect  with  which  we  regard  the  “ father  of  modern 
philosophy,”  should  it  not  also  reflect  a little  luster  on 


CHINESE  SPECULATION 


41 


those  early  thinkers  of  the  far  East  who  made  the 
Cartesian  ether  the  basis  of  their  cosmogony? 

Two  or  three  doctrines  that  have  played  a great  part  in 
the  intellectual  movements  of  our  age  remain  to  be 
noticed  as  having  been  long  ago  propounded  by  the  specu- 
lative philosophers  of  China.  That  they  should  have 
some  conception  of  an  evolutionary  process  in  nature  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at.  What  but  a most  thoroughgoing 
doctrine  of  evolution  is  to  be  expected  from  men  who 
begin  with  the  evolution  of  matter?  The  original  unity 
of  matter,  suggested  by  modern  researches  in  molecular 
physics,  we  may  remark,  was  assumed  in  all  of  their  cos- 
mological speculations.  What  the  eminent  physicist,  J. 
W.  Draper,  says  of  the  alchemists  of  Europe  is  true  in  a 
still  higher  degree  of  those  of  China,  who  led  the  way, 
both  in  speculation  and  investigation.  “ They  were  the 
first  to  seize  the  grand  idea  of  evolution  in  its  widest 
extent  as  a progress  from  the  imperfect  to  the  more  per- 
fect in  lifeless  as  well  as  living  nature,  in  an  increasing 
progression  in  which  all  things  take  part  toward  a higher 
and  nobler  state.”  This  view  is  prominent  in  the  writings 
of  many  of  the  philosophers  of  ancient  China. 

Here  is  a statement  from  the  works  of  one  of  the  Cheng 
brothers,  which  shows  that  they  came  very  near  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  conservation  of  energy.  He  says : “ Body 
in  motion  is  force.  Its  contact  with  another  is  followed 
by  a reaction  or  effect.  This  effect  in  turn  acts  as  a force 
producing  another  effect,  and  so  on  without  end.” 
“ Here,”  he  adds,  “ is  a vast  subject  for  the  student  of 
philosophy.”  The  Chinese  “ students  of  philosophy  ” have 
not  troubled  themselves  to  verify  this,  any  more  than 
other  shrewd  guesses  of  their  predecessors.  The  remark, 
however,  which  Chu  makes  on  this  passage  shows  a com- 
prehensive grasp  of  the  idea.  “ Heaven  and  earth,”  he 


42 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


says,  “ with  all  they  contain,  are  nothing  but  transforma- 
tions of  one  primitive  force.” 

In  conclusion,  the  cosmogony  of  our  Chinese  philoso- 
phers is  by  no  means  so  atheistic  as  it  might  appear. 
True,  Chu  Hsi,  the  authorized  expounder  of  their  system, 
says : “ We  must  beware  of  thinking  that  there  is  a man 
up  in  the  sky,  who  controls  the  motion  of  the  universe.” 
But  he  does  not  deny  that  there  is  a power  at  work  whose 
nature  is  inscrutable.  Says  Chang,  the  most  daring  of  the 
five : “ The  great  void  is  filled  with  a pure  or  perfect  fluid. 
Since  it  is  perfectly  fluid,  it  offers  no  obstruction  to  move- 
ment ” (i.  e.j  it  neither  impedes  motion  nor  is  its  proper 
motion  impeded).  “There  being  no  obstruction  [i.  e., 
nothing  to  bring  about  a change  of  state],  a divine  force 
converts  the  pure  into  the  gross.”  To  explain  the  cre- 
ation of  matter,  he  invokes,  though  reluctantly,  the  inter- 
vention of  a divine  power.  Is  it  not  what  Horace  calls 
Nodus  tali  vindice  dignusf 

That  our  Chinese  thinkers  meant  God  in  a proper 
sense,  I will  not  affirm,  but  they  considerately  leave  room 
for  him.  Have  we  not  seen  that  one  of  the  dual  principles 
postulated  by  them  is  invested  with  some  of  the  “ at- 
tributes of  mind?”  They  dogmatize  about  self-acting 
laws,  but  there  is  reason  to  expect  that  another  genera- 
tion will  come  to  understand  that  law  implies  mind,  and 
will  proclaim  with  Emerson  that 

“ Conscious  law  is  King  of  kings.” 

To  them  our  Western  school  of  agnosticism  is,  as  yet 
unknown.  In  that  line,  too,  they  are  in  advance  of  us 
by  several  centuries.  But  their  agnosticism  is  of  a milder 
type  than  ours.  It  is  not  aggressive,  neither  is  it  so 
bigoted  as  not  to  be  open  to  conviction.  It  is,  moreover, 
as  the  Occidental  is  not,  profoundly  reverential.  For  this 


CHINESE  SPECULATION 


43 


habit  of  mind  it  is  indebted  to  Confucius,  who,  to  wean 
his  people  from  debasing  forms  of  idolatry,  employed  for 
the  Supreme  Being  the  vague  term  Heaven,  and  dis- 
couraged them  from  prying  into  those  transcendental 
mysteries  hidden  bv  the  veil  of  blue.  He  believed,  how- 
ever, in  a moral  government,  and  so  do  all  his  followers 
to  this  day.  He  ascribed  to  the  object  of  his  reverence 
more  of  personality  than  they  are  willing  to  admit.  “ The 
superior  man,”  he  said,  “ fears  three  things,  and  the  first 
is  Heaven.”  “ With  what  words  does  Heaven  speak  to 
us?  ” he  asks  again.  “ The  seasons  run  their  rounds,  and 
animal  and  vegetable  life  displays  itself  in  a hundred 
forms.  These  are  the  language  of  Heaven.”  He  ap- 
proaches far  nearer  to  the  Christian  idea  of  God  than  the 
negations  of  Buddha,  or  the  metamorphoses  of  Taoism ; 
and  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  his  disciples  will  come 
back  to  the  mental  attitude  of  their  great  master,  which 
has  been  somewhat  obscured  by  later  speculations.  To 
bring  them  back,  and  to  carry  them  beyond  it,  they 
require,  above  all  things,  a truer  logic  and  a juster  psy- 
chology than  they  have  ever  possessed.* 

Happy  will  it  be  for  China  when  those  who  control  the 
opinions  of  the  people  learn,  in  that  vague  Power  of 
which  they  stand  in  awe,  to  recognize  the  Pater  Mnndi. 

* With  a view  to  meeting  this  demand,  I prepared  three  years 
ago,  in  Chinese,  a volume  on  Christian  Psychology,  which  was  in- 
troduced to  the  Chinese  world  by  a preface  from  the  pen  of 
Li  Hung  Chang,  and  published  by  the  Society  for  the  Diffusion 
of  Useful  Knowledge. 


Ill 


'ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA,  THE  SOURCE  OF  CHEMISTRY 

“ The  search  itself  rewards  the  pains ; 

So  though  the  chymist  his  great  secret  miss, 

For  neither  it  in  art  nor  nature  is, 

Yet  things  well  worth  his  toil  he  gains, 

And  does  his  charge  and  labor  pay, 

With  good  unsought  experiments  by  the  way.” 

— Cowley. 

ONE  in  their  etymological  origin,  the  words  Al- 
chemy and  Chemistry  describe  different  stages 
in  the  progress  of  the  same  science.  The 
former  represents  it  in  its  infancy,  nursed  on  the  bosom  of 
superstition;  its  field  of  vision  limited  to  special  objects, 
and  vainly  striving  to  accomplish  the  impossible.  The 
latter  presents  it  in  its  maturity,  when,  emancipated  from 
puerile  fancies,  it  claims  the  realm  of  nature  for  its 
domain,  and  the  laws  of  matter  as  its  proper  study. 

A glance  at  alchemy  as  practiced  in  the  West  will  be 
necessary  to  prepare  us  for  understanding  the  role  it  has 
played  in  the  distant  Orient. 

In  its  earlier  stage  it  acknowledged  no  other  aim  than 
the  pursuit  of  the  philosopher’s  stone  and  the  elixir  of 
life.  In  its  more  advanced  state  it  renounces  them  both, 
yet  it  secures  substantial  advantages  of  scarcely  inferior 
magnitude,  alleviating  disease  and  prolonging  life  by  the 
improvements  it  has  introduced  into  the  practice  of  medi- 
cine ; while  by  the  mastery  it  gives  us  over  the  elements 


44 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


45 


of  nature  it  surpasses  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of 
its  early  votaries. 

Those  early  votaries,  whether  they  lived  and  labored  in 
the  West  or  East,  should  not  be  forgotten.  They  were 
the  intrepid  divers  who  explored  the  bottom  of  the  stream, 
and  laid  the  foundation  for  those  magnificent  arches  on 
which  modern  science  has  erected  her  easy  thoroughfare. 
Like  coral  insects,  “ building  better  than  they  knew,”  they 
toiled  upward  in  the  midst  of  darkness,  guided  only  by  a 
faint  glimmer  of  the  light,  but  without  any  conception  of 
the  extent  and  richness  of  the  new  world  of  knowledge 
that  was  destined  to  spring  from  their  ill-directed  labors. 
Heirs  of  the  world’s  experience,  and  themselves  daring 
experimenters,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  find  them  in 
possession  of  a large  mass  of  empirical  information.* 

The  old  Arabian  Geber,f  as  early  as  the  eighth  century, 
was  acquainted  with  the  preparation  of  sulphuric  acid 
and  aqua  regia,  and  gave  an  elaborate  description  of  the 
more  useful  metals.  He  was  a chemist ; if  A.  Von  Hum- 
boldt is  right  in  saying  that  “ Chemistry  begins  when 
men  have  learned  to  employ  mineral  acids  and  powerful 
solvents.” 

In  the  twelfth  century,  Albertus  Magnus J understood 

* Cowley  expresses  this  idea  in  the  verses  prefixed  to  this 
essay,  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  contain  more  truth  than 
poetry. 

tFrom  his  name  comes  gibberish  much  as  dunce  comes  from 
Duns  Scotus. 

t Humboldt  speaks  of  Albertus  Magnus  as  “ an  independent 
observer  in  the  domain  of  analytical  chemistry ; ” and  adds, 
“ It  is  true  that  his  hopes  were  directed  to  the  transmutation  of 
metals,  but  in  his  attempts  to  fulfil  this  object  he  not  only 
improved  the  practical  manipulation  of  ores,  but  also  enlarged 
the  insight  of  men  into  the  general  mode  of  action  of  the 
chemical  forces  of  nature.” 


46 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  cupellation  of  gold  and  silver,  and  their  purification  by 
means  of  lead,  as  also  the  preparation  of  caustic  potassa, 
ceruse,  and  minium. 

In  the  thirteenth,  Roger  Bacon  described  with  accuracy 
the  properties  of  saltpetre,  giving  the  recipe  for  gun- 
powder, and  approaching  very  nearly  to  the  explanation 
of  the  functions  of  air  in  combustion. 

In  the  same  century,  Raymond  Lully  described  the 
process  of  obtaining  the  essential  oils ; and,  a little  later, 
Basil  Valentine  obtained  copper  from  blue  vitriol  by  the 
use  of  iron ; and  discovered  antimony,  sulphuric  ether, 
and  fulminating  gold.  Isaac  de  Hollandais  fabricated 
gems  and  described  the  process.  Brandt,  while  analyzing 
a human  body  in  quest  of  the  philosopher’s  stone, 
stumbled  on  the  discovery  of  phosphorus. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Paracelsus 
did  much  to  overthrow  the  inert  methods  of  the  Galenists, 
and  gained  a great  and  well-deserved  reputation  by  intro- 
ducing the  use  of  mineral  medicines,  i.  e.  of  chemical 
compounds.*  This  last-named  individual,  though  among 
its  more  modern  professors,  may  be  taken  as  the  very  best 
type  of  the  so-called  science  of  alchemy,  whether  in  its 
wisdom  or  its  folly,  in  the  absurdity  of  its  pretensions  or 
in  the  solid  value  of  its  actual  achievements.  His  name. 
Philippus  Aureolus  Theophrastus  Bombastes  Paracelsus 
von  Hohenheim,  is  synonymous  with  charlatan ; and  his 
fate  sadly  illustrates  the  history  of  his  profession,  which 
one  of  his  fellow-laborers  describes  as  “ beginning  in 
deceit,  progressing  with  toil,  and  ending  in  beggary.” 

* “ With  the  rise  of  the  Spagyrists  and  Paracelsus,  who  taught 
that  the  true  use  of  chemistry  is  not  to  make  gold,  but  medicines, 
we  seem  to  perceive  the  first  attempt  at  a rational  pursuit  of  the 
study”  (review  of  article  "Chemistry”  in  the  Encyclopedia 
Britannica;  Nature,  January,  1877.) 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


47 


His  life  was  terminated,  like  those  of  so  many  professed 
adepts,  by  imbibing  a draught  of  his  own  elixir.*  Nor 
was  Paracelsus  the  last  victim  of  this  bewitching  delusion. 
In  1784,  Dr.  Price,  an  English  physician,  after  having 
made  gold  in  the  presence  of  several  persons,  and  pre- 
sented some  of  the  precious  product  to  George  III.,  on 
being  examined  by  a scientific  commission,  committed 
suicide  to  escape  the  shame  of  exposure. 

Alchemy  is  not  exclusively  an  old-world  delusion.  It 
crossed  the  ocean  in  the  Mayflower  along  with  witch- 
craft. 

“ One  of  the  most  curious  things  revealed  to  us  in  these 
volumes  (of  voyages)”  says  Mr.  Lowell,  “is  the  fact 
that  John  Winthrop  Jr.,  was  seeking  the  philosopher’s 
stone.” 

In  Jonathan  Brewster,  we  have  a specimen  (of  a dif- 
ferent kind).  Is  it  not  curious  that  there  should  have 
been  a balneum  7>iorial  at  New  London,  two  hundred 
years  ago?  that  la  recherche  de  labiolti  should  have 
been  going  on  there  in  a log  hut  under  constant  fear  that 
the  Indians  would  put  out,  not  merely  the  flower  of  one 
little  life,  but  rob  the  world  of  this  divine  secret.! 

Dr.  Barnard,  “ the  diamond-maker  of  Sacramento,” 
with  his  feet  on  the  auriferous  dust  of  California,  sacri- 
ficed his  life  a few  years  ago  in  the  vain  attempt  to  manu- 
facture something  more  precious  than  gold.  Charging 

* Of  martyrs  of  science  of  this  description,  no  country  can 
show  a longer  catalogue  than  China.  It  may  be  found  in  extenso 
in  native  polemics  against  the  Taoist  religion,  or  scattered 
through  the  pages  of  the  national  histories.  It  will  be  sufficient 
here  to  refer  to  the  Emperors  Mu  Tsung  (a.  d.  825),  and  Wu 
Tsung  (a.  d.  847),  of  the  T’ang  dynasty,  both  of  whom  are  said 
to  have  shortened  their  lives  by  drinking  a pretended  elixir  of 
immortality. 

t Among  My  Books,  pp.  253,  2 56. 


48 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


a hollow  sphere  with  the  costly  ingredients,  which,  on  the 
application  of  fire,  were  to  crystallize  into  diamonds,  he 
was  blown  into  the  air  by  a premature  explosion,  and 
died  without  revealing  the  secret  of  which  he  believed 
himself  to  be  the  sole  depositary.* 

In  Germany  a Societas  Hermetica  existed  as  late  as 
the  year  1819;  and  this  suggests  a suspicion  that  the  race 
of  alchemists  may  not  yet  be  altogether  extinct,  even 
among  us.  In  fact  the  papers  tell  us  of  a man,  who,  in 
Canada,  in  1877,  committed  suicide  for  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  testing  the  virtues  of  a restorative  elixir  which 
he  professed  to  have  invented.  By  the  side  of  his  lifeless 
corpse  a letter  was  found  directing  that  “ a few  particles 
of  my  ' creative  all-changeful  essence  ’ be  scattered  over 
my  remains,  when  the  elements  will  resolve  themselves 
into  a new  combination,  and  I will  reappear  a living  evi- 
dence of  the  truth  of  this  new  discovery.”  If  these  are 
the  words  of  a madman,  they  are  those  of  one  whose 
brain  was  turned  by  the  study  of  alchemy.  A large  bottle 
containing  the  elixir  was  found  standing  by  the  letter.  If 
this  poor  fellow  was  the  last  to  offer  himself  as  a sacri- 
fice to  the  Moloch  of  alchemy,  the  last  alchemist  who 
succeeded  in  victimizing  the  public  was  Count  Cagliostro, 
who,  after  vending  his  “ elixir  of  immortal  youth  ” in 
most  of  the  courts  of  Europe,  closed  his  career  in  a papal 
prison  in  1795.! 

* His  melancholy  history  was  given  at  length  under  the  title 
of  “ The  Diamond-maker  of  Sacramento,”  some  years  ago,  in  the 
Overland  Monthly,  a spirited  magazine  of  San  Francisco,  suc- 
cessfully edited  by  the  poet  Bret  Harte,  and  the  Hon.  B.  P. 
Avery,  late  U.  S.  Minister  at  Peking.  Against  the  possibility  of 
making  large  transparent  crystals  of  pure  carbon,  modern  chem- 
istry has  never  undertaken  to  pronounce;  the  ancient  and  unsuc- 
cessful diamond  makers,  however,  were  not  chemists  but  alche- 
mists. 

f Scientific  American,  March  31,  1877. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


49 


In  China,  the  hermetic  art  still  flourishes  in  full  vigor. 
The  Abbe  Hue,  in  his  History  of  Christianity  in  China, 
relates  an  amusing  incident  illustrating  the  ardor  with 
which  these  persevering  Orientals  still  continue  to  pursue 
the  golden  phantom.  When  the  missionaries  established 
themselves  in  Chao  Ch’ing,  in  Canton  province,  a com- 
pany of  educated  natives  possessed  of  considerable  means 
were  busily  engaged  in  seeking  to  solve  the  problem  of 
ages.  A servant  of  the  missionaries  hinted  to  them  that 
those  learned  Europeans  were  already  in  possession  of  it. 
Believing  his  assertion,  they  began  to  load  him  with 
favors  to  induce  him  to  obtain  the  secret,  for  their  ad- 
vantage. They  gave  him  fine  clothes,  and  furnished  him 
with  money  to  hire  handsome  apartments  and  purchase  a 
beautiful  wife;  while  he,  on  his  part,  was  in  no  haste  to 
fulfil  his  engagement.  He  was  only  waiting  for  the 
Western  sphinxes  to  open  their  lips.  But  the  patience  of 
his  generous  victims  finally  gave  out ; or,  what  is  more 
probable,  they  learned  from  the  missionaries  that  they 
had  no  such  secret  to  communicate.  To  escape  their 
vengeance,  the  crafty  rogue  was  compelled  to  fly  to  a 
neighboring  city,  where  he  ended  his  days  in  a prison. 

If  the  Chinese  are  the  last  to  surrender  this  pleasing 
delusion,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  they  deserve 
the  more  honorable  distinction  of  being  the  first  to 
originate  the  idea. 

The  origin  of  an  idea  so  fruitful  in  results  is  a question 
of  great  interest ; and  many  writers  have  expended  on  it 
the  resources  of  their  learning.  Some  find  it  in  the  my- 
thology of  the  Greeks,  maintaining  (an  interpretation 
older  than  the  Christian  era)  that  the  golden  fleece  sought 
for  by  the  Argonauts  was  merely  a sheepskin  on  which 
was  inscribed  the  secret  of  making  gold  ;*  and  this  fancy 

* This  construction  of  the  legend  comes  from  Dionysius  of 
Mitylene,  who  lived  circa  b.  c.  50. 


50 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


derives,  it  must  be  confessed,  a little  support  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  Medea  is  represented  as  possessed  of  the 
corresponding  secret  of  perpetuating  or  restoring  youth, 
having  cut  to  pieces  and  reconstructed  her  aged  father- 
in-law. 

Some,  again,  discover  the  origin  of  the  idea  in  Egypt, 
the  land  of  Thoth  (Hermes  Trismegistus),  and  allege,  in 
corroboration  of  their  view,  that  the  ancient  Egyptians 
possessed  considerable  skill  in  practical  chemistry.  But 
the  advocates  of  its  Egyptian  origin  are  not  able  to  trace 
it  back  further  than  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  and  stu- 
dents of  Hindu  literature  maintain  that  the  Indians 
possessed  a knowledge  of  it  long  before  that  date,  though 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  is  nothing  more  uncer- 
tain than  the  chronology  of  ancient  India.* 

Others  adduce  conclusive  proof  to  show  that  modern 
Europe  received  it  from  the  Arabs.  They  have  not,  how- 
ever, shown  that  the  Arabs  were  its  authors ; and  seem 
scarcely  to  have  entertained  a suspicion  that  those  wan- 
dering sons  of  the  desert,  like  birds  and  bees,  were  noth- 
ing more  than  agents  through  whom  a prolific  germ  was 
conveyed  from  some  portion  of  the  remoter  East.  What 
that  portion  is,  the  name  of  Avicenna,  one  of  the  most 
eminent  of  the  Arabian  scholars,  might  have  served  to 
suggest,  if  they  had  followed  the  leading  of  words  as 
carefully  as  a certain  erudite  Orientalist  f who  not  only 
finds  in  India  the  origin  of  the  doctrines  of  Pythagoras, 
but  recognizes  his  name  under  the  disguise  of  Budd- 

* Some  instructive  disclosures  on  this  subject  may  be  found  in 
a lecture  of  the  late  Cardinal  Wiseman  entitled  “ Early  History.” 
It  has  been  asserted  by  those  who  claim  to  be  well  versed  in  the 
history  of  India  that  in  that  country  the  earliest  date  that  can 
be  considered  historical  is  April,  b.  c.  327,  the  date  of  its  inva- 
sion by  Alexander  the  Great. 

fPococke,  Greece  in  India. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


5» 


haguru ! For  what  is  Avicenna  but  Ebn-Cinna  ? And 
what  is  Ebn-Cinna  or  Ibn  Sina,  as  it  is  sometimes  written, 
but  a “ Son  of  China?” — a designation  assumed  by  the 
learned  physician  probably  because  he  was  born  at 
Bokhara,  on  the  confines  of  the  Chinese  Empire ! 

If  we  were  as  ready  to  rest  in  etymologies  as  the  above- 
cited  Orientalist,  who  triumphantly  concludes  a chapter 
with  that  curious  derivation  of  the  name  of  Pythagoras, 
we  might  consider  our  point  as  carried.  Our  etymology 
is,  to  say  the  least,  as  good  as  his ; but  we  let  it  go  for 
what  it  is  worth,  and  rest  our  argument  on  better 
evidence.* 

* Nothing  is  more  fallacious  than  the  attempt  to  identify  words 
in  different  languages  by  means  of  a mere  superficial  resemblance. 
Some  years  ago,  in  reading  the  Amour  Medecin  of  Moliere,  I 
fancied  I had  detected  a translation  in  a combined  form  of  the 
most  familiar  names  for  tan  the  Chinese  elixir  of  life.  The 
word  orvietan,  which  is  made  so  conspicuous  in  one  of  the  scenes, 
describes  a mysterious  panacea,  whose  virtues  the  vender  vaunts 
in  strains  as  pompous  as  those  of  the  Chinese  alchemist.  It 
struck  me  at  once  that,  setting  aside  the  accent,  which  goes  for 
nothing  in  etymology,  it  might  be  taken  as  expressing  golden 
elixir,  and  elixir  of  long  life.  Littre  and  the  Dictionnaire  de 
VAcademie  decided  against  me,  referring  the  word  to  the  old  city 
of  Orvieto  (urbs  vetus).  But,  whatever  the  source  of  the  name, 
so  exactly  to  the  thing  itself  answers  Chinese  tail,  or  elixir,  that 
I cannot  forbear  quoting  a few  lines  descriptive  of  its  qualities. 

" Sganarelle.  Monsieur,  je  vous  prie  de  me  donner  une  boite  de 
votre  orvietan,  que  je  m’en  vais  vous  payer. 

" L’Operateur  (chantant). 

L’or  de  tous  les  climats  qu’entoure  l’Ocean, 

Peut-il  jamais  payer  ce  secret  d’importance? 

Mon  remede  guerit,  par  sa  rare  excellence, 

Plus  de  maux  qu’on  n’en  peut  nombrer  dans  tout  un  an: 

La  gale,  La  rogne,  La  teigne,  La  fievre,  La  peste,  La  goutte, 
Verole,  Descente,  Rougeole. 

O grande  puissance 
De  l’orvietan ! ” 


52 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


It  is  not  improbable,  as  we  shall  attempt  to  show,  that 
the  true  cradle  of  alchemy  was  China — a country  in  which 
one  of  the  oldest  branches  of  the  human  family  began 
their  career  of  experience ; a country  in  which  we  discover 
so  many  of  the  seeds  of  our  modern  art;  germs  which, 
dwarfed  and  stunted  in  their  native  climate,  have  only 
been  made  to  flourish  by  a change  of  soil.  To  establish 
this  would  be  an  interesting  contribution  to  the  history 
of  science ; and  it  might  perhaps  lead  us  to  take  an  opti- 
mistic view  even  of  the  sins  and  follies  of  mankind,  to 
discover  that  our  modern  chemistry,  which  is  now 
dropping  its  mature  fruits  into  the  hands  of  Western  en- 
terprise, had  its  root  in  the  religion  of  Tao  the  most 
extravagant  of  the  superstitions  of  the  East. 

We  shall  briefly  sketch  the  rise  and  development  of 
alchemy  in  China,  and  then  conclude  by  comparing 
it  with  the  leading  phases  of  the  same  pursuit  as  exhibited 
in  Western  countries. 

Originating  at  the  least  six  hundred  years  before  the 
Christian  era,*  the  religion  of  Tao  still  exerts  a powerful 
influence  over  the  mind  of  the  Chinese.  This  is  not  the 
place  to  discuss  either  its  sober  tenets  or  its  wild  fan- 
tasies, but  there  is  one  of  its  doctrines  that  connects  it 

The  reader  may  compare  this  with  passages  quoted  in  the 
sequel  from  Taoist  books. 

N.  B. — Or,  in  the  first  line  of  the  description,  is  an  evident  allu- 
sion to  the  first  syllable  of  the  name,  which  the  vendor  takes  to 
mean  “ golden.” 

* It  is  indigenous  to  China ; and  though  we  are  unable  to  trace 
it  to  an  earlier  date,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  as 
old  as  the  Chinese  race.  The  connection  of  alchemy  with  Tao- 
ism did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  earlier  Jesuit  missionaries; 
but  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edkins,  in  a paper  on  Taoism  published  about 
forty  years  ago,  was  the  first,  I believe,  to  suggest  a Chinese 
origin  for  the  alchemy  of  Europe. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


53 


closely  with  our  present  subject.  It  looks  on  the  soul  as 
only  a more  refined  form  of  matter ; regards  the  soul  and 
body  as  identical  in  substance,  and  maintains  the  possi- 
bility of  preventing  their  dissolution  by  a course  of  phy- 
sical discipline.  This  is  the  seed-thought  of  Chinese  al- 
chemy; for  this  materialistic  notion  it  was  that  first  led  the 
disciples  of  Laotze  to  investigate  the  properties  of 
matter. 

Its  development  is  easy  to  trace.  Man’s  first  desire  is 
long  life — his  second  is  to  be  rich.  The  Taoist  com- 
menced with  the  former,  but  was  not  long  in  finding  his 
way  to  the  latter.  As  it  was  possible  by  physical  disci- 
pline to  lengthen  the  period  of  life,  he  conceived  that 
the  process  might  be  carried  far  enough  to  result  in  cor- 
poreal immortality,  accompanied  by  a mastery  of  matter 
and  all  its  potencies.  The  success  of  the  process,  though, 
like  the  quest  of  the  Holy  Grail,  involving  moral  qualifi- 
cations, depended  mainly  on  diet  and  medicine ; and  in 
quest  of  these  he  ransacked  the  forest,  penetrated  the 
earth,  and  explored  distant  seas.  The  natural  longing 
for  immortality  was  thus  made,  under  the  guidance  of 
Taoism,  to  impart  a powerful  impulse  to  the  progress  of 
discovery  in  three  departments  of  science — botany,  min- 
eralogy, and  geography.  Nor  did  the  other  great  object 
of  pursuit  remain  far  in  the  rear.  A few  simple  experi- 
ments, such  as  the  precipitation  of  copper  from  the  oil  of 
vitriol  by  the  application  of  iron,  and  the  blanching  of 
metals  by  the  fumes  of  mercury,  suggested  the  possibility 
of  transforming  the  baser  metals  into  gold.*  This 

* Science  is  not  opposed  to  the  abstract  theory  of  transmuta- 
tion. Indeed,  the  modern  chemist  has  been  led  by  the  phe- 
nomena of  allotropy  and  isomerism,  not  to  speak  of  other  con- 
siderations, almost  to  accept  as  a principle  what  he  lately  de- 
nounced as  a groundless  assumption  of  his  ancient  forerunner — 


54 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


brought  on  the  stage  another,  and,  if  possible,  a more 
energetic,  motive  for  investigation.  The  bare  idea  of 
acquiring  untold  riches  by  such  easy  means  inspired  with 
a kind  of  frenzy  minds  that  were  hardly  capable  of  the 
loftier  conception  of  immortality.  It  had,  moreover,  the 
effect  of  directing  attention  particularly  to  the  study  of 
minerals,  the  most  prolific  field  for  chemical  discovery. 

Whether  in  the  vegetable  or  the  mineral  kingdom,  the 
researches  of  the  Chinese  alchemists  were  guided  by  one 
simple  principle — the  analogy  of  man  to  material  nature. 
As  in  their  view  the  soul  was  only  a more  refined  species 
of  matter,  and  was  endowed  with  such  wondrous  powers, 
so  every  object  in  nature,  they  argued,  must  be  possessed 
of  a soul,  an  essence  or  spirit,  which  controls  its  growth 
and  development — a something  not  unlike  the  essentia 
quinta  of  Western  alchemy.  This  they  believed  to  be  the 
case,  not  only  with  animals,  which  display  some  of  the 

viz.,  that  a fundamental  unity  underlies  many,  if  not  all  of,  the 
forms  of  matter.  On  this  subject  see  two  interesting  papers  in 
the  volume  of  Nature  for  1879  (pp.  593,  625)  on  the  question 
“Are  the  Elements  Elementary?”  The  writer  speaks  approv- 
ingly of  the  hypothesis  of  original  matter  having  a molecular  or 
atomic  structure ; all  the  molecules  being  uniform  in  size  and  in 
shape,  but  not  all  possessed  of  the  same  amount  of  motion — the 
difference  of  their  motions  giving  rise  to  all  the  properties  of  the 
various  elements.  The  speculation  which  resolves  matter  into 
force  tends  in  the  same  direction.  “ I must  confess,”  says  Pro- 
fessor Cook,  “ that  I am  rather  drawn  to  that  view  of  nature 
which  has  favor  with  many  of  the  most  eminent  physicists  of  the 
present  time,  and  which  sees  in  the  Cosmos,  besides  mind,  only 
two  essentially  distinct  beings — namely,  matter  and  energy; 
which  regards  all  matter  as  one,  and  all  energy  as  one ; and 
which  refers  the  qualities  of  substances  to  the  affections  of  the 
one  substratum  modified  by  the  varying  play  of  forces ” (Lec- 
tures on  the  New  Chemistry,  lecture  iv.,  International  Series). 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


55 


attributes  of  mind,  but  with  plants,  which  extract  their 
appropriate  nourishment  from  the  earth,  and  transform  it 
into  fruits;  and  the  same  with  minerals,  which  they  re- 
garded as  generated  in  the  womb  of  the  earth.  It  was  to 
this  half-spiritual,  half-material  theory  that  they  had  re- 
course to  account  for  the  transformations  that  are  per- 
petually going  on  in  every  department  of  nature.  As  the 
active  principle  in  each  object  was  so  potent  in  effecting 
the  changes  which  we  constantly  observe,  they  imagined 
that  it  might  attain  to  a condition  of  higher  development 
and  greater  efficiency.  Such  an  upward  tendency  was, 
in  fact,  perpetually  at  work ; and  all  things  were  striving 
to  “ purge  off  their  baser  fires  ” and  enter  on  a higher 
and  purer  state.  Nor  were  they  merely  striving  to  clothe 
themselves  with  material  forms  of  a higher  order.  Matter 
itself  was  constantly  passing  the  limits  of  sense  and 
putting  on  the  character  of  conscious  spirit.  This  idea 
threw  over  the  face  of  nature  a glow  of  poetry.  It 
awakened  the  torpid  imagination  and  created  an  epoch 
in  literature.  It  kindled  the  fancy  of  Chuangtze,  in- 
spired the  eloquence  of  Lii-tsu,  and  it  figures  in  a thou- 
sand shapes  among  the  graceful  tales  of  the  Liao-chai. 
It  filled  the  earth  with  fairies  and  genii.  An  easy  step 
connected  them  with  those  mysterious  points  of  light 
which  in  all  ages  have  excited  so  powerfully  the  hopes 
and  fears  of  the  human  race.  Astrology  became  wedded 
to  alchemy,  and  the  five  principal  planets  bear  in  the 
current  language  of  the  present  day  the  names  of  the 
elements  over  which  they  are  regarded  as  presiding. 

In  China,  as  elsewhere,  alchemy  has  always  been  an 
occult  science.  Its  students  have  been  pledged  to  secrecy, 
and  their  knowledge  transmitted  mainly  by  means  of  oral 
tradition,  each  adept  tracing  his  lineage  back  to  Huang 


56 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Ti  (b.  c.  2700)  or  Kuang  Ch’engtze,  as  the  Freemason 
deduces  his  pedigree  from  Solomon  or  Hiram  of  Tyre.* 

Their  doctrines,  like  the  delicate  beauties  of  some 
Eastern  climes,  were  never  allowed  to  go  abroad  without 
being  covered  with  a veil.  They  were  wrapped  in  folds 
of  impenetrable  mystery,  and  expressed,  for  the  most 
part,  in  the  measured  lines  and  metaphorical  language  of 
poetry.  Still,  in  spite  of  every  precaution  that  pride  or 
jealousy  was  able  to  suggest,  some  of  their  secrets  would 
gradually  ooze  out,  and  many  of  the  rules  for  working 
metals  now  in  common  use  bear  in  their  very  terms  the 
stamp  of  an  alchemic  parentage. 

After  this  cursory  survey,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  intro- 
duce a few  extracts  from  native  authors,  professors  of 
the  mysterious  lore,  in  order  to  ascertain  how  far  they 
corroborate  the  foregoing  views,  but  especially  to  aid  us 
in  deciding  whether  any  real  connection  is  to  be  traced 
between  the  Chinese  and  European  schools  of  alchemy. 

I.  FROM  KAO  SHANGTZE. 

The  Secret  of  Immortality . f 

“ The  body  is  the  dwelling-place  of  life;  the  spirits  are 
the  essence  of  life;  and  the  soul  is  the  master  of  life. 

* Huang  Ti  is  at  least  semi-mythical.  The  earliest  historical 
sovereign  who  became  a votary  of  alchemy  was  Ch’in  Shih 
Huang,  the  builder  of  the  Great  Wall,  B.  C.  220. 

f These  extracts  are  not  arranged  in  the  order  of  time.  The 
antiquity  o£  the  system  will  be  considered  in  another  place ; and 
I begin  with  two  from  writers  whose  age  I am  not  able  to  fix 
with  precision.  For  the  citations  from  both  I am  indebted  to  a 
compilation,  in  twelve  volumes,  entitled  The  Elixir  or  Quintes- 
sence of  the  Philosophers.  Among  the  philosophers  cited,  those 
who  favored  alchemy  are  in  a very  small  minority. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


57 


When  the  spirits  are  exhausted,  the  body  becomes  sick ; 
when  the  soul  is  in  repose,  the  spirits  keep  their  place; 
and  when  the  spirits  are  concentrated,  the  soul  becomes 
indestructible.  Those  who  seek  the  elixir  must  imitate 
the  Yin  and  Yang  [the  active  and  passive  principles  in 
nature]  and  learn  the  harmony  of  numbers.  They  must 
govern  the  soul  and  unite  their  spirit.  If  the  soul  is  a 
chariot,  the  spirits  are  its  horses.  When  the  soul  and 
spirits  are  properly  yoked  together,  you  are  immortal.” 

II.  FROM  TANTZE. 

The  Power  of  Miracles. 

“ The  clouds  are  a dragon,  the  wind  a tiger.  Mind  is 
the  mother,  and  matter  the  child.  When  the  mother 
summons  the  child,  will  it  dare  to  disobey?  Those  who 
would  expel  the  spirits  of  evil  must  (by  the  force  of  their 
mind)  summon  the  spirits  of  the  five  elements.  Those 
who  would  conquer  serpents  must  obtain  the  influences 
of  the  five  planets.  By  this  means  the  Yin  and  Yang, 
the  dual  forces  of  nature,  may  be  controlled ; winds  and 
clouds  collected  ; mountains  and  hills  torn  up  by  the  roots  ; 
and  rivers  and  seas  made  to  spring  out  of  the  ground. 
Still  the  external  manifestation  of  this  power  is  not  so 
good  as  the  consciousness  of  its  possession  within.” 

III.  FROM  THE  SAME. 

The  Adept  Superior  to  Hunger,  Cold,  and  Sickness. 

“ He  inhales  the  fine  essence  of  matter,  how  can  he  be 
hungry?  He  is  warmed  by  the  fire  of  his  own  soul, 
how  can  he  be  cold?  His  five  vitals  are  fed  on  the 
essence  of  the  five  elements,  how  can  he  be  sick  ? ” 


58 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


IV.  FROM  LU  TSU,  OF  THE  t’aNG  DYNASTY.* 

Patience  Essential  to  Success. 

“Would  you  seek  the  golden  tan  [the  elixir],  it  is 
not  easy  to  obtain.  The  three  powers  [sun,  moon,  and 
stars]  must  seven  times  repeat  their  footsteps ; and  the 
four  seasons  nine  times  complete  their  circuit. 

“You  must  wash  it  white  and  burn  it  red;  when  one 
draught  will  give  you  ten  thousand  ages,  and  you  will 
be  wafted  beyond  the  sphere  of  sublunary  things.” 

V.  FROM  THE  SAME. 

The  Necessity  of  a Living  Teacher. 

“ Every  one  seeks  long  life,  but  the  secret  is  not  easy 
to  find.  If  you  covet  the  precious  things  of  heaven,  you 
must  reject  the  treasures  of  earth.  You  must  kindle  the 
fire  that  springs  from  water,  f and  evolve  the  Yin  con- 

* Lii-Tsu  (or  Lii-Yen)  flourished  in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighth 
century.  In  early  life  respected  as  a scholar  and  a magistrate, 
and  in  later  years  famed  for  the  eloquence  of  his  style  and  the 
elevation  of  his  character,  he  did  much  to  revive  the  decaying 
credit  of  the  “ school  of  the  genii.”  His  works  are  voluminous 
and  well  known,  but,  like  most  of  those  ascribed  to  the  great 
masters  of  Taoism,  probably  comprehend  much  that  is  not  genu- 
ine. 

fThis  phrase  reminds  us  of  a quaint  piece  of  doggerel  from 
the  pen  of  George  Ripley,  a noted  alchemist  of  England,  who 
died  in  1490,  notwithstanding  the  medicines  recommended  in  his 
two  books  on  Alchymie  and  Aurum  Potabile.  The  following 
are  a few  of  his  incomprehensible  verses : 

“ The  well  must  brenne  in  water  clear, 

Take  good  heed,  for  this  they  fere, 

The  fire  with  water  brent  shall  be, 

The  earth  on  fire  shall  be  set 
And  water  with  fire  shall  be  knit. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


59 


tained  within  the  Yang.  One  word  from  a sapient  master, 
and  you  possess  a draught  of  the  golden  water.” 

VI.  FROM  THE  SAME. 

The  Chief  Elements  in  Alchemy. 

“ All  things  originate  from  earth.  If  you  can  get  at 
the  radical  principle,  the  spirit  of  the  green  dragon  is 
mercury,  and  the  water  of  the  white  tiger  * is  lead.  The 
knowing  ones  will  bring  mother  and  child  together,  when 
earth  will  become  heaven,  and  you  will  be  extricated  from 
the  power  of  matter.” 

VII.  FROM  THE  SAME. 

Description  of  the  Philosopher’s  Stone:  Self -culture  Nec- 
essary to  Obtain  it. 

“ I must  diligently  plant  my  own  field.  There  is 
within  it  a spiritual  germ  that  may  live  a thousand  years. 
Its  flower  is  like  yellow  gold.  Its  bud  is  not  large,  but 
the  seeds  are  round  [globules  of  mercury?]  and  like  to  a 
spotless  gem.  Its  growth  depends  on  the  soil  of  the  cen- 
tral palace  [the  heart],  but  its  irrigation  must  proceed 


Of  the  white  stone  and  the  red 
Lo,  here  is  the  true  deed ! ” 

* Yin  and  Yang  are  the  dual  forces  which  control  the  elements 
of  nature.  Though  generally  referred  to  the  sexual  system,  their 
chief  symbols  are  the  sun  and  moon,  and  the  original  signi- 
fication of  the  terms  is  light  and  darkness.  The  “ tiger  ” and 
“dragon”  are  synonyms  for  the  oft-repeated  Yin  and  Yang. 
Their  use  in  this  sense  is  comparatively  ancient,  as  we  may  gather 
from  the  title  of  a book  still  extant,  by  the  historian  Pan  Ku,  in 
the  first  century  of  our  era. 


6o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


from  a higher  fountain  [the  reason].  After  nine  years  of 
cultivation,  root  and  branch  may  be  transplanted  to  the 
heaven  of  the  greater  genii.” 

VIII.  FROM  A BIOGRAPHER  OF  LU-TSU. 

Speaking  of  the  labors  of  his  great  master,  he  says, 
“ Among  the  eight  stones,  he  made  most  use  of  cinnabar, 
because  from  that  he  extracted  mercury ; and  among  the 
five  metals,  he  made  most  use  of  lead,  because  from  that 
he  obtained  silver.  The  fire  of  the  heart  [blood]  is  red 
as  cinnabar;  and  the  water  of  the  kidneys  [urine]  is  dark 
as  lead.  To  these  must  be  added  sulphur,  that  the  com- 
pound may  be  efficacious.  Lead  is  the  mother  of  silver, 
mercury,  the  child  of  cinnabar.  Lead  represents  the  in- 
fluence of  the  kidneys,  mercury  that  of  the  heart.” 

We  must  here  introduce  a few  extracts  from  the  Wu 
Chen  Pien,  a work  which  still  holds  the  place  of  a text- 
book among  the  followers  of  Laotze.  They  will  serve 
to  indicate  the  spirit  and  aim  of  these  operations,  though 
the  processes  are  still  carefully  concealed.  In  fact,  all 
that  is  given  to  the  public  seems  merely  designed  to  in- 
flame the  imagination,  and  to  induce  readers  to  place 
themselves  under  the  instruction  of  a Taoist  master. 

1.  The  Great  Motive. — “ However  long  this  mortal  life, 
its  events  are  all  uncertain.  He  who  yesterday  bestrode 
his  horse  so  grandly  at  the  head  of  the  street,  to-day  is 
a corpse  in  the  coffin.  His  wife  and  his  wealth  are  his 
no  longer.  His  sins  must  take  their  course,  and  self- 
deception  will  do  no  good.  If  you  do  not  seek  the  great 
remedy,  how  will  you  find  it?  If  you  find  out  the  method 
and  do  not  prepare  it,  how  unwise  are  you ! ” 

2.  A Vindication. — “ If  the  virtuous  follow  a false  doc- 
trine, they  reclaim  it;  but  if  the  vicious  profess  a true 
doctrine,  they  pervert  it.  So  it  is  with  the  golden  elixir: 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


61 

a deviation  of  an  inch  leads  to  the  error  of  a mile.  If 
I succeed,  then  my  fate  is  in  my  own  hands,  and  my  body 
may  last  as  long  as  the  heavens.  But  the  vulgar  pervert 
this  doctrine  to  the  gratification  of  low  desires  [such  as 
those  for  wealth  and  pleasure].” 

3.  Outline  of  Process. — “ In  the  gold-furnace  you  must 
separate  the  mercury  from  the  cinnabar,  and  in  the  gemmy 
bath  you  must  precipitate  the  silver  from  the  water.  To 
wield  the  fires  of  this  divine  work  is  not  the  task  of  a 
day.  But  out  of  the  midst  of  the  pool  suddenly  the  sun 
rises.”  * 

No  one  at  all  acquainted  with  the  operations  of  chem- 
istry can  fail  to  remark  how  much  is  implied  in  this 
reference  to  the  precipitation  of  silver.  Nor  can  any 
one  familiar  with  the  language  of  Western  alchemists 
avoid  being  struck  by  the  similarity  of  the  terms  here 
employed.  As  he  reads  of  “ separating  mercury  from 
cinnabar,”  “ precipitating  silver,”  “ wielding  the  fires  of 
the  divine  work,”  the  “ gemmy  bath,”  and  the  “ sun  rising 
out  of  the  pool,”  does  he  not  fancy  himself  perusing  a 
fragment  from  Lully  or  Albertus  describing  the  balneum 
maricc  and  the  production  of  gold? 

We  add  three  more  to  our  series  of  illustrative  ex- 
tracts : 

1.  The  Reason  for  Obscure  and  Figurative  Phrase- 
ology.— “ The  holy  sage  was  afraid  of  betraying  the 
secrets  of  heaven.  He  accordingly  sets  forth  the  true 
Yin  and  Yang  under  the  images  of  the  white  tiger  and 

* A few  years  ago  I made  the  acquaintance  of  a Kiangsi  man 
by  the  name  of  Hsiung,  who  had  published  a book  of  some  literary 
merit,  and  was  withal  an  ardent  student  of  the  occult  science.  A 
manuscript  volume  of  his  own  compilation,  which  he  permitted 
me  to  examine,  contained,  among  other  diagrams,  one  which  rep- 
resented the  sun  rising  out  of  a smoking  furnace — showing  that 
the  hermetic  symbol  for  gold  is  the  same  in  China  as  in  Europe. 


62 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  green  dragon.  And  the  harmony  of  the  two  chords 
he  represents  under  the  symbols  of  the  true  lead  and  the 
true  mercury.”  * 

2.  Nature  of  the  Inward  Harmony. — “ The  two  things 
to  be  united  are  wuh  and  wo,  the  me  and  the  not  me. 
When  these  combine,  the  passions  are  in  harmony  with 
nature,  and  the  elements  are  complete.” 

In  other  passages  we  have  noticed  the  outcropping 
of  a moral  idea.  In  this  we  find  a materialistic  doctrine 
suddenly  metamorphosed  into  the  most  subtle  form  of 
pantheistic  idealism. 

3.  Self -discipline  the  Best  Elixir  (from  Tantze,  not 
in  Wu  Chen  Picn ) — “ Among  the  arts  of  the  alchemist  is 
that  of  preparing  an  elixir  which  may  be  used  as  a sub- 
stitute for  food.  This  is  certainly  true ; yet  the  ability 
to  enjoy  abundance  or  endure  hunger  comes  not  from 
the  elixir,  but  from  the  fixed  purpose  of  him  who  uses 
it.  When  a man  has  arrived  at  such  a stage  of  progress 
that  to  have  and  not  to  have  are  the  same;  when  life  and 
death  are  one ; when  feeling  is  in  harmony  with  nature, 
and  the  inner  and  the  outer  worlds  united — then  he  can 
escape  the  thraldom  of  matter,  and  leave  sun,  moon,  and 
stars  behind  his  back.  To  him  it  will  then  be  of  no  conse- 
quence whether  he  eat  a hundred  times  in  a day,  or  only 
once  in  a hundred  days.”  We  might  fill  volumes  with 

* It  is  curious  to  see  how  Western  alchemists  exhibit  the  same 
phase  of  feeling.  Howes,  an  old  writer,  quoted  in  Mr.  Lowell’s 
New  England  of  Two  Centuries  Ago,  expresses  himself  thus  in 
a letter  to  Gov.  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts:  “Dear  friend,  I 

desire  with  all  my  heart  that  I might  write  plainer  to  you ; but 
in  discovering  the  mystery,  I may  diminish  its  majesty,  and  give 
occasion  to  the  profane  to  abuse  it,  if  it  should  fall  into  unworthy 
hands.”  The  mystery  was  the  unity  of  matter.  He  adds,  “ As 
there  is  all  good  to  be  found  in  unity,  and  all  evil  in  duality  and 
multiplicity,  pliarnix  ilia  admiranda  sola  semper  cxistit.” 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA  63 

similar  extracts  without,  we  fear,  adding  much  to  the 
information  of  our  readers. 

The  composition  of  the  elixir  was  a secret  which  the 
alchemist  did  not  care  to  divulge.  If,  therefore,  we  seek 
for  precise  directions  for  its  preparation  in  the  writings 
of  a professed  adept,  we  seek  in  vain. 

There  is,  indeed,  one  oft-repeated  formula,  which  ap- 
pears to  be  absurdly  simple.  It  is  this  : " Pb.  8 oz.,  Hg.  l/2 
lb.;  mix  thoroughly,  and  the  combination  will  result  in  a 
mass  of  the  golden  elixir.”  But  it  ceases  to  be  simple 
when  wre  learn  that  both  metals  and  proportions  are  to  be 
taken  in  a mystical  sense ; that,  in  fact,  instead  of  indi- 
cating the  materials  of  the  elixir,  they  only  point  to  the 
precise  moment  when  the  final  touch  is  to  be  given  to  a 
complicated  process — viz.,  one  minute  after  the  full  of 
the  moon.  If  this  resolves  itself  into  “ moonshine,”  an- 
other, which  has  the  air  of  being  more  in  detail,  is  still 
less  luminous.  “ Plant  the  Yang  and  grow  the  Yin;  cul- 
tivate and  cherish  the  precious  seed.  When  it  springs 
up,  it  shows  a yellow  bud ; the  bud  produces  mercury, 
and  the  mercury  crystallizes  into  granules  like  grains  of 
golden  millet.  One  grain  is  to  be  taken  at  a dose,  and 
the  doses  repeated  for  a hundred  days,  when  the  body 
will  be  transformed  and  the  bones  converted  into  gold. 
Body  and  spirit  will  both  be  endowed  with  miraculous 
properties,  and  their  duration  will  have  no  end.”  These 
recipes  are  both  from  standard  text-books  of  the  Taoist 
school. 

Ko  Hung,  of  the  fourth  century,  is  one  of  the  most 
voluminous  writers  on  the  subject.  He  gives  nine  varie- 
ties of  the  tan,  but  no  clear  account  of  the  preparation  of 
any  of  them.  The  following  extract  from  his  work  may 
serve  to  show  the  kind  of  reasoning  by  which  he  and  his 
fellows  suffered  themselves  to  be  deluded: 


64 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ I formerly  thought  the  Taoist  mystery  was  intended 
to  delude  simple  folk,  and  that  there  was  nothing  in  it 
but  empty  words;  but  when  I saw  the  Emperor  Wu  sub- 
ject Tso  Tse  and  others  to  a fast  of  nearly  a month — 
their  complexion  continuing  fresh  and  their  strength  un- 
abated— I said  there  was  no  reason  why  they  should  not 
extend  the  fast  to  fifty  years. 

“ Another  Taoist,  Kan  Shih,  placed  a number  of  fish 
in  boiling  oil ; some  of  them  having  first  swallowed  a 
few  drops  of  an  elixir,  swam  about  as  if  they  were  in  the 
water,  the  others  were  boiled  so  that  they  could  be  eaten. 

“ Silk-worms  taking  the  same  medicine  lived  for  ten 
months ; chickens  and  young  dogs  taking  it  ceased  to 
grow ; and  a white  dog  on  taking  it  turned  black ; all  of 
which  shows  that  there  are  things  in  heaven  and  earth 
surpassing  our  comprehension.  Would  that  I could 
break  the  fetters  of  sense  and  give  my  whole  heart  to  the 
pursuit  of  the  elixir  of  life!  ” 

We  find  a more  explicit  account  of  the  composition 
of  the  elixir  in  the  Ko  Chih  Citing  Yuan,  or  Mirror  of 
Scientific  Discovery ; but  here  again  we  are  not  favored 
with  anything  beyond  a barren  inventory  of  ingredients, 
without  any  statement  of  proportion  or  manipulation. 

“ The  elixir  of  the  eight  precious  things,”  says  this 
author,  “ is  so  called  because  it  contains  cinnabar,  orpi- 
ment,  realgar,  sulphur,  saltpetre,  ammonia,  empty  green 
[an  ore  of  cobalt],  and  mother-of-clouds  [a  kind  of 
mica] 

This  and  the  other  passages  above  cited  throw,  we  con- 
fess, very  little  light  on  any  question  of  practical  science : 
but  they  are  not  unimportant  in  relation  to  the  history  of 
science,  indicating  as  they  do  the  spirit  and  aims  of  the 
Chinese  alchemists — the  most  enthusiastic,  and,  as  we 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA  65 

think,  the  earliest,  explorers  in  a region  which  has  proved 
to  be  one  of  inexhaustible  fertility. 

The  results  of  their  labors  in  the  way  of  chemical  dis- 
covery it  may  not  be  easy  to  determine ; though  it  is  safe 
to  affirm  that,  for  what  they  knew  on  that  subject  prior  to 
their  recent  intercourse  with  the  West,  the  Chinese  are 
mainly  indebted  to  those  early  devotees  of  the  experi- 
mental philosophy  who  passed  their  lives  among  the  fumes 
of  the  alembic.  The  skill  which  the  Chinese  exhibit  in 
metallurgy,  their  brilliant  dye-stuffs  and  numerous  pig- 
ments ; their  early  knowledge  of  gunpowder,  alcohol, 
arsenic,  Glauber’s  salt,  calomel,  and  corrosive  sublimate ; 
their  pyrotechny ; their  asphyxiating  and  anaesthetic  com- 
pounds— all  give  evidence  of  no  contemptible  proficiency 
in  practical  chemistry.* 

In  their  books  of  curious  receipts,  we  find  instructions 
for  the  manufacture  of  sympathetic  inks,  for  removing 
stains,  compounding  and  alloying  metals,  counterfeiting 
gold,  whitening  copper,  overlaying  the  baser  with  the 
precious  metals,  etc.  In  some  of  these  recipes  a caution 
is  added  that  neither  “ women,  cats,  nor  chickens  ” be 
allowed  to  approach  during  the  process,  obviously  a 
relic  of  alchemistic  superstition. 

The  Hermes  of  China  has  no  female  disciples,  though 
Europe  can  boast  the  names  of  not  a few.  The  alchemist 
of  China  has  generally  been  a celibate,  and  very  fre- 
quently a religious  ascetic,  to  whom  the  life-giving  elixir, 

* See  Davis’s  Chinese,  ch.  xviii.,  for  a very  interesting  account 
of  the  preparation  of  calomel  (chloride  of  mercury)  by  a Chinese 
chemist,  and  by  a truly  Chinese  process.  In  the  same  chapter 
the  author  sketches  the  fantastic  physical  theories  of  the  Chinese, 
and  adds,  “ All  this  looks  very  much  as  if  the  philosophy  of  our 
forefathers  was  derived  intermediately  from  China.” 


66 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


rather  than  the  aurific  stone,  was  the  chief  object  of  pur- 
suit. 

Lii-tsu,  one  of  the  most  eminent,  is  said  to  have  earned 
immortality  by  rejecting  the  art  of  making  gold.* 

In  the  Chinese  system  there  are  two  processes — the 
one  inward  and  spiritual,  the  other  outward  and  mate- 
rial. To  obtain  the  greater  elixir,  involving  the  attain- 
ment of  immortality,  both  must  be  combined ; but  the 
lesser  elixir,  which  answers  to  the  philosopher’s  stone,  or 
a magical  control  over  the  powers  of  nature,  might  be 
procured  with  less  pains.  Both  processes  were  pursued 
in  seclusion,  commonly  in  the  recesses  of  the  mountains, 
the  term  for  adepts  signifying  “ mountain  men.” 

In  a discourse  on  metals  in  one  of  the  works  above 
cited,  we  are  told  that  the  seminal  principle  of  gold  first 
assumes  the  form  of  quicksilver.  Exposed  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  moon,  it  is  liquid;  but  when  subjected  to  the 
action  of  the  pure  Yang,  the  sun  or  the  male  essence,  it 
solidifies  and  becomes  yellow  gold.  Those  who  desire 
to  convert  quicksilver  into  gold  should  carry  on  their 
operations  among  the  mountains,  that  the  effluences  from 
the  stones  may  assist  the  process. 

Nothing  seems  to  be  required  in  addition  to  the  inci- 
dental proofs  already  adduced  to  establish  the  existence 

* As  the  legend  goes,  shortly  after  commencing  the  study  of 
the  art,  he  was  met  by  one  of  the  old  genii,  who  offered  to  impart 
to  him  the  great  secret  of  transmutation.  “ But,”  asked  the 
young  man,  “ will  not  the  artificial  gold  relapse  to  its  original 
elements  in  the  course  of  time?”  “Yes,”  replied  the  genius, 
“ but  that  need  not  concern  you,  as  it  will  not  happen  until  after 
ten  thousand  ages.”  “ I decline  it  then,”  said  Lii-tsu.  “ I would 
rather  live  in  poverty  than  bring  a loss  on  my  fellow-men,  though 
after  ten  thousand  ages.”  The  noble  sense  of  right  was  more 
meritorious  than  any  number  of  sham  charities;  and  the  youth 
who  had  conscience  enough  to  spurn  the  gilded  bait  was  at  once 
admitted  to  the  heaven  of  the  genii. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


67 


of  a connection  between  the  alchemy  of  Europe  and  that 
of  China ; still,  a few  considerations  in  the  way  of  com- 
parison may  serve  to  make  the  nature  and  extent  of  that 
connection  somewhat  more  apparent. 

1.  The  study  of  alchemy  did  not  make  its  appearance 
in  Europe  until  it  had  been  in  full  vigor  in  China  for  at 
least  six  centuries.  Nor  did  it  appear  there,  according 
to  the  best  authorities,  until  the  fourth  century,  when 
intercourse  with  the  Far  East  had  become  somewhat  fre- 
quent. It  entered  Europe,  moreover,  by  way  of  Byzan- 
tium and  Alexandria,  the  places  in  which  that  intercourse 
was  chiefly  centred.  At  a later  day  it  was  revived  in  the 
West  by  the  irruption  of  the  Saracens,  who  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  had  better  opportunities  for  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  it  in  consequence  of  being  nearer  to  its 
original  source.  One  of  the  most  renowned  seats  of  al- 
chemic industry  was  Bagdad  while  it  was  the  seat  of  the 
caliphate.  An  extensive  commerce  was  at  that  period 
carried  on  between  Arabia  and  China.  In  the  eighth 
century  embassies  were  interchanged  between  the  caliphs 
and  the  emperors.  Colonies  of  Arabs  were  established  in 
the  seaports  of  the  Empire ; and  the  grave  of  a cousin  of 
Mahomet  remains  at  Canton  as  a monument  of  that  early 
intercourse. 

2.  The  objects  of  pursuit  were  in  both  schools  identi- 
cal, and  in  either  case  twofold — immortality  and  gold. 

In  Europe  the  former  was  the  less  prominent  because 
the  people,  being  in  possession  of  Christianity,  had  a suf- 
ficiently vivid  faith  in  a future  life  to  satisfy  their  in- 
stinctive longings  without  having  recourse  to  question- 
able arts. 

3.  In  either  school  there  were  two  elixirs,  the  greater 
and  the  less,  and  the  properties  ascribed  to  them  corre- 
sponded very  closely. 


68 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


4.  The  principles  underlying  both  systems  are  identical 
in  the  composite  nature  of  the  metals,  and  their  vegetation 
from  a seminal  germ.  Indeed,  the  characters  tsing,  for 
the  germ,  and  tai,  for  the  matrix,  which  constantly  occur 
in  the  writings  of  Chinese  alchemists,  might  be  taken  for 
the  translation  of  terms  in  the  vocabulary  of  the  Western 
school,  did  not  their  higher  antiquity  forbid  the  hypo- 
thesis. 

5.  The  ends  in  view  being  the  same,  the  means  by 
which  they  were  pursued  were  nearly  identical ; mercury 
and  lead  (to  which  sulphur  was  tertiary)  being  as  con- 
spicuous in  the  laboratories  of  the  East  as  mercury  and 
sulphur  were  in  those  of  the  West.  It  is  of  less  signifi- 
cance to  add  that  many  other  substances  were  common  to 
both  schools  than  it  is  to  note  the  remarkable  coincidence 
that  in  Chinese  as  in  European  alchemy  the  names  of  the 
principal  reagents  are  employed  in  a mystical  sense.* 

6.  Both  schools,  or  at  least  individuals  in  both,  held 
the  strange  doctrine  of  a cycle  of  changes,  in  the  course 
of  which  the  precious  metals  revert  to  their  original  ele- 
ments. 

7.  Both  systems  were  closely  interwoven  with  astrology. 

8.  Both  led  to  the  practice  of  magical  arts  and  un- 
bounded charlatanism. 

9.  Both  dealt  in  language  of  equal  extravagance ; and 
the  style  of  European  alchemists,  so  unlike  the  sobriety 
of  thought  characteristic  of  the  Western  mind,  would,  if 
considered  alone,  furnish  ground  for  a probable  conjec- 

* Robert  Boyle  (quoted  in  Nature,  January,  1877)  is  unspar- 
ing in  his  denunciation  of  “ those  sooty  empirics,  who  have  their 
eyes  darkened  and  their  brains  troubled  with  the  smoke  of  their 
furnaces;  and  who  are  wont  to  evince  their  salt,  sulphur,  and 
mercury  (to  which  they  give  the  canting  title  of  hypostatical 
principles)  to  be  the  true  principle  of  things.” 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA  69 

ture  that  their  science  must  have  had  its  origin  in  the 
fervid  fancy  of  an  Oriental  people.* 

In  conclusion,  granting  that  the  leading  objects  of  al- 
chemical pursuit  are  such  as  might  have  suggested  them- 
selves to  the  human  mind  in  any  country,  as  it  felt  its 
way  towards  an  acquaintance  with  the  forces  of  nature, 
yet  the  similarity  of  the  circumstances  with  which  they 
are  found  associated  in  the  West  and  the  East  forbids  the 
supposition  of  an  independent  origin.  Setting  aside  as 
untenable  the  claims  of  Europe  and  of  Western  Asia,  we 
regard  alchemy  as  unquestionably  a product  of  the  re- 
moter East.  To  the  honor  of  being  its  birthplace,  India 
and  China  are  rival  claimants.  The  pretensions  of  the 
former  f we  are  not  in  a position  to  estimate  by  direct 
investigation ; but  they  appear  to  us  to  be  excluded  by 
the  proposition,  of  which  there  is  abundant  proof,  that 
the  alchemy  of  China  is  not  an  exotic,  but  a genuine  pro- 
duct of  the  soil  of  that  country. 

As  before  remarked,  it  springs  from  Taoism,  an  in- 

* The  whimsical  idea  of  the  homunculus,  which  was  so  promi- 
nent in  the  works  of  the  later  alchemists  of  the  West,  and  which 
plays  such  a conspicuous  role  in  the  second  part  of  Goethe’s 
Faust,  is  one  of  which  I can  find  no  vestige  in  the  records  of 
Eastern  alchemy.  In  the  writings  of  the  latter  school,  however, 
the  power  of  synthetic  creation  is  asserted  boldly  enough,  and 
the  idea  of  producing  the  homunculus,  i.  e.  of  creating  a human 
being  by  an  artificial  process,  is,  in  fact,  only  a particular  appli- 
cation of  the  principle. 

f That  much-lamented  sinologue,  the  late  Mr.  Mayers,  favors 
the  claim  of  India,  though,  alas ! it  is  no  longer  possible  to  ques- 
tion him  as  to  the  grounds  of  his  opinion.  In  his  essay  on  the 
origin  of  gunpowder,  he  says,  “ It  is  at  least  allowable  to  sur- 
mise that  those  Brahmin  chemists  who,  it  is  almost  proved,  in- 
augurated the  search  after  the  philosopher’s  stone  and  the  elixir 
vitce  may  have  been  the  first  to  discover  what  secret  forces  are 
developed  in  the  fiery  union  between  sulphur  and  saltpetre.” 


7o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


digenous  religion ; and  shows  itself  in  clearly  defined  out- 
lines, if  not  in  full  maturity,  at  a time  when  there  was 
little  or  no  intercourse  with  India.  Had  it  appeared  some 
centuries  later  simultaneously  with  the  introduction  of 
Buddhism,  there  might  have  been  more  reason  to  look 
on  it  as  a foreign  importation.  In  polar  antagonism  with 
the  idealistic  philosophy  of  Buddha,  its  fundamental  tenets 
are  not  only  found  in  the  ancient  manual  of  Laotze,* 
they  are  distinctly  traceable  in  the  oldest  of  the  Confucian 
classics. 

In  the  I Ching,  the  diagrams  of  which  are  referred  to 
Fu  Hsi,  b.  c.  2800,  while  the  text  dates  from  Wen  Wang, 
b.  c.  1150,  and  the  commentary  from  Confucius,  b.  c. 
500,  we  discover  at  length  what  appears  to  us  the  true 
source  of  those  prolific  ideas  which  prepared  the  way  for 
our  modern  chemistry.  Its  name,  The  Book  of  Changes, 
is  suggestive ; and  we  find  throughout  its  contents  the 
vague  idea  of  change  replaced  by  the  more  definite  one 
of  “ transformation,”  the  key-word  of  alchemy. 

In  the  very  first  section,  Wen  Wang  descants  on  the 
“ changes  and  transmutations  of  the  creative  principle ; ” 
and  Confucius,  in  several  chapters  of  his  commentary, 
grows  eloquent  over  the  same  theme.  “ How  great,”  he 
exclaims,  “ is  change!  How  wonderful  is  change!  When 
heaven  and  earth  were  formed,  change  was  throned  in 
their  midst ; and  should  change  cease  to  take  place,  heaven 
and  earth  would  soon  cease  to  exist.”  “ The  diagrams,” 
he  says  again,  “ comprehend  the  profoundest  secrets  of 

* The  famous  poet,  Pailotien,  in  a well-known  stanza,  asserts 
that  the  extravagances  of  alchemy  are  not  to  be  found  there. 
Yet  the  thoughtful  reader  cannot  fail  to  discover  its  latent  princi- 
ples, especially  the  effect  of  discipline  in  securing  an  ascendency 
over  matter,  and  the  protean  power  of  transmutation  hidden  in  the 
forces  of  nature.  The  alchemists  all  claim  Laotze  as  a lineal 
ancestor,  though  they  derive  their  origin  from  a remoter  source. 


ALCHEMY  IN  CHINA 


71 


the  universe ; and  the  power  of  exciting  the  various  mo- 
tions of  the  universe  depends  on  their  explanation : the 
power  to  effect  transmutation  depends  on  the  understand- 
ing of  the  diagrams  of  changes.”  Here,  in  a word,  is 
the  leading  idea  of  the  1 Ching;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  general  object  of  Chinese  students  of  alchemy.  In- 
deed, so  thoroughly  are  their  works  pervaded  by  the 
spirit  of  that  venerable  epitome  of  primitive  science  that 
it  is  impossible  to  mistake  the  source  from  which  they 
derive  their  inspiration.  The  Taoists,  without  a dissent- 
ing voice,  recognize  it  as  the  first  book  in  the  canon  of 
their  sect;  and  the  Tyrant  of  Ch’in,  a zealous  votary  of 
alchemy,  spared  the  I Ching  from  the  flames  to  which 
he  consigned  all  the  other  writings  of  Confucius  and  his 
disciples.  We  have  therefore  no  hesitation  in  affirming 
that  alchemy  is  indigenous  to  china,  and  coeval  with 

THE  DAWN  OF  LETTERS. 


BOOK  II 
Chinese  Literature 


IV 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA 

THAT  the  Chinese  are  capable  of  poetry  may  to 
some  be  a revelation,  so  practical  and  prosaic  are 
the  specimens  of  the  race  with  whom  they  have 
come  in  contact.  Yet  an  educated  Chinese  is,  of  all  men, 
the  most  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  poetry.  If  he  makes 
a remarkable  voyage,  he  is  sure  to  give  the  world  his 
impressions  in  verse.  He  inscribes  fresh  couplets  on  his 
door-posts  every  New  Year’s  Day.  Poetical  scrolls,  the 
gifts  of  friends,  adorn  the  walls  of  his  shop  or  study.  He 
spends  his  leisure  in  tinkering  sonnets ; and,  when  he 
escorts  a guest  as  far  as  some  pretty  pavilion  on  a hill- 
side, he  never  fails  to  extract  from  his  boot-top  the  ready 
pencil,  and  to  indite  in  verse  an  adieu,  which  passes  for 
impromptu — scrawling,  at  the  same  time,  on  wall  or  pillar 
a record  of  the  occasion. 

All  this  is,  no  doubt,  somewhat  artificial,  but  it  has  its 
root  in  national  sentiment.  For  of  China  it  is  true  to-day, 
as  of  no  other  nation,  that  an  apprenticeship  in  the  art  of 
poetry  forms  a leading  feature  in  her  educational  system. 
Wales  has  her  Eisteddfod,  or  annual  assemblage  of  bards, 
and  the  great  schools  of  England  have  their  prize  poems ; 
but  in  China  no  youth  who  aspires  to  civil  office  or  literary 
honors  is  exempted  from  composing  verse  in  his  trial 
examination.  To  be  a tax-collector,  he  is  tested  not  in 
arithmetic  but  in  prosody — a usage  that  has  been  in  force 
for  nearly  a thousand  years.  Its  origin,  in  fact,  goes 
back  much  further.  For  did  not  Confucius  make  poetry 

75 


?6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  front  foot  of  his  educational  tripos?  “Let  poetry,” 
he  says,  “ be  the  beginning,  manners  the  middle,  and 
music  the  finish.” 

The  sage  who  prescribed  this  course  of  study  was  a 
musician ; but  if  he  ever  wrote  verse,  not  a line  of  it  has 
come  down  to  our  day.  He  was,  however,  far  from 
prosaic.  His  sayings  sparkle  with  gems  of  metaphor ; 
and  that  he  keenly  enjoyed  poetry  and  appreciated  its 
refining  influence  is  evident  from  the  maxim  just  quoted. 

A stronger  proof  of  his  taste  for  poetry  is  the  fact  that, 
in  one  of  the  Five  Classics,  he  took  pains  to  collect  and 
preserve  the  most  noteworthy  poems  that  had  appeared 
prior  to  his  day.  In  another,  the  Shu,  or  Book  of  History, 
edited  by  him,  he  has  also  preserved  sundry  fragments 
of  primeval  poetry.  We  have  there  the  spectacle  of 
princes  and  their  ministers  improvising  responsive  verse, 
a thousand  years  before  the  Trojan  War. 

In  China,  as  in  Greece,  the  birth  of  poetry  preceded 
that  of  philosophy.  The  Lyric  Muse  heralded  the  dawn 
of  culture;  and,  by  the  first  light  of  history,  her  rosy 
fingers  are  discerned  busily  engaged  in  weaving  a robe  of 
many  colors  to  cover  the  nakedness  of  new-born  hu- 
manity. 

Epic  poetry,  so  conspicuous  in  India,  is  wholly  want- 
ing in  China,  its  place  being  supplied  by  historical  ro- 
mance, which  exhibits  all  the  features  of  poetry  with  the 
exception  of  verse. 

Dramatic  poetry  is  abundant ; but  the  drama,  though 
it  emerged  ten  centuries  ago,  is,  if  compared  with  our 
modern  stage,  still  in  a very  primitive  condition.  It  has 
scarcely  got  beyond  the  age  of  Thespis.  An  actor  changes 
his  dress,  as  he  changes  his  role,  in  the  sight  of  the  audi- 
ence, singing  out  as  he  dons  the  robes  of  majesty : “ Now 
I am  your  humble  servant,  the  Emperor.” 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA 


77 


Didactic  poems,  in  which  verse  serves  simply  as  an 
aid  to  the  memory,  are  so  common  that  official  proclama- 
tions are  frequently  thrown  into  that  form.  When,  in 
consequence  of  the  triumph  of  British  arms  half  a cen- 
tury ago,  five  ports  were  opened  to  the  residence  of 
foreigners,  the  Emperor  caused  a compend  of  the  teach- 
ings of  the  sages  to  be  published  in  verse  as  an  antidote 
to  their  doctrines.  Indeed,  so  highly  esteemed  is  verse 
as  a vehicle  for  instruction  that  a popular  encyclopaedia, 
in  forty  volumes,  is  composed  entirely  in  verse. 

Passing  over  minor  divisions,  we  shall  devote  special 
attention  to  lyric  poetry,  of  which  the  Chinese  have  pro- 
duced an  enormous  quantity,  and  in  which,  in  the  face 
of  all  competitors,  they  are  able  to  vindicate  a high  posi- 
tion. 

Their  lyric  poetry  falls,  roughly,  into  three  periods — 
ancient,  mediaeval  and  modern.  Their  ancient  lyrics  con- 
sist chiefly  of  a copious  anthology,  re-edited  by  Confucius, 
but  not  compiled  by  him.  This  anthology  contains  three 
hundred  and  six  pieces — songs,  ballads,  heroic  odes  and 
sacrificial  hymns.  The  songs  and  ballads  are  so  selected 
as  to  reflect  the  manners  of  the  several  states  into  which 
the  Empire  was  at  that  time  divided.  They  exhibit  a sim- 
plicity in  social  arrangements  which  is  in  strong  con- 
trast with  the  artificial  life  of  the  present  day. 

Besides  epithalamial  verse,  which  is  admitted  to  be 
ethically  correct,  there  are  love  songs  and  love  stories 
which  shocked  the  formal  moralists  of  later  times.  We, 
with  a less  fettered  judgment,  find  in  them  nothing  to 
object  to,  unless  it  be  the  vapid  inanity  of  most  of  them. 
As  a whole,  they  stand  in  point  of  morality  far  above  any 
similar  collection  that  has  come  down  to  us  from  pagan 
antiquity.  To  secure  this  degree  of  purity,  they  under- 
went a Bowdlerizing  process  at  the  hands  of  Confucius 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


78 

or  his  predecessors.  So  confident  was  Confucius  that  all 
traces  of  evil  had  been  expunged  that  he  declared  that, 
“ of  these  three  hundred  odes,  there  is  not  one  that  de- 
parts from  the  purity  of  thought.” 

We  must  not  think  of  Confucius  as  always  discoursing 
wisdom,  or  as  perpetually  hampered  by  a stiff  ceremonial. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  human  of  sages — a sort  of 
wiser,  better  Solomon,  who,  though  he  spoke  more  than 
“ three  thousand  proverbs,”  found  time  to  edit,  if  he  did 
not  compose,  a great  many  charming  canticles.  As  a 
musician,  he  must  have  enjoyed  their  harmonies  of  rhyme 
and  rhythm — attractions  which  those  ancient  poems  have 
entirely  lost,  through  changes  which  the  language  has 
undergone  in  the  lapse  of  ages.  Here  is  a fragment  that 
has  a history : 

“ A speck  upon  your  ivory  fan 
You  soon  may  wipe  away; 

But  stains  upon  the  heart  or  tongue 
Remain,  alas,  for  aye.” 

Hearing  a young  man  repeat  these  lines  from  time  to 
time,  Confucius  chose  him  for  his  son-in-law.  He  showed 
enough  affection  for  his  daughter  to  select  an  honest 
man  for  her  husband ; yet  he  admitted  into  his  collection, 
without  note  or  comment,  a ballad  which  has  done  much 
to  perpetuate  among  his  people  a barbarous  contempt  for 
women : 

“ When  a son  is  born — in  a lordly  bed 
Wrap  him  in  raiment  of  purple  and  red; 

Jewels  and  gold  for  playthings  bring 
For  the  noble  boy  who  shall  serve  the  king. 

“ When  a girl  is  born — in  coarse  cloth  wound, 

With  a tile  for  a toy,  let  her  lie  on  the  ground. 

In  her  bread  and  her  beer  be  her  praise  or  her  blame 
And  let  her  not  sully  her  parents’  good  name.” 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA 


79 


Had  the  sage  but  bethought  himself  to  attach  to  this 
relic  a little  note  of  disapproval,  how  much  cruelty  he 
might  have  averted  by  the  stroke  of  a pen ! 

The  following  song  for  New  Year’s  Eve  is  as  true  to 
human  sentiment  to-day  as  it  still  is  to  the  aspects  of 
nature.  To  make  it  suit  the  season,  however,  we  must 
remember  that  the  date  of  New  Year’s  Eve  was  prob- 
ably a month  earlier  than  at  present,  and  the  latitude 
about  thirty-five  degrees — that  of  Honan : 

“ The  voice  o£  the  cricket  is  heard  in  the  hall, 

The  leaves  of  the  forest  are  withered  and  sere; 

My  sad  spirits  droop  at  those  chirruping  notes, 

So  thoughtlessly  sounding  the  knell  of  the  year. 

“ Yet  why  should  we  sigh  at  the  change  of  a date, 

When  life’s  flowing  on  in  a full,  steady  tide? 

Come,  let  us  be  merry  with  those  that  we  love ; 

For  pleasure  in  measure  there  is  no  one  to  chide.” 

This  is  the  oldest  temperance  ode  in  the  world.  It  was 
designed,  as  the  Chinese  say,  to  curb  the  excesses  incident 
to  the  season,  by  recommending  “ pleasure  in  measure.” 
It  probably  antedates  the  founding  of  Rome. 

Before  dismissing  these  ancient  odes,  it  should  be  said 
that  a characteristic  of  their  structure  is  the  refrain. 
They  generally  start  with  a poetic  image,  such  as  the 
plaintive  cry  of  a deer,  or  the  note  of  a water-fowl ; which 
is  repeated  at  the  beginning  or  end  of  each  stanza,  albeit 
without  any  very  clear  relation  to  the  theme  of  the  poem. 
Burns’s  famous  song,  “ Green  grow  the  rashes,  O ! ” is 
in  this  respect  thoroughly  Chinese.  Tennyson’s  graver 
melody,  “ Break,  break,  break,  on  thy  cold  gray  stones, 
O sea ! ” is  equally  in  keeping  with  the  style  of  a Chinese 
lyric.  The  whole  piece  is  pervaded  by  the  moaning  of 
the  sea,  suggesting  more  than  words : 


8o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ And  I would  that  my  tongue  could  utter 

The  thoughts  that  arise  in  me.” 

There  is  a book  of  elegies,  of  a somewhat  later  age, 
which  is  held  in  much  esteem.  It  is  chiefly  the  work  of 
one  man,  Chu  Yuan,  who  proved  his  genius,  or  at  least 
impressed  it  on  posterity,  by  drowning  himself. 

Passing  over  this,  we  come  to  the  beginning  of  China’s 
Middle  Age,  the  dynasty  of  Han,  under  which  the  re- 
vival of  letters  quickened  every  kind  of  intellectual  ac- 
tivity. The  poetry  of  this  period  shows  a notable  advance 
toward  perfection  of  form ; though  its  high  qualities  may 
not  be  discoverable  in  the  specimens  which  I have  to  offer. 

The  first  is  by  Chia  I,  a Minister  of  State  who  was 
sent  into  banishment  about  200  b.  c.  In  spirit  and  inci- 
dent, it  reminds  one  of  Poe’s  “ Raven ; ” but  the  task  of 
finding  out  how  Poe  got  wind  of  his  Chinese  predecessor 
’ must  be  left  to  others  : 

“ In  dismal,  gloomy,  crumbling  halls, 

Betwixt  moss-covered,  reeking  walls, 

An  exiled  poet  lay — 

“ On  his  bed  of  straw  reclining, 

Half  despairing,  half  repining — 

When,  athwart  the  window  sill, 

In  flew  a bird  of  omen  ill, 

And  seemed  inclined  to  stay. 

“ To  my  book  of  occult  learning 
Suddenly  I thought  of  turning, 

All  the  mystery  to  know 
Of  that  shameless  owl  or  crow, 

That  would  not  go  away. 

“ * Wherever  such  a bird  shall  enter 
’Tis  sure  some  power  above  has  sent  her,’ 

So  said  the  mystic  book,  ‘ to  show 
The  human  dweller  forth  must  go;’ 

But  where,  it  did  not  say. 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA 


81 


“ Then  anxiously  the  bird  addressing, 

And  my  ignorance  confessing, 

' Gentle  bird,  in  mercy  deign 
The  will  of  Fate  to  me  explain. 

Where  is  my  future  way?’ 

“ It  raised  its  head  as  if  ’twere  seeking 
To  answer  me  by  simply  speaking; 

Then  folded  up  its  sable  wing, 

Nor  did  it  utter  anything; 

But  breathed  a ‘ Well-a-day ! ’ 

“ More  eloquent  than  any  diction, 

That  simple  sigh  produced  conviction ; 

Furnishing  to  me  the  key 
Of  the  awful  mystery 

That  on  my  spirit  lay. 

“ * Fortune’s  wheel  is  ever  turning, 

To  human  eye  there’s  no  discerning 
Weal  or  woe  in  any  state; 

Wisdom  is  to  bide  your  fate.’ 

That  is  what  it  seemed  to  say 
By  that  simple  ‘ Well-a-day.’  ” 

A hundred  years  later,  we  have  a touching  ode  ad- 
dressed to  his  wife  by  Su  Wu,  when  on  the  eve  of  a 
perilous  embassy  to  the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary; 

“Twin  trees  whose  boughs  together  twine, 

Two  birds  that  guard  one  nest, 

We’ll  soon  be  far  asunder  torn, 

As  sunrise  from  the  West. 

“ Hearts  knit  in  childhood’s  innocence, 

Long  bound  in  Hymen’s  ties, 

One  goes  to  distant  battle-fields, 

One  sits  at  home  and  sighs. 


82 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ Like  carrier  dove,  though  seas  divide, 
I’ll  seek  my  lonely  mate; 

But  if  afar  I find  a grave 

You’ll  mourn  my  hapless  fate. 


“ To  us  the  future’s  all  unknown; 

In  memory  seek  relief. 

Come,  touch  the  chords  you  know  so  well, 

And  let  them  soothe  our  grief.” 

It  speaks  well  for  the  domestic  affections  of  the  Chinese 
that  the  sentiment  of  this  piece  has  so  penetrated  their 
literature  that  it  has  had  imitators  in  every  age,  even 
down  to  our  own  days.  The  Commissioner  Lin,  whose 
high-handed  proceedings  provoked  the  Opium  War,  on 
going  into  banishment,  addressed  a similar  adieu  to  his 
wife. 

Passing  over  another  century,  we  come  to  Pan  Chih 
Yu,  the  Sappho  of  China,  a gifted  lady  of  the  Court,  b.  c. 
18.  Though  several  of  her  compositions  are  extant,  the 
best  known  is  an  ode  inscribed  on  a fan,  and  presented 
to  the  Emperor; 

“ Of  fresh,  new  silk,  all  snowy  white, 

And  round  as  harvest  moon ; 

A pledge  of  purity  and  love, 

A small  but  welcome  boon. 

“ While  Summer  lasts,  borne  in  the  hand, 

Or  folded  on  the  breast, 

’Twill  gently  soothe  thy  burning  brow, 

And  charm  thee  to  thy  rest. 

“ But,  ah ! When  Autumn  frosts  descend, 

And  Winter’s  winds  blow  cold, 

No  longer  sought,  no  longer  loved, 

’Twill  lie  in  dust  and  mold. 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA  83 


“ This  silken  fan,  then,  deign  accept, 

Sad  emblem  of  my  lot — 

Caressed  and  fondled  for  an  hour, 

Then  speedily  forgot.” 

After  an  interval  of  two  centuries,  we  come  to  the 
period  of  the  “ Three  Kingdoms.” 

A weak  tyrant,  who  occupied  one  of  the  thrones,  was 
jealous  of  the  talents  of  his  younger  brother,  who  had  the 
reputation  of  being  the  first  poet  of  his  day.  Reproach- 
ing the  poet  for  thinking  too  highly  of  himself,  he  threat- 
ened him  with  death,  unless  he  should  on  the  instant  com- 
pose a quatrain  that  would  be  accepted  as  a proof  of 
genius.  The  young  man  strode  slowly  across  the  hall,  his 
footsteps  keeping  time  to  the  cadence  of  his  verse,  while 
he  pronounced  these  lines: 

“ Are  there  not  beans  in  yon  boiling  pot, 

And  bean-stalks  are  burning  below? 

Now  why,  when  they  spring  from  one  parent  root, 
Should  they  scorch  each  other  so?” 

The  dynasty  of  T’ang  (618-905  A.  d.)  witnessed  the 
rise  of  the  drama,  and  at  the  same  time  the  culmination 
of  lyric  poetry.  Tu  Fu  and  Li  Po  were  the  Dryden  and 
Pope  of  that  age.  The  former,  though  for  ten  centuries 
he  has  enjoyed  an  immense  popularity,  had  for  a long 
time  to  struggle  with  poverty.  “ For  thirty  years  I rode 
an  ass,”  is  a pathetic  confession,  which  I shall  not  mar 
by  the  addition  of  another  line  from  his  voluminous 
works. 

His  great  rival  was  more  fortunate.  Welcomed  at 
court  in  his  early  prime,  and  praised  by  posterity  as  the 
brightest  star  that  ever  shone  in  the  poetical  firmament  of 
China,  Li  Po  is  best  known  as  a sort  of  Oriental  Anac- 


84 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


reon,  a prince  of  bacchanalian  bards.  We  have  not  space 
for  more  than  two  specimens  of  his  verse— an  epistle 
from  a young  wife  to  her  husband  in  the  army,  evidently 
inspired  by  the  farewell  sonnet  of  Su  Wu,  and  an  ode  on 
drinking  alone  by  moonlight.  The  first  is  marked  by  the 
simplicity  of  Wordsworth;  the  second  by  the  humor  of 
Hood. 


A SOLDIER’S  WIFE  TO  HER  HUSBAND. 

“ ’Twas  many  a year  ago — 

How  I recall  the  day ! — 

When  you,  my  own  true  love, 

Came  first  with  me  to  play. 

“ A little  child  was  I, 

My  head  a mass  of  curls; 

I gathered  daisies  sweet, 

Along  with  other  girls. 

“ You  rode  a bamboo  horse, 

And  deemed  yourself  a knight — 

With  paper  helm  and  shield 
And  wooden  sword  bedight. 

“ Thus  we  together  grew, 

And  we  together  played — 

Yourself  a giddy  boy, 

And  I a thoughtless  maid. 

“ At  fourteen  I was  wed, 

And  if  one  called  my  name 
As  quick  as  lightning  flash 
The  crimson  blushes  came. 

“’Twas  not  till  we  had  passed 
A year  of  married  life, 

My  heart  was  knit  to  yours 
In  joy  to  be  your  wife. 


POETS  AND  POETRY  IN  CHINA 


" Another  year,  alas  ! 

And  you  had  joined  your  chiet 
While  I was  left  at  home 
In  solitary  grief. 

“ When  victory  crowns  your  arms. 
And  I your  triumph  learn. 
What  bliss  for  me  to  fly 
To  welcome  your  return ! ” 


ON  DRINKING  ALONE  BY  MOONLIGHT. 

“ Here  are  flowers  and  here  is  wine ; 

But  there's  no  friend  with  me  to  join 
Hand  to  hand  and  heart  to  heart, 

In  one  full  bowl  before  we  part. 

“ Rather  then,  than  drink  alone, 

I’ll  make  bold  to  ask  the  Moon 
To  condescend  to  lend  her  face, 

The  moment  and  the  scene  to  grace. 

“ Lo ! she  answers  and  she  brings 
My  shadow  on  her  silver  wings — 

That  makes  three,  and  we  shall  be, 

I ween,  a merry  company. 

“ The  modest  Moon  declines  the  cup. 

My  shadow  promptly  takes  it  up; 

And  when  I dance,  my  shadow  fleet 
Keeps  measure  with  my  twinkling  feet. 

“ Although  the  Moon  declines  to  tipple. 

She  dances  in  yon  shining  ripple; 

And  when  I sing,  my  festive  song 
The  echoes  of  the  Moon  prolong. 

“ Say,  when  shall  we  next  meet  together  ? 

Surely  not  in  cloudy  weather, 

For  you,  my  boon  companions  dear. 

Come  only  when  the  sky  is  clear.” 


86 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


A text  book  used  in  Chinese  schools  is  called  “ Selec- 
tions from  a Thousand  Bards.”  The  authors  are  of  all 
ages,  but  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  make  a catalogue  of 
a thousand  belonging  to  this  dynasty. 

Of  the  present  dynasty,*  the  most  distinguished  poet, 
if  not  the  most  gifted,  is  the  Emperor  Chien  Lung,  who 
closed  his  reign  of  a full  cycle  almost  exactly  a hundred 
years  ago. 

* Pao  and  Tung,  late  Ministers  of  State,  were  poets  of  no  mean 
order.  Both  presented  me  with  their  works,  as  did  several  bards 
of  less  note.  Not  to  enumerate  other  gifts  of  the  kind,  of  which 
I have  been  the  recipient,  two  old  men  (one  ninety  years  of  age), 
eminent  as  scholars  and  wearing  the  buttons  of  official  rank, 
called  on  me  lately,  as  I was  passing  through  Shanghai,  each  bend- 
ing under  a load  of  original  poems,  which  he  desired  to  present. 
It  was  a great  honor,  but  it  was  something  of  a burden  also,  for 
I had  to  buy  another  trunk  to  carry  their  books  to  Peking.  Then, 
am  I not  expected  to  clothe  them  in  English  dress,  and  to  make 
them  known  beyond  the  seas? — a thing  which  space  forbids,  at 
present. 


V 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 

ASTRONOMERS  tell  us  that,  though  Venus  is 
so  much  nearer  than  Mars,  it  is  impossible  to 
obtain  a clear  view  of  her  surface,  on  account 
of  her  dazzling  brightness.  Do  we  not  experience  a 
similar  difficulty  in  contemplating  the  great  luminaries 
of  the  human  race?  In  their  case,  an  atmosphere  of  myth 
always  gathers  round  the  nucleus  of  history,  concealing 
and  distorting  their  features. 

This  was  the  case  with  Him  to  whom  the  Western 
world  owes  its  deliverance  from  the  darkness  of  heathen- 
ism. Outside  of  the  authentic  records  left  us  by  the  Four 
Evangelists,  there  was  extant  for  a long  time  a floating 
mass  of  fable  which  it  cost  no  little  labor  to  expose  and 
suppress.  It  was  so  with  the  wisest  of  the  sages  of 
Greece.  How  different  the  aspect  which  Socrates  pre-’ 
sents  in  the  simple  narrative  of  Xenophon  from  that  which 
he  is  made  to  assume  in  the  voluminous  Dialogues  of 
Plato!  In  the  latter,  we  know  that  we  are  not  reading 
history ; yet  they  do  contain  historic  elements, — Many  of 
the  doctrines  and  much  of  the  manner  of  propounding 
them  are  derived  from  Socrates,  even  if  the  words  in 
which  they  are  clothed  belong  wholly  to  his  eloquent 
disciple. 

Such,  is  the  case  of  Confucius.  So  great  was  the 
ascendency  to  which  he  attained,  within  the  five  or  six 
centuries  succeeding  his  death,  that  it  became  the  fashion 
to  invoke  his  name  for  any  document  for  which  his  fol- 

87 


88 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


lowers  desired  to  conciliate  popular  favor.  Especially 
was  this  the  habit  with  that  large  class  of  writers,  the 
Po  Tse,  whom  we  may  describe  as  the  Sophists  of  China. 
Take  up  a volume  of  Leitze  or  Chuangtze,  and  you 
meet  with  anecdotes,  apologues,  and  discourses,  put  forth 
under  the  name  of  Confucius, — all  of  which  are  so  evi- 
dently fictitious  as  to  suggest  a query  whether  they  were 
ever  intended  to  be  taken  as  historical.  These  writers 
deal  in  a similar  way,  and  some  of  them  to  a much  greater 
extent,  with  the  name  of  Huang  Ti,  the  Yellow  Emperor, 
— a personage  who  belongs  altogether  to  the  realm  of 
myth. 

The  pains-taking  and  conscientious  authors  of  the  Lun 
Yu,  the  Confucian  Memorabilia,  have  made  the  world 
familiar  with  the  Sage,  who  always  spoke  with  delibera- 
tion, and  acted  with  dignity ; who  had  such  a weakness 
for  ginger  that  he  was  “ never  tired  of  eating  it ; ” and 
who  was  so  scrupulous  as  to  petty  proprieties  that  he 
“ never  sat  down  if  his  mat  was  awry.”  To  these  trifling 
details,  they  add  that,  at  home,  he  wore  a tunic  with  one 
sleeve  shorter  than  the  other,  and  slept  in  a night-gown 
fifty  per  cent  longer  than  his  body ; that,  on  going  to* 
bed,  he  ceased  to  talk ; and,  not  to  cite  other  traits  of 
aspect  and  carriage,  the  conviction  is  forced  upon  us 
that  we  have  here  glimpses  of  a real  man. 

But  turn  to  the  outline  of  biography,  familiar  to  every 
Chinese  school-boy.  Passing  over  the  supernatural  por- 
tents connected  with  his  birth  and  death,  we  find  the 
statement  that  Confucius  was  prime  minister  of  Lu  for 
three  months ; that,  within  that  time,  he  effected  such 
a reformation  that  precious  things  might  be  dropped  in 
the  street  without  risk  of  misappropriation  ; that  shepherds 
refrained  from  watering  their  sheep  before  driving  them 
to  market,  lest  they  should  draw  more  than  their  proper 


SHRINE  AND  TEMPLE  OF  CONFUCIUS 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA  89 


weight ; that  prisons  were  empty,  and  tribunals  idle ; 
that  men  were  honest,  and  women  chaste ; and  that  the 
little  state  began  to  acquire  such  a preponderance  that 
its  neighbors  resorted  to  unworthy  stratagems  to  under- 
mine the  influence  of  the  great  reformer.  These  and 
other  incidents,  either  wholly  fictitious  or  greatly  exag- 
gerated. are  found  in  the  sober  pages  of  Sze  Ma  Ch‘ien, 
the  Herodotus  of  China. 

THE  SAGE  TAUGHT  BY  A CHILD. 

Many  of  these  incidents  have  been  taken  up  and  further 
expanded  by  later  writers.  For  instance,  the  historian 
records  that  “ Confucius  took  lessons  from  Hsiang  T’o.” 
Now,  Hsiang  T’o  was  a precocious  child  of  seven  years ; 
and  the  record  probably  means  nothing  more  than  that 
the  Sage  condescended  to  take  a hint  from  the  lad,  or 
to  make  use  of  him  as  an  illustration  in  teaching,  as  a 
Greater  Teacher  did,  when,  his  disciples  contending  for 
precedence,  he  set  a little  child  before  them  as  an  object 
lesson  in  the  graces  of  faith  and  humility. 

Here  is  a specimen  of  the  stories  that  have  grown  out 
of  this  obscure  incident : — 

Confucius,  it  is  said,  seeing  a little  boy  playing  with 
tiles  in  the  street,  called  to  him  to  make  way  for  his 
carriage.  “Not  so,”  said  the  boy;  “I  am  building  a 
city.  A city  wall  does  not  give  way  for  a cart,  but  a 
cart  goes  round  the  wall.”  “You  seem  to  be  uncom- 
monly clever  for  your  years,”  said  Confucius,  surprised 
at  the  self-possession  of  the  lad.  “ How  so?  ” said  the 
lad ; “ a hare  at  the  age  of  three  days  can  scamper  over 
the  fields,  and  should  I not  know  a thing  or  two  at  the 
age  of  seven  years?  If  you  will  tell  me  how  many  stars 
there  are  in  heaven,  I shall  know  more  than  I do  now.” 
“ Why  do  you  inquire  about  things  so  far  away  ? ” said 


90 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  Sage ; “ ask  about  something  near  at  hand,  and  I 
will  answer  you.”  “ Then,”  said  the  boy,  “ please  tell 
me  how  many  hairs  you  have  in  your  eye-brows.”  The 
Sage  was  non-plussed ; and,  giving  the  lad  a kindly  smile, 
he  drove  silently  away. 

Another  story,  derived  from  the  same  source,  is  found 
in  the  works  of  Leitze. 

Confucius  met  with  two  boys,  who  were  discussing 
the  question  whether  the  sun  is  more  distant  in  the 
morning  or  at  noon.  “ It  appears  larger  in  the  morning,” 
said  one;  “and  the  nearer  an  object  is,  the  larger  it 
appears.”  “ But,”  replied  the  other,  “ is  not  the  sun 
hotter  at  noon  than  in  the  morning?  And  does  not  a 
hot  object  give  more  heat  when  near,  than  when  far 
away  ? ” Unable  to  agree,  they  referred  the  matter  to 
the  Sage ; and  he,  with  characteristic  caution,  left  the 
question  undecided ; or,  as  one  version  has  it,  he  was 
unable  to  decide,  and  the  boys  formed  a low  opinion  of 
his  intelligence.* 

In  treating  of  the  apocryphal  literature  relating  to 
Confucius,  it  is  important  to  distinguish  that  which 
originated  before  the  “ burning  of  the  books  ” from  that 
which  belongs  to  a later  date.  Works  that  preceded  that 
catastrophe  have,  of  course,  the  better  chance  of  con- 
taining genuine  traditions, — especially  if,  as  in  the  case 

* The  German  poet  Claudius  puts  a similar  dispute  into  the 
mouth  of  two  rustics : — 

Wie  gross  meinst  du  die  Sonne  sei? 

So  gross  vielleicht  wie  ein  futter  Heu 
etc.,  etc. 

How  big,  asked  Hans,  is  the  sun,  do  you  say? 

As  big,  said  Sep,  as  a load  of  hay. 

No!  no!  cried  Hans,  not  half  so  big, 

About  the  size  of  an  ostrich  egg. 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


91 


of  Leitze  and  Chuangtze,  they  belong  to  the  Taoist 
school,  which  was  not  proscribed,  and  therefore  escaped 
the  conflagration.  In  the  writers  last  named,  the  reck- 
less use  of  imagination  vitiates  their  authority.  In 
Chuangtze,  there  are  more  than  fifty  references  to  Con- 
fucius and  his  disciples,  not  one  of  which  possesses  any 
historical  value. 

In  works  of  the  later  period,  reminiscences  of  the 
Sage  are  far  more  multiplied ; but  their  genuineness  is 
not  merely  questionable  on  account  of  their  remoteness 
from  the  times  of  their  subject.  Is  it  not  obvious  that  an 
occurrence  like  the  “fires  of  Ch'in,”  (240  b.  c.)  the 
avowed  aim  of  which  was  to  extirpate  the  teachings  of 
Confucius,  would  open  a wide  field  for  the  production 
of  supposititious  literature?  So  well,  indeed,  did  the 
tyrant  succeed  in  his  purpose  that  only  a few  manuscripts 
escaped ; and  they,  by  being  hidden  for  generations  in 
the  walls  of  houses. 

A PREMIUM  ON  FORGERY. 

On  the  accession  of  the  Han  Dynasty,  when  the  first 
attempt  was  made  to  wake  the  lost  books  from  their  ashes, 
the  same  edict,  which  caused  old  men  to  ransack  their 
brain  for  pages  committed  to  memory  in  boyhood,  en- 
couraged others  to  exercise  their  inventive  faculties  to 
produce  a plausible  substitute.  The  rewards  offered  for 
discoveries  of  hidden  Classics  acted  as  a premium  on 
forgery. 

All  the  circumstances  of  the  time  were  adapted  to 
favor  imposture.  Under  a new  dynasty,  letters  blos- 
somed afresh;  and  the  subject  which  appealed  most 
powerfully  to  the  inventive  faculties  of  the  learned  was 
the  huge  void  left  by  the  missing  books.  Pecuniary  re- 
wards, imperial  favor,  and  popular  esteem,  all  conspired 


92 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


to  incite  them  to  effort ; and  aut  inveniam  aut  faciam  be- 
came a motto  with  thousands  of  zealous  scholars. 

Zeal  for  the  Confucian  school,  which,  for  a time  over- 
shadowed by  Taoism,  now  began  to  recover  its  lost 
ground,  supplied  an  additional  motive;  and  scholars, 
who  wished  to  give  currency  to  their  own  ideas,  did  not 
scruple  to  publish  them  under  the  names  of  the  apostles 
of  Confucianism,  or  even  under  that  of  the  great  Master 
himself. 

The  Arabs  of  Egypt  are  not  more  expert  in  manu- 
facturing antique  mummies  than  were  the  students  of 
Han  in  the  construction  of  ancient  classics.  Not  to  speak 
of  spurious  portions  foisted  into  several  of  the  canonical 
books,  two  at  least  of  the  works  now  reckoned  among  the 
Thirteen  Classics  are  admitted  to  be  of  apocryphal  origin. 
These  are  the  Li  Chi,  or  Book  of  Rites,  and  Hsiao  Citing, 
or  Manual  of  Filial  Duty. 

THE  BOOK  OF  RITES. 

This  has  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  included  in  the 
five  Ching,  for  what  reason  it  is  difficult  to  divine,  unless 
because  it  professes  to  record  ritual  observances  which 
were  in  vogue  in  the  period  covered  by  the  other  four. 
It  enjoys,  therefore,  a great  authority  from  the  eminence 
to  which  it  has  been  raised. 

More  than  any  other  work,  it  has  shaped  the  external 
form  of  Chinese  civilization, — preserving  its  essential 
unity  under  all  vicissitudes,  prescribing  alike  official 
forms  and  private  manners. 

The  rules  of  the  Li  Chi  are  not,  indeed,  held  as  obliga- 
tory, any  more  than  are  the  rituals  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment in  the  practice  of  Christendom ; but,  never  having 
been  formally  abrogated,  a larger  proportion  of  them  has 
entered  into  the  life  of  the  modern  Chinese. 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


93 


The  compilers  of  this  work  no  doubt  found  much  genu- 
ine material  drifting  in  a state  of  wreckage  down  the 
stream  of  time,  and  they  had  no  hesitation  in  supplying 
from  their  own  resources  whatever  might  be  required 
for  its  reconstruction.  Nor  did  they,  in  any  case,  take 
pains  to  point  out  the  boundary  between  the  old  and  the 
new.  What  they  discovered  was  at  best  a torso,  and  their 
ambition  was  to  present  it  as  a complete  statue. 

On  reading  it  one  is  struck  by  a great  inequality  of 
style ; parts  are  crabbed  and  obscure,  while  other  parts 
flow  in  a pellucid  stream,  characteristic  ot  an  advanced 
stage  of  literary  art.  Take,  for  example,  the  chapter  en- 
titled Ju  Hsing,  the  “ Character  of  a Scholar,”  and  you 
have  an  eloquent  exposition  of  the  conduct  becoming  a 
man  of  letters.  Again,  in  the  Yiieh  Chi,  you  have  a rhap- 
sody on  music,  without  a single  indication  which  might 
enable  a student  to  reproduce  the  music  of  the  ancients. 
Both  discourses  are  credited  to  Confucius,  but  the  style 
is  too  modern  by  at  least  four  centuries. 

In  some  parts  of  the  collection,  the  Sage  is  made  to 
appear  as  interlocutor  in  a dialogue ; and  occasionally  an 
incident  is  related  as  a basis  for  moral  reflections.  Such 
an  incident  is  that  of  a family  who  exposed  themselves 
to  be  devoured  by  wild  beasts  rather  than  submit  to  the 
exactions  of  mandarins. 

“ Mark  that,  my  children,”  said  Confucius,  turning  to 
his  disciples ; “ oppressive  officers  are  dreaded  more  than 
tigers.” 

The  incident  is  sufficiently  striking,  and  its  moral  is 
worthy  of  a Sage.  The  story  of  the  serpent-catcher,  by 
Liu  Tsung  Yuan,  is  based  on  it,  and  enforces  the  same 
moral  in  the  elegant  diction  of  a later  age,  exerting  a 
restraining  influence  on  the  rapacity  of  officials,  and  pro- 
moting a spirit  of  independence  among  the  people. 


94 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  itself,  the  tiger  story  is  not  incredible.  In  Oregon, 
I was  told  of  a woman  who  had  lost  three  husbands  by 
grizzly  bears.  Perhaps  one  attraction  to  the  soil  of  the 
new  territory  was  just  this  facility  of  divorce? 

THE  BOOK  OF  FILIAL  DUTY. 

Like  the  Li  Chi,  the  Manual  of  Filial  Duty  dates  from 
the  first  century  b.  c.  ; and,  like  that  work,  it  is  reputed 
to  have  been  discovered  in  the  wall  of  a house  belonging 
to  a descendant  of  Confucius.  In  form,  it  consists  of  a 
series  of  discourses,  addressed  by  the  Sage  to  his  disciple 
Tsengtze, — who  served  him  as  amanuensis,  and  who  now 
wears  the  proud  title  of  Ch’uan  Shcng, — “Transmitter 
of  the  Sage.” 

In  style,  the  book  bears  the  impress  of  the  age  of  its 
alleged  discovery,  being  more  modern  by  several  cen- 
turies than  that  of  its  reputed  author.  It  is  remarkable 
for  the  fullness  with  which  it  expounds  the  working  of 
filial  piety  as  a social  regulator  in  all  the  relations  of  life. 
Though  the  Christian  finds  in  it  no  sufficient  substitute 
for  the  prompting  and  restraining  influence  of  faith  in 
an  omnipresent  God,  he  must  acknowledge  that  in  China 
filial  piety  might  be  made  a useful  auxiliary  to  the  higher 
sentiment.  The  decay  of  that  higher  sentiment  (if  it 
ever  existed  in  China)  was  no  doubt  owing  to  the  rise 
of  polytheism ; and  philosophers  were  fain  to  seek  in 
filial  piety  a force  which  should  serve  as  the  prop  of 
morality. 

The  state  makes  it  the  basis  of  its  legislation ; and  this 
book,  whose  canonicity  the  state  has  good  reasons  for 
upholding,  is  therefore  a corner-stone  in  the  social  fabric. 
The  very  phrase  “ to  rule  the  empire  by  filial  piety,” 
so  often  seen  in  official  documents — is  found  in  the 
eighth  Chapter;  and  so  beautifully  is  the  idea  developed 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


95 


in  the  proem  that  I cannot  forbear  citing  a few 
lines : — 

“ One  clay,  when  the  Master  was  at  leisure  and  Tseng- 
tze  in  attendance,  he  said, — ‘ The  ancient  Sages  possessed 
a perfect  method  for  governing  the  empire,  by  which 
the  people  were  made  to  live  in  harmony  without  dis- 
cord between  high  and  low ; — do  you  understand  it  ? ’ 
Tsengtze  rose  and  replied : — ‘ I am  dull  of  apprehen- 
sion; how  should  I understand  it?’  ‘Sit  down  then,’ 
said  the  Master,  ‘ and  I will  teach  you.  Filial  piety  is  the 
root  of  virtue,  and  the  fountain  of  moral  teaching.  It 
begins  with  due  care  for  the  body  because  received  from 
your  parents ; it  culminates  in  conduct  which  will  make 
your  name  immortal,  and  reflect  glory  on  your  father  and 
mother.  Its  beginning  is  the  service  of  your  parents ; its 
middle,  the  service  of  the  sovereign ; and  its  end,  the  for- 
mation of  character.’  ” 

The  eighteen  short  chapters  which  follow  do  nothing 
more  than  amplify  this  text.  They  are  so  brief  and  pithy 
that  school  children  commit  them  to  memory,  and  accept 
them  as  rules  of  conduct  for  their  subsequent  life.  The 
effect  of  the  doctrines,  thus  set  forth,  can  hardly  be  over- 
estimated ; and,  in  general,  they  are  consonant  with  the 
teachings  of  the  Sage  as  given  in  records  of  unquestioned 
authenticity.  The  Hsiao  Ching,  therefore,  though  apocry- 
phal, does  him  no  injustice,  unless  it  be  in  one  point,  viz., 
— in  making  conformity  to  the  ordinances  and  even  the 
costume  of  the  ancient  Kings  an  obligation  of  filial  piety. 
It  is  known  that  Confucius  was  somewhat  conservative; 
but  it  may  be  affirmed  that  he  never  enjoined  such  unrea- 
soning submission  to  antiquity.  Does  he  not  teach,  in  the 
first  section  of  the  Ta  Hsiieh,  the  Great  Study,  that  the 
chief  duty  of  a Prince  is  to  effect  the  renovation  of  his 
people?  How  I have  longed  to  see  the  rulers  of  China 


96 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


wake  up  to  the  fact  that  their  Great  Teacher  never  in- 
tended them  to  be  fast  bound  to  the  wheels  of  the  ancient 
kings. 

THE  FAMILY  TRADITIONS. 

The  last  of  these  apocryphal  writings  which  we  shall 
notice  at  present  is  in  some  respects  the  most  important 
of  all.  It  is  the  Chia  Yu,  or  Family  Traditions.  It  ap- 
peared between  two  and  three  centuries  later  than  the 
Li  Chi  and  Hsiao  Citing ; — i.  e.,  in  the  period  of  the  Three 
Kingdoms.  Its  fortune,  though  less  brilliant  than  that  of 
those  two  most  lucky  forgeries,  has  been  such  as  to  sur- 
pass the  ambition  of  its  so-called  editor.  For  though  not, 
like  them,  set  in  the  constellation  of  sacred  classics,  it  is 
held  to  be  “ deutero-canonical ; ” and,  as  such,  it  stands 
in  the  Imperial  catalogues  at  the  head  of  Ju  Chia,  or  or- 
thodox writers  of  the  Confucian  School.  The  editor, 
Wang  Su,  frankly  states  the  object  he  has  in  view  in 
giving  these  Traditions  to  the  world.  “ Errors  are  ram- 
pant,” he  says  in  his  preface,  “ and  the  Confucian  high- 
way is  overgrown  with  brambles.  Why  should  not  I 
make  an  effort  to  clear  it  of  obstructions.  If  no  one, 
then,  chooses  to  follow  it,  it  will  not  be  my  fault.” 

The  zeal  expressed  in  these  words  is  not  fitted  to  in- 
spire confidence ; and,  when  he  informs  us  that  he  has 
opportunely  obtained  these  Traditions  in  manuscript  from 
a descendant  of  the  Sage  in  the  twenty-second  generation, 
are  we  not  disposed  to  regard  the  discovery  as  rather  too 
opportune ? Why  should  a member  of  the  family  of 
K’ung,  after  the  lapse  of  seven  centuries,  be  more  likely 
to  possess  genuine  traditions  than  any  other  of  the  “ hun- 
dred names?”  That  the  work  as  a whole  is  spurious, 
is  admitted  by  native  critics.  That  which  secures  for  it 
unrivalled  popularity  is: — 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


97 


i. — Its  worthy  aim;  2. — Its  pleasing  style;  3. — Some- 
thing like  an  element  of  real  tradition,  derived  from  vari- 
ous sources ; 4. — Adroit  insertion  and  skilful  amplification 
of  authentic  records. 

Notwithstanding  its  multifarious  contents,  it  is  easy 
to  separate  the  few  grains  of  golden  sand  carried  down 
by  the  stream  of  time  from  the  bright  clay  in  which  the 
author  has  wrapped  them  up,  with  a view  to  increasing 
their  bulk  and  weight. 

A STRANGE  MONITOR. 

As  a good  example  of  his  method,  I may  mention 
the  manner  in  which  he  deals  with  a brief  notice  which 
he  finds  in  Hsiintze,  who  lived  three  centuries  before. 
Confucius  had  seen  a water-vessel,  which,  when  empty, 
hung  obliquely ; when  half-full,  hung  vertically ; but,  on 
being  filled,  turned  over  and  spilled  its  contents.  It  was 
said  to  have  been  placed  on  the  right  of  the  Prince’s 
throne  as  a warning  against  pride,  or  fullness,  which 
“ precedes  a fall.” 

Taking  this  for  a text,  Wang  Su  expands  it  into  a 
discourse  of  considerable  length,  a copy  of  which  I ob- 
tained in  Japan,  where  it  had  evidently  been  used  as  an 
inscription  in  a princely  or  imperial  palace. 

It  is,  however,  in  paraphrases  on  the  Lun  Yii  that  he 
most  frequently  displays  his  peculiar  skill.  A few  illustra- 
tions may  not  be  out  of  place. 

THREE  WISHES. 

Borrowing  a hint  from  a passage  in  which  Confucius 
calls  on  his  disciples  to  describe  the  employ  which  each 
would  find  to  his  taste,  our  author  shows  us  the  Master 
with  three  of  his  disciples  on  a hill  top.  Enjoying  the 


98 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Loundless  prospect,  he  says  to  them : — “ Here  our 
thoughts  fly  unfettered  in  all  directions.  Here  you  may 
give  wing  to  fancy,  and  clothe  your  wildest  dreams  in 
words.  Now,  let  each  of  you  name  the  situation,  or 
achievement,  which  would  most  completely  fill  the  meas- 
ure of  his  ambition.” 

Tze  Lu  declares  for  feats  of  prowess,  choosing  above 
all  things  to  be  able  with  a small  force  to  humble  a 
proud  foe ; and  with  his  own  hand  to  capture  the  leader 
of  the  opposing  camp.  Tze  Kung,  the  finest  talker  of  the 
School,  bent  on  proving  the  tongue  mightier  than  the 
sword,  enlarging  on  his  friend’s  picture  of  opposing 
armies  ready  to  join  in  bloody  conflict,  adds  that  it  would 
be  his  ambition  to  come  between  the  hostile  camps,  to 
disarm  them  both  by  mere  force  of  argument,  showing 
each  his  true  interest,  and  by  skilful  diplomacy  to  bring 
about  an  adjustment  of  their  differences.  “ I should 
wish,”  he  says,  “ no  higher  glory  than  that  of  such  a 
peaceful  victory.” 

Confucius  commends  his  eloquence,  and  then  calls  on 
Yen  Hui,  his  favorite  disciple,  the  St.  John  of  his  School. 
With  unassuming  modesty,  Yen  declines  to  engage  in 
competition  with  his  arrogant  companions ; but,  when 
urged  by  the  Master,  he  says : — “ My  desire  would  be  to 
find  a good  Prince,  who  would  accept  me  for  his  Vizier. 
I would  teach  his  people  justice,  propriety,  and  benevo- 
lence ; and  lead  them  no  longer  to  build  walls,  or  dig 
moats,  but  to  turn  their  weapons  of  war  into  instruments 
of  husbandry.” 

“ Admirable,”  exclaimed  Confucius ; “ such  is  the 
power  of  virtue.” 

In  the  Memorabilia,  or  Lun  Yii,  the  Sage  gives  his 
suffrage  to  a disciple,  who  draws  a charming  picture  of 
the  pleasures  of  idleness.  Wang  Su  has  re-cast  the  en- 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


99 


tire  scene,  in  order  to  give  it  a conclusion  more  worthy 
of  the  nation’s  teacher,  emphasizing  the  sentiment  ex- 
pressed by  Longfellow : — 

Were  half  the  force  that  keeps  the  world  in  terror, 

Were  half  the  wealth  that’s  spent  on  camps  and  courts, 
Given  to  redeem  the  human  mind  from  error, 

There  were  no  need  of  arsenals  and  forts. 

TO  BE  OR  NOT  TO  BE. 

The  famous  saying  of  the  great  Agnostic — “ We  know 
not  life,  how  can  we  know  death?” — supplies  an  equally 
fine  text  for  artful  amplification.  It  is  accordingly  ex- 
panded into  the  following  dialogue : — 

“ Do  the  dead  retain  a conscious  existence?”  inquired 
Tze  Kung. 

“ If,”  replied  Confucius,  “ I should  say  they  do,  I 
fear  the  pious  and  filial  would  neglect  their  living  parents 
through  devotion  to  the  dead.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  I 
should  say  they  do  not,  I fear  that  the  unfilial  might 
so  far  disregard  their  duties  to  the  dead  as  to  leave  their 
parents  unburied.” 

With  this  ambiguous  answer,  he  closed  his  lips,  and 
left  his  disciples  on  the  horns  of  a torturing  dilemma. 

THE  LESSON  OF  RUNNING  WATER. 

In  the  Lun  Yii,  we  are  told  that  the  Sage,  looking  on 
a running  stream,  exclaimed : — “ Behold  an  emblem  of 
time ; it  ceases  not,  day  or  night.” 

In  the  Traditions,  Confucius  was  gazing  intently  on 
the  eastward  flowing  current  of  the  Yellow  River.  A 
disciple,  inquiring  why  a superior  man  always  loves  to 
look  on  the  surface  of  a great  stream,  he  replies : — “ Be- 
cause its  flow  never  ceases ; it  nourishes  all  living  things, 
and  yet  without  labor.  Its  water  is  like  virtue;  it  seeks 


100 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


a low  place ; yet  cities  and  palaces  follow  its  course.  It 
is  like  goodness,  vast  and  inexhaustible;  it  is  like  truth, 
gtoing  straight  forward  without  fear,  even  though  a 
plunge  of  a hundred  fathoms  may  be  before  it.  This 
is  why  the  superior  man  loves  to  look  on  the  face  of  the 
flowing  waters.” 

FOOLISH  QUESTIONS  AND  WISE  ANSWERS. 

In  the  Lun  Yu,  Ai  Kung,  Duke  of  Lu,  asks  one  or  two 
questions.  In  the  Traditions,  he  is  made  to  ask  a score 
or  more.  Here  are  two, — both  frivolous ; but  they  elicit 
wise  answers : — 

“ Will  you  tell  me,”  said  the  Duke,  “ what  kind  of 
crown  was  worn  by  the  Emperor  Shun  ? ” After  a pro- 
longed silence,  Confucius  replied,  but  not  until  he  was 
urged  to  speak : — “ I was  silent,  because  I do  not  know 
what  kind  of  garments  Shun  wore ; but  I do  know  the 
principles  on  which  he  ruled  his  people.  Why  should  not 
Your  Highness  inquire  about  them?”  On  another  oc- 
casion, the  Duke  said  to  Confucius: — “ I have  heard  of  a 
man,  who,  on  removing  to  a new  house,  forgot  to  take 
his  wife.  Was  there  ever  a case  of  greater  forgetful- 
ness?” “Yes,”  replied  Confucius;  “it  is  that  of  the 
man  who  forgets  himself.” 

TWO  VIEWS  OF  LIFE. 

A fine  story,  which  Wang  Su  borrows  from  Leitze, 
is  that  of  an  old  man  of  ninety,  who,  being  asked  why, 
under  the  burdens  of  age,  poverty,  and  toil,  he  was  still 
able  to  sing  so  merrily,  replied : — “ I have  many  reasons 
for  feeling  happy,  but  the  principal  are  these,  viz : — That 
I have  come  into  life  as  a man ; that  I have  reached  a 
good  old  age ; and  that  I am  now  soon  to  be  released  by 
the  hand  of  death.” 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


IOI 


After  relating  this  without  acknowledgment,  our  au- 
thor invents  one  in  a similar  style: — 

Passing  near  a river,  Confucius  heard  the  voice  of 
weeping.  Overtaking  an  old  man,  from  whom  the  voice 
proceeded,  he  inquired  the  cause  of  his  distress. 

“ They  are  three,”  replied  the  man ; “ I have  failed 
in  three  things,  which  it  is  now  too  late  to  mend,  and 
nothing  remains  but  unavailing  remorse. 

When  young,  I went  wandering  over  the  world  in 
quest  of  knowledge;  and,  when  I returned  home,  my 
parents  were  dead. 

In  mature  years,  I served  the  Prince  of  Ch‘i ; but  the 
Prince  ruined  himself  by  pride  and  debauchery,  and  I was 
unable  to  check  his  downward  course. 

In  my  life-time,  I have  had  many  friends,  but  I failed 
to  attach  them  to  me  by  a sincere  and  lasting  affection ; 
and  now,  in  my  old  age,  they  have  all  forsaken  me.  Of 
these  three  errors,  the  greatest  was  the  neglect  of  my 
parents.” 

Yielding  to  a fresh  transport  of  grief,  the  old  man 
threw  himself  into  the  water  and  perished.  “ Mark 
this,”  said  Confucius,  turning  to  his  disciples;  and  that 
very  day  thirteen  of  them  went  home  to  serve  their 
parents. 

In  general,  stories  and  discourses  which  re-appear  in 
the  Traditions,  display  a marked  improvement  on  their 
originals; — at  least,  in  literary  finish,  though  in  some 
instances  “ expanded  gold  exchanges  solid  strength  for 
feeble  splendor.” 

Thus  far,  we  have  looked  on  the  finer  side  of  the 
tapestry.  Let  us  now  turn  to  its  seamy  side,  as  it  is 
necessary  to  do  in  order  to  complete  the  evidence  of 
patch-work. 


102 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


AN  IMAGINARY  NIAGARA. 

On  the  road  from  Wei  to  Lu,  Confucius  comes  to  a 
cataract,  thirty  fathoms  in  height,  which  creates  a whirl- 
pool ninety  li  (30  miles)  in  circumference,  and  so  furious 
is  the  current  that  neither  fish  nor  tortoise  can  live  in  it; 
yet  an  intrepid  swimmer,  more  lucky  than  Captain  Webb 
at  Niagara,  succeeds  in  crossing.  This  passage  suggests 
the  wild  fancy  of  Chuangtze ; and,  on  turning  to  the 
older  writer,  we  find  it  there,  but  less  extravagant  in  its 
terms.  Wang  Su  uses  it  to  point  a vapid  moral ; but 
he  has  blundered  in  admitting  it  among  authentic  tra- 
ditions. 


WISE  QUESTIONS  AND  FOOLISH  ANSWERS. 

In  the  Lun  Yii,  it  is  said  there  were  four  things  of 
which  Confucius  never  spoke,  viz. : — Fairy  tales,  feats  of 
strength,  outrageous  crimes,  and  the  gods  (or  the  super- 
natural). A book  exists,  which  takes  these  for  its  sub- 
ject, and  bears  the  title,  Things  of  which  Confucius  did 
not  Speak.  There  are  not  a few  pages  in  these  alleged 
Traditions  that  might  be  grouped  under  such  a rubric. 

One  of  the  Princes  asking  him  a question,  Confucius 
launches  into  a dissertation  on  giants  and  dwarfs,  in 
which  he  says  the  latter  grow  to  three  feet  and  the  former 
to  thirty. 

Prince  Chao,  of  Ch‘u,  in  crossing  a river,  picks  up 
a floating  fruit  resembling  a cocoa-nut,  and  sends  a 
messenger  to  learn  its  nature  from  Confucius.  Without 
the  least  hesitation,  the  omniscient  Sage  gives  the  name 
of  the  fruit,  and  adds  that  the  Prince  may  eat  it,  as  it 
is  a fruit  of  good  omen,  which  only  falls  into  the  hands 
of  one  destined  to  be  a leader  of  the  nations.  When 
a disciple  asks  him  how  he  happens  to  know  these  facts 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA  103 

so  exactly,  he  replies  that  he  once  heard  a nursery  rhyme 
to  that  effect : — it  was  prophetic,  and  this  he  knew  to 
be  its  fulfilment. 

In  another  passage,  he  explains  the  appearance  of  a 
strange  bird  in  the  same  way.  It  was  called  Shang  Yang, 
had  only  one  leg,  and,  as  he  learned  from  a childish 
ditty,  its  arrival  portended  a deluge  of  rain. 

These  instances,  with  many  others  of  the  same  kind, 
may  be  taken  as  completing  the  evidence  that  the  so- 
called  Traditions  are  a transparent  fiction.  If  I have 
dwelt  too  long  on  this  particular  work,  it  is  on  account 
of  the  influence  it  exerts  in  fixing  the  popular  ideal  of 
the  Sage,  from  the  credit  it  enjoys  of  heading,  as  it  does 
in  official  catalogues,  the  entire  body  of  philosophers. 

There  are  other  works  which  contain  similar  fictions ; 
but  time  fails  to  enumerate,  not  to  say,  examine  them. 

Taken  as  a whole,  the  volume  of  these  apocryphal 
writings  far  exceeds  that  of  the  authentic  records;  the 
gaseous  envelope  surrounding  the  luminary  is  greater 
than  its  solid  nucleus.  But  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
these  fabrications,  however  well  meant,  have  not  de- 
tracted from  the  essential  greatness  of  China’s  model 
wise  man. 

CONFUCIUS  NO  MYTH. 

Let  us  conclude  by  briefly  indicating  a few  points  in 
which  the  apocryphal  Confucius  differs  from  the  real 
founder  of  Chinese  civilization ; for,  at  this  stage  of  our 
discussion,  I need  hardly  say  that  Confucius  was  no 
myth.  He  is  so  far  historical  that  he,  and  not  Sze  Ma, 
is  the  Father  of  Chinese  History.  His  words  and  acts 
were  minutely  noted  by  contemporary  pens,  hundreds  of 
his  pupils  contributing  to  transmit  his  teachings  and  per- 
petuate his  memory.  The  attempt  to  make  him  a mythical 


104  THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 

personage,  like  Pan  Ku  or  Nii  Ivua,  may  afford  an  agree- 
able exercise  for  the  leisure  hours  of  an  ingenious  stu- 
dent ; but  it  can  no  more  unsettle  the  received  convic- 
tion than  Archbishop  Whately’s  Historic  Doubts  con- 
cerning Napoleon  could  relegate  the  Corsican  Conqueror 
to  the  companionship  of  Hercules  and  Bacchus.  But,  in 
the  double  personality  that  goes  under  that  venerated 
name,  it  is  time  to  point  out  the  features  in  which  the 
mythical  Confucius  differs  from  the  historical.  I limit 
myself  to  five : — 

THE  REAL  AND  THE  MYTHICAL  COMPARED. 

1.  — The  real  Sage  was  noted  for  modesty;  the  fictitious 
is  a prig,  who  assumes  to  know  everything.  The  myth- 
makers,  who  have  attempted  to  display  the  universality 
of  his  knowledge,  have  succeeded  in  exposing  their  own 
ignorance. 

2.  — The  real  Confucius  was  a man  of  few  words ; his 
style,  laconic  and  grave.  The  mythical  is  loquacious,  and 
often  occupied  with  trifles. 

3.  — The  real  Sage  was  reverential  towards  the  Supreme 
Power  of  the  Universe,  but  agnostic  in  spirit  and  prac- 
tice. The  Confucius  of  these  Apocryphal  books  is  ex- 
cessively superstitious,  drawing  omens  of  the  future  from 
birds,  beasts,  and  the  nonsensical  ditties  of  children. 

4.  — The  real  Sage,  when  asked  if  it  is  right  to  repay 
injury  by  injury,  forbids  revenge.  The  Apocryphal  is 
made  to  teach  the  vendetta  in  its  most  truculent  form, 
prescribing  its  measure  for  each  degree  of  relationship, — 
the  slayer  of  a father  to  be  slain  at  sight,  even  in  the 
halls  of  an  imperial  palace. 

5.  — The  real  Sage  was  humane,  making  humanity,  or 
love,  the  first  of  the  cardinal  virtues  in  his  moral  system. 
The  Apocryphal  personage  is  cruel  and  unjust,  putting 


THE  CONFUCIAN  APOCRYPHA 


105 


Shao  Cheng  Mao  to  death  for  five  reasons, — not  one  of 
which  would  justify  anything  more  severe  than  dismissal 
from  office;  and  cutting  off  the  hands  and  feet  of  a 
mountebank,  who  sought  to  amuse  two  princes  on  the 
occasion  of  a public  meeting. 

These  Apocryphal  writings  contain,  as  I have  said, 
much  that  is  good.  They  must  be  studied  to  get  at  the 
sources  of  the  later  literature.  But  would  it  not  be  a 
worthy  undertaking  for  some  enlightened  scholar,  native 
or  foreign,  to  sift  these  heterogeneous  materials,  and 
clear  the  name  of  the  Great  Master  from  all  connection 
with  the  absurd,  vain,  and  wicked  things  with  which  his 
memory  has  been  loaded? 


VI 


CONFUCIUS  AND  PLATO A COINCIDENCE 

THE  coincidence  relates  to  a moot  point  of  filial 
duty.  In  China,  filial  piety  is  recognized  as 
the  basis  of  social  order.  By  the  orthodox, 
it  is  even  held  to  supply  the  place  of  religion ; so  that 
“ he  who  serves  his  parents  at  home  has  no  need  to  go 
far  away  to  burn  incense  to  the  gods.” 

In  the  Hsiao  Ching,  a well-known  manual  for  the  in- 
struction of  youth,  it  is  represented  as  affording  an  incen- 
tive to  the  discharge  of  duty  in  all  situations,  giving  force 
and  vitality  to  consciences  which  might  otherwise  remain 
dormant.  Thus,  a soldier  who  runs  away  is  unfilial ; an 
officer  who  is  unfaithful  to  his  prince  is  unfilial ; and,  in 
general,  any  conduct  that  entails  disgrace  is  unfilial,  be- 
cause it  must  of  necessity  reflect  discredit  on  the  parents 
of  the  offender.  A whole  system  of  morals  is  deduced 
from  this  root ; and  casuistry  finds  scope  in  inventing 
difficult  situations  and  in  reconciling  conflicting  obliga- 
tions. Truth  is  a virtue  not  much  insisted  on  in  Chinese 
books ; and  its  comparative  rarity  brings  into  relief  a 
class  of  people  who  vaunt  their  frankness,  and  scorn  to 
palliate  or  extenuate  in  the  interest  of  their  dearest 
friends.  They  are  called  chili  jen,  “ straight  men.” 

A disciple  of  Confucius,  speaking  of  one  of  these,  says 
to  the  Master : — “ In  my  country,  there  was  a man  re- 
nowned for  truthfulness.  When  his  father  had  stolen  a 
sheep,  he  went  to  the  magistrate  and  informed  against 
him.  Is  his  conduct  to  be  commended?” 

106 


CONFUCIUS  AND  PLATO 


107 

“ In  my  country,”  the  Sage  replies,  “ the  duty  of  truth- 
fulness is  understood  differently, — A son  is  required  in 
all  cases  to  conceal  the  faults  of  his  father,  and  a father 
to  conceal  those  of  his  son.  The  obligations  of  truth  are 
not  violated  by  this  practice.” 

A hundred  years  later,  the  question  was  not  yet  re- 
garded as  settled ; or,  to  speak  more  properly,  as  with  all 
moral  questions,  the  old  battles  had  to  be  fought  over 
again. 

Mencius  was  the  oracle  of  the  age,  and  one  of  his  dis- 
ciples brought  up  the  subject  by  stating  a hypothetical 
case.  “ Suppose,”  he  said,  “ the  father  of  the  Emperor, 
being  a private  man,  should  commit  murder.  Is  it  the 
duty  of  the  Criminal  Judge  to  seize  and  condemn  him?” 
“ Without  doubt,”  replied  Mencius. 

“ But  then,  how  could  the  Emperor  endure  to  see  his 
father  treated  in  that  way  ? When  the  wise  Shun  was  on 
the  throne,  if  his  villainous  old  father,  Ku  Sou,  had  com- 
mitted murder,  and  was  in  danger  of  being  condemned  by 
Kao  Yao,  what  would  Shun  have  done?” 

“ Shun,”  replied  the  teacher,  “ would  have  taken  his 
father  on  his  back  and  fled  to  the  borders  of  the  sea. 
Dwelling  there  in  obscurity,  and  rejoicing  that  he  had 
saved  the  life  of  his  parent,  he  would  have  forgotten 
that  he  ever  filled  a throne.” 

Mencius,  who  formulated  the  doctrines  of  his  school, 
goes  in  this  passage  a step  beyond  the  teachings  of  his 
Master.  The  latter  confined  the  duty  of  a child  toward 
a parent,  guilty  of  a crime,  to  the  passive  part  of  con- 
cealment. The  former  gives  it  an  active  form, — requir- 
ing a son,  on  behalf  of  a parent,  to  do  all  in  his  power 
to  defeat  the  ends  of  justice.  But  when,  in  this  dilemma, 
he  sets  himself  in  opposition  to  the  law,  he  is  no  longer 
fit  to  be  a prince ; he  should  abdicate  the  throne,  to  win 


io8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  crown  of  filial  piety ; for,  according  to  Mencius,  filial 
duty  primes  all  others. 

A case,  analogous  to  the  first  of  these,  forms  the  sub- 
ject of  Euthyphron,  one  of  the  Dialogues  of  Plato.  Soc- 
rates, going  to  the  court  of  King’s  Bench,  meets  Eu- 
thyphron, and  learns  with  horror  that  he  has  come  for  the 
express  purpose  of  denouncing  his  own  father  as  guilty 
of  a capifcd  crime. 

A hired  laborer,  having  killed  another  in  a drunken 
brawl,  the  father  of  the  accuser  had  him  bound  hand- 
and-foot  and  thrown  into  a pit,  where  the  next  morning 
he  was  found  dead.  Euthyphron  saw  in  the  hapless  vic- 
tim, not  a chattel  or  a broken  tool,  but  a fellow-man  un- 
justly slain;  while,  in  the  murderer,  he  recognized,  not 
a parent,  but  a criminal. 

There  is  something  chivalrous  and  noble  in  his  taking 
up  the  cause  of  humanity,  in  opposition  to  the  narrower 
claims  of  family.  But  it  detracts  from  his  merit  that  he 
is  fully  conscious  of  the  beau  role  which  he  has  assumed. 

Socrates,  who  as  usual  expresses  the  sentiments  of  the 
author,  is  not  dazzled  by  this  splendid  instance  of  public 
virtue  triumphing  over  private  feeling.  After  passing  the 
ideas  and  motives  of  the  hero  through  the  sieve  of  his 
dialectic,  he  shows  him  that  those  instincts  which  he 
despises  are  the  voice  of  nature ; and  that,  in  spite  of  his 
assumption  of  superior  knowledge,  he  neither  knows  what 
he  is  to  believe  concerning  the  gods,  nor  what  duty  the 
gods  require  of  him. 

“ The  victim,”  said  Socrates,  “ must  have  been  one  of 
your  near  relatives ; otherwise,  you  would  not  have  been 
able  to  overcome  your  natural  repugnance  to  denouncing 
your  father.” 

“ Nothing  is  more  ridiculous,”  Euthyphron  replied, 
“ than  to  suppose  that  it  makes  any  difference  whether 


CONFUCIUS  AND  PLATO 


109 

the  victim  is  a relative  or  a stranger.  The  whole  question 
is,  whether  the  homicide  was  justifiable  or  not.  If  it  was 
not,  then  it  was  my  duty  to  denounce  the  perpetrator,  no 
matter  how  closely  connected  with  me ; for  it  would  be 
contamination  to  associate  with  such  a person,  instead  of 
clearing  myself  by  denouncing  him.”  “ My  relations,” 
he  adds,  “ view  this  proceeding  as  impious  and  unholy ; 
not  knowing  the  nature  of  the  gods,  nor  the  feal  distinc- 
tion between  things  holy  and  unholy.” 

“ But,”  asked  Socrates,  “ are  you  sure  that  you  under- 
stand the  nature  of  the  gods,  and  the  distinction  of  holy 
and  unholy?  Tell  me  what  you  call  holy  and  unholy.” 

“ I,”  replied  Euthyphron,  “ call  that  holy  which  I am 
now  doing: — namely,  the  denouncing  of  a wrong-doer 
who  commits  sacrilege,  murder,  or  other  grave  offense, 
— no  matter  whether  the  offender  be  father,  mother,  or 
other  relative.  It  would  be  unholy  to  refrain  from  doing 
so.” 

In  support  of  this  position,  he  appeals  to  the  example 
of  Zeus,  the  “ best  and  most  just  of  the  gods,”  who 
chained  and  mutilated  his  father,  as  a punishment  for 
his  monstrous  cruelties. 

Socrates  repeats  his  demand  for  a definition ; and  Eu- 
thyphron answers  that  the  holy  is  that  which  pleases  the 
gods,  the  unholy  that  wThich  displeases  them. 

Soc. — “ But  what  rule  shall  poor  mortals  have  to  go 
by  when  the  gods  are  divided  on  these  questions  ? ” 
Euth. — “ They  are  never  so  much  divided  as  not  to  be 
unanimous  in  support  of  the  principle  that  he  who  com- 
mits an  unjustifiable  homicide  ought  to  be  punished.” 
Soc. — “ But  what  is  to  be  done  w'hen  they  are  not  agreed 
as  to  the  quality  of  a crime, — whether  it  was  justifiable 
or  not?  ” 

As  this  is  a frequent  occurrence  in  human  tribunals. 


I 10 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Euthyphron  is  forced  to  admit  that  it  might  also  occur 
in  the  councils  of  the  gods;  and  he  modifies  his  defini- 
tion by  inserting  the  word  “ all,”  so  as  to  make  an  act 
holy  or  unholy  according  as  it  is  loved  or  hated  by  all 
the  gods.  Here  Socrates  pushes  him  into  deeper  water 
by  asking  whether  such  act  is  holy  because  it  is  loved  by 
the  gods,  or  loved  because  it  is  holy? 

To  this  Euthyphron  is  unable  to  make  any  satisfac- 
tory answer ; and,  after  a brief  skirmish  on  other  points, 
he  drops  the  discussion. 

Through  all  its  mazes,  Socrates  had  pursued  him  as 
the  Furies  pursued  Orestes,  showing  him  that  the  dic- 
tates of  nature  are  the  basis  of  our  notions  of  right  and 
wrong ; and  that,  to  outrage  our  best  instincts  as  he  is 
doing,  is  to  fight  against  the  gods.  Like  the  Chinese 
philosophers,  he  teaches  that  a son  is  not  at  liberty  to 
assume  the  attitude  of  public  prosecutor  as  against  a 
parent. 

The  prolixity  of  the  Socratic  dialogue,  of  which  I 
have  given  only  a brief  outline,  is  in  strong  contrast  with 
the  sententiousness  of  the  Confucian  school.  But,  not 
only  is  the  subject  of  discussion  identical;  the  name  Eu- 
thyphron “ straight  thinker,”  is  singularly  similar  to  the 
chih  jen,  or  “ straight  man,”  of  the  Chinese. 


VII 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION 

PROFESSOR  of  Chinese  in  America  is  reported 


to  have  said  that  “ in  the  Chinese  language  there 


is  no  such  thing  as  a florid  style  or  a beautiful 


style.  Style  is  not  taken  into  consideration.  It  is  in 
writing  the  language  that  skill  is  displayed ; and  the 
man  that  executes  the  characters  with  dexterity  and  in- 
genuity is  the  one  that  understands  the  language.” 

Though  somewhat  unexpected  as  coming  from  the 
chair  of  a professor,  this  opinion  is  not  novel.  It  ex- 
presses but  too  truly  the  estimate  in  which  the  literature 
of  China  has  been  generally  held  by  the  learned  world. 

The  value  of  Chinese  records  is  fully  conceded.  The 
great  antiquity  of  the  people ; their  accurate  system  of 
chronology ; their  habit  of  appealing  to  history  as  a tri- 
bunal before  which  they  can  arraign  their  sovereigns ; 
and  especially  their  practice  of  noting  as  a prodigy  every 
strange  phenomenon  that  occurs  in  any  department  of 
nature — all  conspire  to  render  their  annals  an  inexhausti- 
ble mine  of  curious  and  useful  information. 

It  is  in  these  that  our  savants  may  find,  extending  back 
in  unbroken  series  for  thousands  of  years,  notices  of 
eclipses,  comets,  star-showers,  aerolites,  droughts,  floods, 
earthquakes,  etc.,  as  well  as  a comparatively  faithful  ac- 
count of  the  rise  and  fortunes  of  the  most  numerous 
branch  of  the  human  family. 

But,  while  admitting  that  it  is  worth  while  to  encounter 
all  the  toil  of  a difficult  language  in  order  to  gain  access 


hi 


1 1 2 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


to  such  a field  of  research,  who  ever  dreams  that  tire 
Chinese  language  contains  anything  else  to  repay  the 
labor  of  acquisition  ? Who  ever  imagines  that  in  pursuing 
his  favorite  game,  instead  of  traversing  deserts  and 
jungles,  he  will  find  himself  walking  among  forests  filled 
with  the  songs  of  strange  birds  and  perfumed  with  the 
fragrance  of  unknown  flowers,  while  ever  and  anon  he  is 
ravished  by  the  view  of  some  landscape  of  surpassing 
beauty  ? As  soon  would  the  student  of  literary  art  expect 
to  find  the  graces  of  diction  among  the  hieratic  inscrip- 
tions of  Egypt,  or  the  arrow-headed  records  of  Assyria, 
as  to  meet  them  on  pages  that  bristle  with  the  ideographic 
symbols  of  China.  It  is  with  a view  to  correcting  such 
prevalent  impressions  that  this  paper  is  written.  In  at- 
tempting this,  however,  I do  not  propose  a disquisition  on 
the  value  of  Chinese  literature  in  general,  nor  commit 
myself  to  the  task  of  elucidating  the  principles  of  its 
rhetoric  and  grammar;  but  limit  myself  rather  to  the 
single  topic  of  style,  and  more  particularly  the  style  of 
its  prose  composition. 

This  is  a subject,  which,  I am  aware,  it  will  not  be 
easy  to  discuss  in  such  a manner  as  to  render  it  intelligible 
or  interesting  to  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the 
Chinese  language.  Style  is  a volatile  quality,  which 
escapes  in  the  process  of  transfusion ; and  illustrations  of 
style,  however  carefully  rendered,  are  at  best  but  as  dried 
plants  and  stuffed  animals  compared  with  living  nature. 
Chinese,  moreover,  being  from  our  idiom  the  most  re- 
mote of  all  languages,  suffers  most  in  the  process  of  ren- 
dering. I fear,  therefore,  that  the  best  versions  I may 
be  able  to  offer  will  only  have  the  effect  of  confirming 
the  impressions  which  it  is  my  object  to  combat.  That 
such  impressions  are  erroneous  ought  to  he  apparent 
from  the  mere  consideration  of  the  antiquity  and  extent 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  113 

of  the  Chinese  literature.  For,  to  suppose  that  a great 
people  have  been  engaged  from  a time  anterior  to  the 
rise  of  any  other  living  language  in  building  up  a litera- 
ture, unequalled  in  extent,  which  contains  nothing  to 
gratify  the  taste  or  feed  the  imagination,  is  it  not  to  sup- 
pose its  authors  destitute  of  the  attributes  of  our  common 
humanity?  Are  we  to  believe  that  the  bees  of  China  are 
so  different  from  those  of  other  countries  that  they  con- 
struct their  curious  cells  from  a mere  love  of  labor,  with- 
out ever  depositing  there  the  sweets  on  which  they  are 
wont  to  feed? 

It  is  not  always  true  that  external  decoration  implies 
internal  finish  or  furniture ; still,  we  may  assert  that  it 
would  be  impossible  that  the  taste  which  the  Chinese  dis- 
play in  the  embellishment  of  their  handwriting  and  letter- 
press  should  not  find  its  counterpart  in  the  refinements  of 
style. 

They  literally  worship  their  letters.  When  letters  were 
invented,  they  say,  heaven  rejoiced  and  hell  trembled. 
Not  for  any  consideration  will  they  tread  on  a piece  of 
lettered  paper;  and  to  foster  this  reverence,  literary  as- 
sociations employ  agents  to  go  about  the  streets,  collect 
waste  paper,  and  bum  it  on  a kind  of  altar  with  the 
solemnity  of  a sacrifice.  They  execute  their  characters 
with  the  painter’s  brush,  and  rank  writing  as  the  very 
highest  of  the  fine  arts.  They  decorate  their  dwellings 
and  the  temples  of  their  gods  with  ornamental  inscrip- 
tions ; and  exercise  their  ingenuity  in  varying  both  chir- 
ography  and  orthography  in  a hundred  fantastic  ways. 
We  may  well  excuse  them  for  this  almost  idolatrous  ad- 
miration for  the  greatest  gift  of  their  ancestors,  for  there 
is  no  other  language  on  earth  whose  written  characters 
approach  the  Chinese  in  their  adaptation  to  pictorial  effect. 

Yet  all  this  exaggerated  attention  to  the  mechanical  art 


H4 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  writing  is  but  an  index  of  the  ardor  with  which 
Chinese  scholars  devote  themselves  to  the  graces  of  com- 
position. 

Their  style  is  as  varied  as  their  chirography,  and  as 
much  more  elaborate  than  that  of  other  nations.  If  they 
spend  years  in  learning  to  write,  where  others  give  a few 
weeks  or  months  to  the  acquisition  of  that  accomplish- 
ment, it  is  equally  true  that,  while  in  other  countries  the 
student  acquires  a style  of  composition  almost  by  acci- 
dent, those  of  China  make  it  the  earnest  study  of  half 
a lifetime. 

While,  in  the  lower  examinations,  elegance  of  mechani- 
cal execution,  joined  to  a fair  proportion  of  other  merits, 
is  sure  to  achieve  success,  in  competition  for  the  higher 
degrees  the  essays  are  copied  by  official  clerks  before  they 
meet  the  eye  of  the  examiner;  style  is  everything,  and 
handwriting  nothing.  Even  the  matter  of  the  essay  is  of 
little  consequence  in  comparison  with  the  form  in  which 
it  is  presented.  This  is  perceived  and  lamented  by  the 
more  intelligent  among  the  Chinese  themselves.  They 
often  contrast  the  hollow  glitter  of  the  style  of  the  present 
day  with  the  solid  simplicity  of  the  ancients ; and  de- 
nounce the  art  of  producing  the  standard  wen  chang,  or 
polished  essay,  as  no  less  mechanical  than  that  of  orna- 
mental penmanship.  The  writer  has  heard  an  eminent 
mandarin  who  himself  wielded  an  elegant  pen,  speak  of 
the  stress  which  the  literary  tribunals  lay  on  the  super- 
ficial amenities  of  style  as  a “ clever  contrivance  adopted 
by  a former  dynasty  to  prevent  the  literati  from  thinking 
too  much.”  * 

Still,  however  sensible  to  its  defects,  Chinese  scholars, 
without  exception,  glory  in  the  extent  and  high  refine- 

* The  use  of  wen  chang  as  an  official  test  is  ascribed  to  Wang 
An  Shih  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  about  1050. 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  1 1 5 

ment  of  their  national  literature.  “ We  yield  to  you  the 
palm  of  science,”  one  of  them  once  said  to  me,  after  a 
discussion  on  their  notions  of  nature  and  its  forces ; but 
he  added,  “ You,  of  course,  will  not  deny  to  us  the  meed 
of  letters.” 

The  Chinese  language  is  not  so  ill  adapted  to  purposes 
of  rhetorical  embellishment  as  might  be  inferred  from 
its  primitive  structure.  Totally  destitute  of  inflection — its 
substantives  without  declension,  its  adjectives  without 
comparison,  and  its  verbs  without  conjugation — it  seems 
at  first  view  " sans  everything  ” that  ought  to  belong  to 
a cultivated  tongue.  Bound,  moreover,  to  a strict  order 
of  collocation,  which  its  other  deficiencies  make  a neces- 
sity, it  would  seem  to  be  a clumsy  instrument  for  thought 
and  expression.  Nor  do  I deny  that  it  is  so  in  com- 
parison with  the  leading  languages  of  the  West;  but  it 
is  a marvel  how  fine  a polish  Chinese  scholars  have  made 
it  receive,  and  what  dexterity  they  acquire  in  the  use  of 
it.  It  possesses,  too,  some  compensating  qualities.  Its 
monosyllabic  form  gives  it  the  advantage  of  concentrated 
energy  ; and  if  the  value  of  its  words  must  be  fixed  by 
their  position,  like  numerals  in  a column  of  figures,  or 
mandarins  on  an  occasion  of  state  ceremony,  it  makes 
amends  for  this  inconvenience  by  admitting  each  char- 
acter to  do  duty  in  all  the  principal  parts  of  speech.  In 
English,  we  find  it  to  be  an  element  of  strength  to  be 
able  to  convert  many  of  our  nouns  into  verbs.  In  Chinese, 
the  interchange  is  all  but  universal.  It  is  easy  to  perceive 
how  much  this  circumstance  must  contribute  to  variety 
and  vigor  of  expression,  as  well  as  to  economy  of  re- 
sources. 

The  truculent  advice  which  Han  Yu  gives  as  to  the 
treatment  of  the  Buddhist  priesthood  is  jen  ch‘i  jen,  lu  ch‘i 
chii,  huo  ch‘i  shu;  literally,  man  their  men,  house  their 


n6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


temples,  fire  their  books — an  expression  of  which  all  but 
the  last  clause  is  as  unintelligible  as  the  original  Chinese. 
To  the  Chinese  reader  it  means  “ make  laity  of  their 
priests,  make  dwelling  houses  of  their  sacred  places,  and 
burn  their  books.”  In  its  native  form  it  is  as  elegant  as 
it  is  terse  and  forcible. 

Before  all  things,  a Chinese  loves  conciseness.  This 
taste  he  has  inherited  from  his  forefathers  of  forty  cen- 
turies ago,  who,  having  but  a scanty  stock  of  rude  em- 
blems, were  compelled  to  practise  economy.  The  com- 
plexity of  the  characters  and  the  labor  of  writing  con- 
firmed the  taste ; so  that  though  the  pressure  of  poverty 
is  now  removed,  the  scholar  of  the  present  day,  in  re- 
gard to  the  expenditure  of  ink,  continues  to  be  as  parsimo- 
nious as  his  ancestors.  While  we  construct  our  sentences 
so  as  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  mistake,  he  is 
satisfied  with  giving  the  reader  a clue  to  his  meaning. 
Our  style  is  a ferry-boat  that  carries  the  reader  over 
without  danger  or  efifort  on  his  part ; the  Chinese  is  a 
succession  of  stepping-stones  which  test  the  agility  of  the 
passenger  in  leaping  from  one  to  another. 

The  Chinese  writer  is  not  ignorant  of  the  Horatian 
canon,  that  in  “ striving  after  brevity  he  becomes  ob- 
scure ; ” but  with  him  obscurity  is  a less  fault  than  re- 
dundancy. Accordingly,  in  Chinese,  those  latent  ideas, 
to  which  a French  writer  has  lately  drawn  attention,  play 
an  important  part.*  In  return  for  a few  hints,  the  reader 

* To  say  that  latent  ideas  form  an  essential,  often  a principal, 
part  of  human  speech  is  as  much  a paradox,  and  yet  as  true,  as  to 
affirm  that  in  reading  we  depend  on  the  absence  of  light,  and 
that  the  printed  letters  do  not  impress  the  eye.  In  case  of  an  in- 
scription lit  up  by  an  electric  current,  the  metallic  letters,  though 
necessary  to  convey  the  fluid,  remain  invisible,  and  we  see  only 
the  illuminated  intervals.  The  greater  the  interstices  consistent 
with  the  passage  of  the  spark,  the  more  brilliant  the  effects. 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  117 

himself  supplies  all  the  links  that  are  necessary  for  the 
continuity  of  thought.  This  intense  brevity  is  better 
adapted  to  a language  which  is  addressed  to  the  eye  than 
it  would  be  to  one  which  is  expected  to  be  equally  in- 
telligible to  the  ear.  Light  is  quicker  than  sound. 
Segnius  irritant  anitnos  demissa  per  aurem. 

Next  to  conciseness,  or  perhaps  in  preference  to  it,  the 
Chinese  writer  is  bound  to  keep  in  view  the  law  of 
symmetry.  Pie  loves  a kind  of  parallelism ; but  it  is  not 
that  of  the  Hebrew  poets,  whose  tautology  he  abhors.  It 
may  consist  of  a simile ; but  more  frequently  it  merely 
amounts  to  the  expression  of  correlated  ideas  in  nicely 
corresponding  phrases.  Every  sentence  is  balanced  with 
the  utmost  precision ; every  word  has  its  proper  counter- 
poise, and  the  whole  composition  moves  on  with  the 
measured  tread  of  a troop  of  soldiers. 

Dr.  Johnson’s  famous  parallel  between  Pope  and  Dry- 
den,  and  the  studied  antitheses  of  Lord  Macaulay,  are 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  taste  of  the  Chinese.  When 
they  meet  with  such  a passage  in  a foreign  book,  they 
usually  exclaim,  “ This  writer  knows  something  of  the 
art  of  composition.”  And  where,  in  addition  to  a super- 
fluity of  words,  they  find,  as  they  often  do,  a neglect  of 
this  cardinal  principle,  they  do  not  fail  to  express  their 
disgust. 

A difficulty  in  rendering  the  Christian  Scriptures  is 
that  the  translator  is  not  at  liberty  to  measure  off  his 
periods  according  to  the  canons  of  Chinese  taste ; and  he 
not  un  frequently  gives  unnecessary  offence  by  retaining 
all  the  circumstances  of  gender,  number,  and  tense  where 
the  sense  does  not  require  them,  and  where  the  genius 
of  the  Chinese  language  and  the  rules  of  Chinese  rhetoric 
alike  reject  them.  In  this  respect,  the  earlier  transla- 
tions were  particularly  faulty.  Of  the  more  recent  ver- 


1 1 8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


sions,  one  at  least  (that  of  the  Delegates)  is  distinguished 
for  classical  taste. 

In  such  a task,  the  distinction  between  the  Dolmetscher 
and  the  Uebcrsetzer  which  Schleiermacher  has  so  clearly 
drawn  should  always  be  kept  in  view.  For,  difficult  as  is 
the  task  of  translating  out  of  a foreign  language,  that 
of  translation  into  it  is  still  more  so ; and  still  more  essen- 
tial is  it  that  the  translator  be  thoroughly  imbued  with  its 
spirit.  He  must  himself  be  in  a manner  naturalized,  in 
order  that  his  literary  offspring  may  enjoy  the  privileges 
of  citizenship. 

The  bane  of  Chinese  style  is  a servile  imitation  of  an- 
tiquity. This  not  only  confines  the  writer  within  a nar- 
row circle  of  threadbare  thoughts ; it  has  the  effect  of 
disfiguring  modern  literature  by  spurious  ornaments  bor- 
rowed from  the  ancients.  The  authors  of  the  Thirteen 
Classics  are  canonized.  Infallible  in  letters  as  in  doctrine, 
every  expression  which  they  have  employed  becomes  a 
model,  or  rather,  I should  say,  a portion  of  the  current 
vocabulary.  But,  like  the  waters  of  the  Ching  and  Wei, 
the  diverse  elements  refuse  to  mingle,  giving  to  the  most 
admired  composition  a heterogeneous  aspect  which  mars 
its  beauty  in  our  eyes  as  much  as  it  enhances  it  in  those 
of  the  Chinese.  A premium  is  thus  placed  on  pedantry, 
and  fetters  are  imposed  on  the  feet  of  genius.  The  pecu- 
liar dialect  which  we  sometimes  hear  from  the  pulpit, 
made  up  of  fragments  of  the  sacred  text  skilfully  incor- 
porated with  the  language  of  every-day  life,  may  serve 
as  an  illustration  of  this  singular  compound. 

In  spite  of  this  imitation  of  antiquity,  they  are,  age 
after  age,  insensibly  drifting  away  from  their  standard. 
A law  of  movement  seems  to  be  impressed  on  all  things, 
which  even  the  Chinese  are  Unable  to  resist.  By  conse- 
quence, each  century  in  their  long  history,  or,  more 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  119 

properly,  each  dynasty,  has  formed  a style  of  its  own. 
The  authors  of  the  Chou,  Han,  T’ang,  and  Sung  periods 
are  broadly  discriminated. 

China  abounds  in  literary  adventurers  of  the  stamp  of 
Constantine  Simonides,  and  the  prevalent  antiquity-wor- 
ship affords  them  encouragement ; but  happily  she  has 
her  critics  too,  as  acute  as  Aristarchus  of  old. 

The  great  schools  of  religious  philosophy  are  also 
strongly  differentiated  in  their  style  of  expression.  The 
Confucian,  dealing  with  the  things  of  common  life,  aims 
at  perspicuity.  The  Taoist,  occupied  with  magic  and 
mystery,  veils  his  thoughts  in  symbols  and  far-fetched 
metaphors.  The  Buddhist,  to  the  obscurity  inseparable 
from  the  imported  metaphysics  of  India,  adds  an  opaque 
medium  by  the  constant  use  of  Sanscrit  phrases  which 
are  ill  understood.  Subdivisions  of  these  great  schools 
have  likewise  their  peculiarities  of  style.  Of  these,  how- 
ever, I shall  not  speak,  but  hasten  to  indicate  certain 
species  of  composition,  each  of  which  is  characterized  by 
a style  of  its  own. 

In  no  country  are  private  correspondence,  official  des- 
patches, and  didactic  and  narrative  writings  distinguished 
by  more  marked  peculiarities. 

The  style  of  epistolary  intercourse,  instead  of  approach- 
ing. as  with  us,  to  that  of  familiar  conversation,  is  singu- 
larly stiff  and  affected.  Whatever  the  subject,  it  is 
ushered  in  by  a formal  parade  of  set  phrases,  and  finished 
off  by  a conclusion  equally  stereotyped  and  unmeaning. 
Form  dominates  everything  in  China.  It  is  seldom  that 
a letter  flows  freely  from  the  heart  and  pen  even  of  an 
able  writer ; and  as  for  the  less  educated,  though  quite 
capable  of  expressing  their  own  thoughts  in  their  own 
way,  they  never  think  of  such  a thing  as  throwing  off 
the  constraint  of  prescribed  forms.  It  is  amusing  to  see 


120 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


how  carefully  one  who  hears  of  the  death  of  a relative 
culls  from  a letter-book  a form  exactly  suited  to  the  de- 
gree of  his  affliction.  If  the  Chinese  wrote  love-letters 
(which  they  never  do),  they  would  all  employ  the  same 
honeyed  phrases ; or,  like  Falstaff  in  the  Merry  Wives, 
address  the  same  epistle  to  all  the  different  objects  of 
their  admiration. 

By  way  of  sample,  here  is  a “ note  of  congratulation  on 
the  birthday  of  a friend.” 

“ The  Book  of  History  lauds  the  five  kinds  of  happi- 
ness, and  the  Book  of  Odes  makes  use  of  the  nine  similes. 
Both  extol  the  honors  of  old  age.  Rejoicing  at  the  anni- 
versary of  your  advent,  I utter  the  prayer  of  Hua  Feng; 
and,  by  way  of  recording  my  tally  in  the  seaside  cot- 
tage, I lay  my  tribute  (the  customary  gift)  at  your  feet, 
by  retaining  the  whole  of  which  you  will  shed  lustre  on 
him  who  offers  it.” 

In  this  short  note  we  have  four  classic  allusions,  two 
of  which  require  a word  of  explanation.  The  prayer  of 
Hua  Feng  was  for  the  Emperor  Yao,  that  he  might  be 
blessed  with  a happy  old  age  and  numerous  posterity. 
The  “ tally  in  the  seaside  cottage  ” refers  to  a legend  in 
which  one  of  the  immortals  says  that  he  does  not  reckon 
time  by  years,  but  whenever  sea  and  land  change  places, 
he  deposits  a tally.  Those  tallies  now  fill  ten  cham- 
bers. 

The  reply  to  the  foregoing  ran  as  follows : 

“ My  trifling  life  has  passed  away  in  vanity,  unmarked 
by  a single  trait  of  excellence.  On  my  birthday  especially 
this  fills  me  with  shame.  How  dare  I,  then,  accept  your 
congratulatory  offerings?  I beg  to  decline  them,  and, 
prostrate,  pray  for  indulgence.” 

The  official  correspondence  and  state-papers  of  the 
Chinese  are,  for  the  most  part,  dignified,  clear,  and  free 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION 


121 


from  those  pedantic  allusions  with  which  they  love  to 
adorn  their  other  writings.  Whoever  has  read,  even  in 
the  form  of  a translation,  the  memorials  on  the  opium 
trade  laid  before  the  Emperor  Tao  Kuang,  or  the  papers 
of  Commissioner  Lin  on  the  same  subject,  cannot  have 
failed  to  be  struck  with  their  manifest  ability.  Some  of 
them  are  eloquent  in  style  and  masterly  in  argument. 
Imperial  edicts  are  generally  well  written ; but  those  of 
the  Emperor  Yung  Ching  are  of  such  conspicuous  merit 
that  they  are  collected  in  a series  of  volumes  and  studied 
as  models  of  composition. 

The  didactic  style,  whether  that  of  commentaries  on 
the  classic  texts  or  of  treatises  on  science,  morals,  and 
practical  arts,  is  always  formed  in  accordance  with  the 
maxim  of  Confucius,  Tse  ta  erki,  “ Enough,  if  you 
are  clear.”  Such  writings  are  as  lucid  as  the  nature  of 
the  subject,  the  genius  of  the  language,  and  the  brain  of 
the  author  will  admit.  The  commentaries  on  the  classics 
are  admirable  specimens  of  textual  exposition. 

The  narrative  style  ranges  from  the  gravity  of  history 
to  the  description  of  scenery  and  humorous  anecdote.  Its 
ideal  is  the  combination  of  the  graphic  with  simplicity. 
Of  the  historical  writings  of  the  Chinese,  so  far  as  their 
style  is  concerned,  nothing  more  can  be  said  than  that 
they  are  simple  and  perspicuous.  Interesting  they  are 
not ; for  their  bondage  to  the  annal  and  journal  form  has 
prevented  their  giving  us  comprehensive  tableaux;  while 
the  idea  of  a philosophy  of*  history  has  never  dawned  on 
their  minds.  In  descriptions  of  scenery  the  Chinese  excel. 
They  have  an  eye  for  the  picturesque  in  nature ; and 
nature  throws  her  varied  charms  over  the  pages  of  their 
literature  with  a profusion  unknown  among  the  pagan 
nations  of  the  West.  Chinese  winters  are  particularly 
fond  of  relating  incidents  that  are  susceptible  of  a prac- 


122 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tical  application.  One  such  is  the  tiger  apologue  ascribed 
to  Confucius  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

Liu  Tsung  Yuan,  of  the  T’ang  period,  has  a similar 
narrative  in  which  a poisonous  reptile  takes  the  place  of 
the  tiger.  A poor  man  was  employed  to  capture  the 
spotted  snake  for  medicinal  purposes,  and  had  his  taxes 
remitted  on  condition  of  supplying  the  Imperial  college 
of  physicians  with  two  every  year.  The  author  expressing 
his  sympathy  for  his  perilous  occupation,  the  man  re- 
plied, “ ‘ My  grandfather  died  in  this  way,  my  father 
also,  and  I,  during  the  twelve  years  in  which  I have  been 
so  engaged,  have  more  than  once  been  near  dying  by  the 
bite  of  serpents.’  As  he  uttered  this  with  a very  sorrow- 
ful expression  of  countenance,  ‘ Do  you  wish,’  said  I, 
‘ that  I should  speak  to  the  magistrates  and  have  you 
released  from  this  hard  service  ? ’ His  look  became  more 
sorrowful,  and,  bursting  into  tears,  he  exclaimed,  ‘ If  you 
pity  me,  allow  me,  I pray  you,  to  pursue  my  present 
occupation ; for  be  assured  that  my  lot,  hard  as  it  is,  is 
by  no  means  so  pitiable  as  that  of  those  who  suffer  the 
exactions  of  tax-gatherers.’  ” 

I add  a specimen,  in  the  same  vein,  from  Liu  Chi,  a 
writer  of  the  Ming  period,  who  flourished  no  more  than 
five  hundred  years  ago.  “ I saw,”  he  says,  “ oranges  ex- 
posed on  a fruit-stand  in  midsummer,  and  sold  at  a 
fabulous  price.  They  looked  fresh  and  tempting,  and  I 
bought  one.  On  breaking  it  open,  a puff  of  something 
like  smoke  filled  my  mouth  .and  nose.  Turning  to  the 
seller,  I demanded,  ‘ Why  do  you  sell  such  fruit  ? It  is 
fit  for  nothing  but  to  offer  to  the  gods  or  to  set  before 
strangers.  What  a sham  ! What  a disgraceful  cheat ! ’ 
‘ Well  were  it,’  replied  the  fruit-seller,  ‘ if  my  oranges 
were  the  only  shams.’  And  he  went  on  to  show  how 
we  have  sham  soldiers  in  the  field,  sham  statesmen  in  the 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  123 


cabinet,  and  shams  everywhere.  I walked  away  silently, 
musing  whether  this  fruit-seller  might  not  he,  after  all, 
a philosopher  who  had  taken  to  selling  rotten  oranges 
in  order  to  have  a text  from  which  to  preach  on  the 
subject  of  shams.” 

The  last  two  pieces,  though  separated  from  ft  by  a 
space  of  from  twelve  to  sixteen  hundred  years,  are  evi- 
dently modelled  after  the  first.  I have  quoted  them  to 
show  that  Chinese  writers  are  not  always  servile  in  their 
imitation,  or  timid  in  denouncing  the  corruptions  of  their 
government. 

Another  kind  of  style  is  that  of  the  zven  chang,  cr 
polished  essay — a brief  treatise  on  any  subject,  constructed 
according  to  fixed  rules,  and  limited  to  seven  hundred 
words.  In  our  own  literature  it  answers  to  short  papers 
such  as  those  of  the  Spectator  and  Rambler,  which  were 
so  much  in  vogue  in  the  last  century — invariably  ushered 
in  by  a classic  motto,  and  expected  to  be  a model  of  fine 
writing. 

The  production  of  these  is  the  leading  test  of  literary 
ability.  The  schoolboy  writes  wen  chang  as  soon  as  he 
is  able  to  construe  the  native  classics ; and  the  gray-haired 
competitor  for  the  doctorate  in  the  examinations  at  the 
capital  is  still  found  writing  wen  chang.  In  all  the  world 
there  is  no  kind  of  literature  produced  in  equal  quantity 
— excepting,  perhaps,  sermons.  Nor  is  their  prodigious 
quantity  their  only  point  of  resemblance  to  the  produc- 
tions of  the  Western  pulpit.  They  always  have  a text 
from  the  sacred  books,  which  they  analyze  in  a most 
artificial  manner,  and  uniformly  reduce  to  eight  heads. 
They  aim  at  nothing  beyond  exposition,  on  the  principle 
that  the  moderns  can  do  nothing  more  than  unfold  the 
germs  of  ancient  wisdom ; originality  is  renounced,  and, 
as  already  intimated,  their  chief  adornment  consists  in 


124 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  artful  interweaving  of  sacred  and  modern  phrase- 
ology. Like  the  inlaid  wares  of  the  Japanese  or  ihe 
mosaic  pictures  of  the  West,  the  more  numerous  and 
minute  their  borrowed  ornaments,  the  more  are  these 
compositions  admired.  Of  no  practical  utility  except  as  a 
mental  gymnastic,  the  style  of  these  essays  exerts  an  in- 
fluence through  the  whole  range  of  literature.  Indeed, 
the  term  which  is  commonly  employed  to  cover  the  whole 
field  of  belles-lettres  is  no  other  than  wen  chang. 

Here  is  an  opening  paragraph  of  an  essay  which  took 
the  first  honor  in  a recent  examination  for  the  doctorate: 
Subject — Good-faith  and  Dignity.  “ When  we  begin, 
we  should  look  to  the  end.  Good-faith  and  dignity  of 
carriage  should  therefore  be  objects  of  our  care.  By 
faith  we  mean  that  our  acts  should  respond  to  our  prom- 
ise; by  dignity,  that  our  bearing  should  be  such  as  to 
repel  any  approach  towards  insolent  familiarity.  This 
is  only  attained  by  cherishing  a sense  of  right,  cultivating 
a regard  for  propriety,  and  at  the  same  time  maintaining 
a sympathy  for  our  fellow-men.  In  this  earthly  pilgrim- 
age, what  we  most  desire  is  to  escape  the  blame  of  being 
untrue.  We  choose  our  words  with  care,  for  fear  we 
should  be  untrue  to  our  fellows.  We  choose  our  actions 
with  care,  for  fear. we  should  be  untrue  to  ourselves.  We 
choose  our  companions  with  care,  lest  we  should  prove 
unfaithful  to  our  friends  or  they  should  prove  unfaithful 
to  us.  By  so  doing  we  can  fulfil  our  obligations,  main- 
tain our  dignity  of  character,  and  yet  preserve  inviolate 
our  social  attachments.  Within,  we  shall  have  a heart 
that  feels  its  self-imposed  engagements  as  much  as  if  it 
were  bound  by  the  stipulations  of  a solemn  covenant ; 
while  without  we  shall  wear  an  aspect  that  will  command 
the  respect  of  those  who  approach  us.” 

“ Enough  of  such  platitudes,”  one  will  say,  yet  no  trans- 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION 


I25 


lation  can  ever  do  justice  to  the  subtle  qualities  which 
caused  this  performance  to  be  crowned  among  seven 
thousand  competitors.  The  delicate  sutures  which  blend 
its  various  elements  into  an  harmonious  whole  must,  of 
course,  like  the  wavy  lines  of  a Damascus  blade,  disap- 
pear when  cast  into  the  crucible  of  the  translator. 

From  what  has  been  said  of  the  style  of  schools,  periods, 
and  different  provinces  in  the  empire  of  letters,  it  follows 
that,  notwithstanding  their  propensity  for  imitation, 
Chinese  writers  must  be  as  strongly  individualized  as 
those  of  other  countries.  If  gifted  with  original  genius, 
they  form  a style  of  their  own ; if  not,  they  produce  in 
new  and  undesigned  combinations  tbe  traits  of  earlier 
authors  by  whom  they  have  been  most  deeply  impressed. 

Confucius  professed  to  be  an  imitator,  but  be  was 
eminently  original.  Direct,  practical,  and  comprehensive, 
his  thoughts  are  expressed  in  language  at  once  concise 
and  rhythmical — resembling  as  much  as  anything  else 
those  choice  lines  of  Shakespeare  which  by  their  com- 
bined felicity  of  idea  and  expression  have  become  trans- 
formed into  popular  proverbs.  Whether,  like  the  Hindoo 
guru,  he  threw  them  into  this  form  as  the  text  for  his 
daily  discourse,  or  whether  they  were  reduced  by  his 
disciples,  it  is  not  in  all  cases  easy  to  determine.  But 
certain  it  is  that,  stripped  of  their  attractive  dress,  what- 
ever their  intrinsic  merit,  they  never  could  have  attained 
such  universal  currency.  The  teachings  of  Confucius 
owe  as  much  to  style  as  those  of  Mahomet.  The  extent 
to  which  style  was  studied  in  his  time  we  may  infer  from 
the  account  he  gives  us  of  the  manner  in  which  the  ele- 
gant state-papers  of  the  principality  of  Cheng  were  pro- 
duced. They  were  the  work  of  four  men  with  long, 
strange  names.  One  “ drew  out  a rough  draft.”  a second 
“ sifted  the  arguments,”  another  “ added  rhetorical  em  • 


126 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


bellishments,”  and  the  fourth  finished  them  by  “ polishing 
off  the  periods.” 

Lao  Tse,  a senior  contemporary  of  Confucius,  left  his 
instructions  to  posterity  in  “ five  thousand  words,”  cast 
in  a semi-poetical  mould.  Obscure  and  paradoxical  like 
Heraclitus  of  Ephesus,  surnamed  the  Dark  (a  writer  with 
whom  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  trace  other  points  of 
analogy  besides  their  common  partiality  for  enigma), 
his  dark  pages  are  illumined  by  many  a flash  of  far-reach- 
ing light.  Each  of  these  great  masters  impressed  his 
style  on  the  school  which  he  founded. 

Mencius  is  Confucius  with  less  dogmatism  and  more 
vehemence ; while  the  wild  fancy  of  Chuangtze  repro- 
duces the  characteristics  of  Lao  Tse  in  exaggerated  pro- 
portions. With  both,  the  current  of  their  diction  flows 
like  a river,  but  in  each  case  it  wears  the  complexion  of  its 
distant  source. 

As  another  example  of  a contrast  in  manner,  I may 
adduce  two  historians  of  the  Chou  period.  Kung  Yang 
Kao  and  Tso  Chiu  Ming  both  confine  themselves  to  the 
role  of  expositors,  taking  the  Confucian  annals  as  their 
text ; but  the  first  often  commences  with  a minute  analysis 
of  the  text,  while  the  other  proceeds  at  once  to  a narra- 
tive of  facts.  The  former,  for  instance,  thus  expounds 
the  heading  of  a chapter: 

Text — “First  year,  spring,  royal  first  moon.”  “Why 
the  first  year?  Because  it  was  the  commencement  of  a 
new  reign.  Why  does  he  mention  spring?  Because  the 
year  began  at  that  season.  Why,  in  speaking  of  the 
month,  does  he  prefix  the  word  royal?  To  indicate  that  it 
was  fixed  by  the  Imperial  calendar.  Why  refer  to  the 
Imperial  calendar?  To  show  that  all  the  states  are 
united  under  one  sovereign,”  etc. 

From  Tso  Chiu  Ming  I cite  a passage  which,  whether 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION  127 


it  do  or  do  not  exhibit  any  other  peculiarity,  will  at  least 
show  the  absence  of  interrogation  marks. 

Text — “ The  Prince  of  Cheng  conquers  Tuan  at  Yen.” 
Premising  that  the  belligerents  were  brothers ; that  their 
mother  had  abetted  the  rebellion  of  Tuan  the  younger; 
and  that  the  Prince,  pronouncing  against  her  a sentence 
of  banishment,  had  taken  a solemn  oath  never  to  see  her 
again  until  they  should  both  be  under  the  ground,  the 
historian  continues,  “ The  Prince  soon  repented  of  his 
hasty  oath.  The  Governor  of  Ying  Ku  heard  it,  and  came 
with  a present.  The  Prince  detained  him  to  dine.  Ying 
Ku  put  aside  a portion  of  the  meats.  The  Prince  inquired 
the  reason.  Said  Ying  Ku,  ‘ They  are  for  my  mother, 
who  has  never  tasted  such  royal  dainties.’  ‘ You  have  a 
mother,  then,’  said  the  Prince ; ‘ alas ! I have  none.’  He 
then  told  him  of  his  oath,  at  the  same  time  informing  him 
of  his  repentance. 

“ ‘ Why  need  your  Majesty  be  troubled  on  that  ac- 
count?’ exclaimed  Ying  Ku.  ‘ If  you  will  only  make  a 
subterranean  chamber  with  two  doors,  and  meet  there, 
who  will  say  that  you  have  not  kept  your  oath  ? ’ 

“ The  Prince  took  the  counsel,  and,  meeting  his  mother 
beneath  the  ground,  they  became  mother  and  son  as  be- 
fore. How  perfect  the  piety  of  Ying  Ku,  who  devised 
this  plan ! ” 

The  great  masters  of  style  are  a thousand  years  later 
than  these  last ; and  then  we  find  philosophers,  poets,  and 
historians  in  such  constellations  as  to  make  the  dynasties 
of  T’ang  and  Sung  a Golden  Age  for  Chinese  letters. 
Then  flourished  such  writers  as  Han  Yu,  surnamed  the 
Prince  of  Literature;  Li  Pei,  in  whom  the  planet  Venus 
was  believed  to  be  incarnate;  the  three  Su,  father  and 
sons ; and  a host  of  others  whose  light  has  not  yet  reached 
our  Western  shores,  and  whose  names  it  would  be  tedious 


128 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


to  recount.  Their  names,  musical  enough  in  the  tones 
of  their  native  land,  are  harsh  to  Occidental  ears.  What 
a pity  they  have  not  all  been  clothed  in  graceful  Latin, 
like  those  of  Confucius  and  Mencius ! These  sages,  if 
they  owe  to  their  style  in  a great  degree  their  popularity 
at  home,  are  almost  equally  indebted  for  their  fame 
abroad  to  the  classical  terminations  of  their  names. 
Name  is  fame  in  more  than  one  sense,  and  more  than  one 
language — in  Chinese  as  in  Hebrew;  and  it  is  obvious 
that  in  the  Western  world  no  amount  of  merit  would  be 
sufficient  to  confer  celebrity  on  a man  bearing  the  name 
of  K'oong  Footzc! 

I refrain  from  further  extracts.  For  reasons  already 
given,  no  translation  can  do  justice  to  the  style  of  a 
Chinese  writer;  and  a volume,  instead  of  a brief  essay, 
would  be  required  to  give  an  approximate  idea  of  the 
other  qualities  of  what  the  Chinese  describe  as  their 
elegant  literature. 

It  is  on  their  poetry  that  they  especially  pique  them- 
selves; but,  as  I think,  with  mistaken  judgment.  For 
while  their  prose-writers,  like  those  of  France,  are  un- 
surpassed in  felicity  of  style,  their  poetry,  like  that  of 
France,  is  stiff  and  constrained.  Like  their  own  women, 
their  poetical  muses  have  cramped  feet  and  no  wings. 

For  variety  in  prose  composition,  the  nature  of  the  lan- 
guage affords  a boundless  scope.  For,  not  to  speak  of 
local  dialects,  the  language  of  scholars,  or  the  written 
language,  ranges  in  its  choice  of  expressions  from  the 
familiar  patois  up  to  the  most  archaic  forms.  In  China 
nothing  becomes  obsolete;  and  a writer  is  thus  enabled 
to  pitch  his  composition,  at  option,  on  a high  or  low  key, 
and  to  carry  it  through  consistently.  There  are,  for  ex- 
ample, three  sets  of  personal  pronouns  that  correspond 
to  as  many  grades  of  style ; while  there  are  other  styles 


CHINESE  PROSE  COMPOSITION 


129 


in  which  the  personal  pronoun  is  dispensed  with,  and 
substantives  employed  instead. 

Founded  on  pictorial  representation,  the  language  is,  in 
many  of  its  features,  highly  poetical,  the  strange  beauties 
with  which  it  charms  the  fancy  at  every  step,  suggesting 
a ramble  among  the  gardens  of  the  sea-nymphs.  Nor  is 
it  a dead  language,  though  in  its  written  form  no  longer 
generally  spoken.  It  contains  “ thoughts  that  breathe, 
and  words  that  burn,” — writers  whom  the  student  will 
gladly  acknowledge  as  worthy  compeers  of  the  most  ad- 
mired authors  of  the  ancient  West.  I say  “ ancient,”  for 
China  is  essentially  ancient.  She  is  not  yet  modernized, 
and  finds  fitter  parallels  in  pagan  antiquity  than  in  modern 
Christendom. 

The  time,  I trust,  is  not  far  distant  when  her  language 
will  find  a place  in  all  our  principal  seats  of  learning,  and 
when  her  classic  writers  will  be  known  and  appreciated. 


VIII 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 

IN  no  other  language  is  the  style  of  private  corre- 
spondence so  widely  separated  from  that  of  official 
or  public  documents  as  in  the  Chinese.  The  latter, 
simple  and  direct  in  expression,  eschews  ornament,  and 
aims  chiefly  at  clearness  and  force ; the  former,  artificial 
to  the  last  degree,  teems  with  trite  allusions  which  are 
rather  pedantic  than  elegant. 

With  us,  in  this  as  in  so  many  other  things,  the  reverse 
is  not  far  from  the  truth.  It  is  the  official  despatch  that 
is  cast  in  iron  moulds ; and  the  familiar  letter  is  left  free 
to  take  any  shape  the  easy  play  of  thought  and  feeling 
may  impress  upon  it.  Western  authors  accordingly 
sometimes  choose  to  throw  their  compositions  into  the 
convenient  form  of  epistles  when  they  wish  to  invest 
them  with  the  double  charm  of  clearness  and  vivacity. 
By  employing  the  form  of  letters,  Pascal  imparted  to 
polemic  discussion  the  grace  and  humor  of  the  comic 
drama;  while  Swift  and  Junius  availed  themselves  of  the 
same  weapon  in  their  terrible  attacks  on  the  government. 

Not  so  the  Chinese:  though  necessity  leads  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  grave  topics  in  the  form  of  letters,  and  though 
the  teachings  of  some  of  their  ancient  philosophers  were 
communicated  in  the  way  of  correspondence,  no  modern 
Chinese  ever  thinks  of  throwing  his  ideas  into  such  a 
shape,  any  more  than  he  would  treat  a grave  subject  under 
the  form  of  the  modern  prize  essay.  Thoughtful  men 
denounce  the  regulation  essay  as  utterly  useless ; but  they 

130 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


!3I 

never  denounce  the  conventional  style  of  letter-writing, 
though  both  have  a family  likeness.  The  reason  is  that 
the  letter  of  friendship  or  business  is  a social  necessity, 
and  the  literary  ornament  with  which  it  is  tricked  out  is 
deemed  essential  to  save  it  from  vulgarity. 

In  friendly  correspondence  the  opening  paragraphs  are 
always  consecrated  to  the  expression  of  high-flown  senti- 
ments, real  or  assumed,  and  not  unfrequently  the  falsetto 
pitch  of  the  exordium  is  painfully  sustained  to  the  very 
close.  Nothing  is  more  offensive  to  our  taste,  or  less  cal- 
culated to  encourage  the  labor  of  acquisition.  If  a letter 
contains  any  serious  business,  the  foreign  reader,  if  he 
does  not,  as  in  most  cases,  rely  on  a native  teacher  for 
explanation,  finds  that  he  can  arrive  at  it  by  a process  of 
elimination,  i.  e.  by  leaving  out  of  account  all  the  unin- 
telligible rhetoric.  But  this  is  not  merely  unscholarly ; it 
limits  the  use  of  correspondence,  and  shuts  out  the  stu- 
dent (he  does  not  deserve  the  name  of  student  if  willing 
to  be  shut  out)  from  a department  of  literature  which 
more  than  any  other  presents  us  with  pictures  of  indi- 
vidual character  and  social  life. 

The  student  who  desires  to  enter  this  field  will  find 
numerous  private  collections  of  more  or  less  celebrity 
soliciting  his  attention.  If  any  of  them  were  from  the 
pens  of  gifted  women ; and  if  the  canons  of  Chinese  taste 
(for  the  fault  is  not  in  the  language)  permitted  them, 
like  their  sisters  of  the  West,  to  write  as  they  talk,  he 
might,  even  in  this  department,  verify  the  quaint  old 
maxim,  “ The  sweetness  of  the  lips  increaseth  knowl- 
edge.” But,  alas ! there  is  no  Sevigne,  who,  by  her  bril- 
liant gossip,  can  shed  the  dews  of  immortality,  over  the 
ephemeral  intrigues  of  a court,  and  by  her  wit  give  a 
value  to  things  that  are  worthless,  as  amber  does  to  the 
insects  which  it  embalms ; there  is  no  Wortley,  who  chats 


132 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


with  equal  charm  of  literature  and  love ; no  Lady  Duff 
Gordon,  who,  by  her  genius  and  enterprise,  puts  us  in 
love  with  boat  life  and  Bedouins. 

The  paths  of  epistolary  literature,  where  the  choicest 
flowers  are  dropped  from  female  hands,  are  in  China 
almost  untrodden  by  female  feet;  and  a reason  gravely 
given  for  withholding  from  women  the  key  of  knowledge 
is  that  men  are  afraid  they  will  learn  to  write  letters.  It 
is  not  nature,  but  man,  that  is  ungenerous  to  the  daughters 
of  the  East. 

“ Knowledge  to  their  eyes  her  ample  page, 

Rich  with  the  spoils  of  time,  did  ne’er  unroll; 

Chill  jealousy  repressed  their  noble  rage, 

And  froze  the  genial  current  of  the  soul.” 

Nor,  it  must  be  confessed,  is  there  any  such  indemnity  in 
store  for  our  student  as  the  epistles  of  a moralizing 
Seneca  ; or  the  correspondence  of  a malignant  and  intrigu- 
ing Walpole,  which  lifts  the  veil  from  the  mysteries 
of  contemporary  politics,  and  from  the  writer’s  own 
bosom,  so  that  Macaulay  ingeniously  compares  the  flavor 
of  the  letters  of  the  great  minister  to  that  of  pates  de  foie 
gras,  because  derived  from  a disease  of  the  liver  in  the 
animal  that  produced  them.  But  as  some  of  our  most 
eminent  poets,  such  as  Dryden,  Gray,  and  Cowper,  have 
left  behind  them  letters  that  are  preserved  as  models  of 
elegance,  in  which  fancy  and  feeling  are  no  less  happily 
blended  than  in  their  poetical  works,  so  we  find  that  in 
China  the  list  of  distinguished  letter  writers  is  headed  by 
the  names  of  poets,  showing  that  they  enjoyed  the  favor 
of  the  musa  pedestris  as  well  as  of  her  winged  sisters. 

The  earliest  collection  of  letters,  or  at  least  the  most 
famous  of  those  that  are  accepted  as  models  of  epistolary 
style,  came  from  the  pens  of  two  celebrated  poets  of  the 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


133 


Sung  dynasty,  Su  Tung  P’o,  and  Huang  Ting  Chien. 
Under  the  joint  name  of  Su  Huang  Ch'ili  Tu,  though  not 
properly  a Briefwechsel,  or  correspondence  between  the 
two  authors,  it  has  ever  since  the  battle  of  Hastings 
given  law  to  this  species  of  composition. 

The  stream  of  time,  like  that  which  floated  the  bor- 
rowed axe  of  the  prophet,  usually  carries  down  the 
weightier  matters,  and  deposits  the  less  important  as  sedi- 
ment ; yet  in  this  instance  we  have  reason  to  regret  that, 
like  natural  rivers,  it  has  only  brought  down  to  us  the 
lighter  material  on  its  surface.  Both  writers  held  high 
offices,  and  one  of  them  was  especially  honored  at  the 
Imperial  Court ; but  their  letters  have  little  to  do  with 
State  policy;  and  the  selection  has  obviously  been  made 
on  the  principle  that  if  one  of  their  merits  is  in  the  ele- 
gance of  their  form,  another  ought  to  be  in  the  absence  of 
facts.  Still,  even  these  shining  husks,  if  carefully  sifted, 
will  be  found  to  yield  some  grains  of  valuable  informa- 
tion. 

A book  of  letters  of  more  modem  date,  and  scarcely 
inferior  in  reputation,  is  the  Ch’ih  Tu  of  Hsiao  Ts’ang,  or 
Sui  Yuan,  as  it  is  variously  styled.  The  author,  Yuan 
Mei,  a native  of  Che  kiang,  won  a seat  in  the  Imperial 
Academy  in  the  reign  of  Ch’ien  Lung;  and  declining 
office,  passed  his  life  at  Nanking,  chiefly  engaged  in 
scholastic  pursuits,  boasting  that  for  thirty  years  he  never 
appeared  at  court. 

Known  mainly  as  a professor  of  belles-lettres,  with 
pupils  dispersed  over  several  provinces,  instead  of  col- 
lected into  one  lecture  room,  and  communicating  by  post 
instead  of  viva  voce,  this  worthy  man  has  not  merely  left 
models  of  composition,  but  set  an  example,  both  as  scholar 
and  instructor,  which  is  much  admired  though  little  fol- 
lowed. 


134 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


A poet  of  refined  taste,  and  not  without  talent,  it  is 
interesting  to  know  that  he  gave  instruction  in  the  art  of 
poetry  to  numerous  ladies  of  high  family  and  culture, 
making,  from  time  to  time,  the  circuit  of  the  cities  where 
they  resided — a fact  the  rarity  of  which  rather  supports 
than  invalidates  the  view  above  given  of  the  deficiencies 
of  female  education. 

There  are  numerous  works  passing  under  the  general 
name  of  Ch'ih  Tu,  which  were  prepared  expressly  for 
form-books,  and  will  repay  perusal  for  that  purpose.  Of 
these  I may  mention  the  Yen  chi  mu  tan,  Hai  shang  hung 
ni,  and  Liu  ch’ing  chi;  but  they  have  not  the  additional 
recommendation  of  a history. 

It  is,  however,  with  a view  to  drawing  attention  to  a 
more  recent  collection  that  this  article  is  written. 

The  Tze  Yuan  Ch’ih  Tu,  published  at  Peking  a few 
years  ago  in  four  thin  volumes,  consists  of  a selection 
from  the  letters  of  Liu  Chia  Chu. 

This  is  a name  which,  being  unknown,  carries  no 
weight ; and  our  author,  like  Hawthorne  in  one  of  his 
earlier  works,  might  speak  of  himself  as  enjoying  the 
distinction  of  being  one  of  the  obscurest  men  of  letters 
in  all  China.  A native  of  Hunan,  he  passed  many  years 
in  the  office  of  the  Governor  of  Canton ; a representative 
of  that  nameless  but  influential  class  who  transact  the 
business  while  their  superiors  enjoy  the  honors  of  official 
station. 

During  this  period  he  wrote,  he  tells  us,  heaps  of  papers 
higher  than  his  head,  among  which  one  might  play  hide- 
and-seek  in  more  senses  than  one.  Most  of  them  were, 
of  course,  sent  forth  in  the  name  of  others,  and  the  writer 
facetiously  compares  himself  with  a milliner  who  prepares 
the  clothing  for  a bride,  or  a go-between  who  arranges 
for  her  nuptials.  Of  these  he  gives  us  none,  unless,  in- 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


*35 


deed,  by  surreptitiously  changing  their  address  and  adapt- 
ing them  to  his  own  use. 

The  most  of  his  papers  bear  unmistakable  marks  of 
having  been  culled  from  his  private  portfolio;  affording 
such  incidental  glimpses  of  life  and  manners  that  one  is 
compelled  to  accept  them  as  a genuine  record — a portion 
of  the  writer’s  autobiography.  This  gives  the  work  an 
element  of  interest  of  no  mean  order,  and  a value  of  its 
own,  as  a mirror  held  up  to  the  face  of  Chinese  life  by 
the  hand  of  a native.  So  frank,  indeed,  are  its  disclosures, 
so  little  care  is  taken  to  draw  a veil  over  things  that  are 
deemed  discreditable,  that  one  might  almost  regard  the 
work  as  belonging  to  the  category  of  “ confessions  ” — • 
originated  by  St.  Augustine,  and  rendered  popular  by 
Rousseau. 

As  to  the  literary  merits  of  the  performance,  it  is  suf- 
ficient to  cite  the  names  of  the  two  sponsors  under  whose 
patronage  the  author  comes  before  the  public — Kuo 
Sung  Tao,  Minister  to  England,  and  Wang  K‘ai  Tai,  the 
late  enlightened  governor  of  the  Province  of  Fukien — 
each  of  them  having  filled  the  post  of  Governor  of  Can- 
ton, and  employed  Liu  Chia  Chu  as  a confidential  secre- 
tary. 

Other  great  names  are  invoked  in  a long  list  of  lauda- 
tory notices ; and  some  that  we  meet  with  incidentally  in 
the  course  of  the  correspondence,  such  as  Tseng  Kuo 
Fan,  Chiang  I Li,  Li  Hung  Chang,  and  Liu  Ch'ang  Yu, 
(viceroy  of  Yunnan  and  Kweichou),  impart  to  it  an  air 
of  historical  truth  that  is  much  in  its  favor. 

Without  pausing  longer  to  discourse  about  the  book, 
let  us  open  its  pages  and  see  what  we  shall  find  there. 

To  begin,  we  shall  find  a meteoric  shower  of  allusions. 
This  is  the  most  prominent  characteristic  of  this  species 
of  writing;  and  the  primary  object  of  the  artifice  is  to 


136 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


hide  the  nakedness  of  commonplace.  Employed  in  excess 
or  handled  clumsily,  it  aggravates  the  evil  by  exposing  the 
poverty  of  the  writer,  or  substitutes  the  graver  faults  of 
pedantry  and  cant ; used  with  skill  and  taste,  it  throws 
over  the  page  a glitter  of  iridescent  hues,  or,  it  may  be, 
contributes  largely  to  the  significance  and  force  of  lan- 
guage. 

These  allusions  are  of  various  kinds.  Some  suggest 
whole  chapters  of  history ; others  bring  up  the  words  or 
actions  of  real  or  mythical  personages ; while  others  still, 
by  a single  word  or  phrase,  cast  a beam  of  light  on  some 
poetical  tableau,  which  brings  its  entire  effect  to  bear  on 
the  subject  in  hand.  For  instance,  when  Dryden  says  of 
Thais  that, 

“ Like  another  Helen,  she  fired  another  Troy,” 

what  a crowd  of  teeming  associations  he  condenses  into 
the  space  of  a single  line ! How  much  is  expressed  by 
such  brief  phrases  as  “ a Barmecide  feast,”  “ a Bellerophon 
letter,”  “ a Judas  kiss  ! ” 

The  Chinese  language  abounds  in  such ; and  no  one 
can  be  said  to  understand  the  language  who  is  not  in  some 
degree  familiar  with  them.  Then  there  are  curt  allusions 
of  a purely  literary  kind — catch  words  which  suggest  any 
one  of  the  three  hundred  classic  odes,  or  refer  to  thou- 
sands of  well-known  passages  in  later  literature.  To  these 
we  may  add  a vocabulary  of  metaphorical  words  and 
phrases,  the  use  of  which  is  de  rigeur  in  a certain  style 
which  makes  it  a point  of  taste  not  to  call  things  by  their 
right  names.  Thus  the  poet  or  the  elegant  letter-writer 
never  speaks  of  copper  cash,  but  calls  them  “ green 
beetles ; ” a sheet  of  paper  he  calls  “ a flowery  scroll ; ” 
an  epistle  is  “ a wild  goose.”  Husband  and  wife  are 
Ch'ang-sui,  “ tenor  and  treble ; ” K‘ang-li,  “ strength  and 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


'37 


beauty ; ” Yuan-yang,  “ duck  and  drake ; ” and  a hundred 
other  pretty  things,  at  the  poet’s  option.  A man  is  a 
prince  and  his  wife  a princess ; his  house  a palace  and  his 
children  a phoenix  brood.  To  repay  the  kindness  of  par- 
ents is  to  emulate  the  stork ; to  return  a borrowed  article 
is  to  restore  the  gem  ; a man  of  genius  employed  in  a work 
of  drudgery — as  Charles  Lamb  in  the  India  Office — is 
“ a race-horse  in  a salt-wagon.” 

These  are  but  a few  specimens  of  a sort  of  dialect  that 
has  its  own  dictionaries  without  number  or  limit ; and 
of  which  every  reader  of  Chinese  is  under  the  necessity 
of  knowing  something,  if  he  does  not  master  it.  Per- 
haps the  best  key  to  it  for  any  student,  native  or  foreign, 
is  a collection  of  wen  chang,  or  of  well-written  letters, 
such  as  those  of  our  obscure  friend  Liu  Cilia  Chu.  In  dic- 
tionaries and  cyclopaedias,  or  in  such  a useful  hand-book 
as  Mayers’  Chinese  Reader’s  Manual,  he  will  find  gems 
arranged  as  in  a mineralogical  cabinet ; but  in  these  com- 
positions he  meets  them  in  their  proper  setting.  The 
object  of  such  works  is  to  aid,  not  to  supersede,  the 
reading  of  difficult  authors — as  a certain  learned  Dutch- 
man proposed  to  supersede  Homer  by  presenting  the 
Homeric  archaeology  in  a tabulated  form. 

We  now  proceed  to  the  substratum  of  facts  underly- 
ing the  gold  and  tinsel  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. 
Of  little  importance  in  themselves,  and  not  by  any  means 
thick-sown  through  these  pages,  they  are  still  not  devoid 
of  interest  as  illustrations  of  character,  personal  and  na- 
tional. 

It  was  from  the  letters  of  Cicero  that  Mr.  Middleton 
drew  the  principal  materials  for  his  admirable  life  of  the 
great  Roman  statesman.  But  the  letters  of  Chu  Futze 
or  Su  Tung  P’o  would  furnish  scanty  materials  for  a 
history  of  their  lives ; and  meagre  indeed  are  the  out- 


i38 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


lines  of  biography  which  we  are  able  to  extract  from 
the  sentimental  effusions  of  Liu  Chia  Chu. 

Our  author  first  drew  his  breath,  and  with  it  what 
poetic  inspiration  he  possessed,  amidst  the  mountain 
scenery  of  Southern  Hunan,  about  the  middle  of  the 
reign  of  Chia  Ching  (circa  1810).  Born  in  a rustic  vil- 
lage not  far  from  the  city  of  Hsin  Hua,  he  came  of  a 
family  distinguished  for  scholarship — a fact  of  which  he 
never  ceases  to  remind  the  reader;  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  inherited  talent,  though  his  patrimony  in- 
cluded little  else. 

Boasting  somewhat  of  his  early  precocity,  he  hints  at 
youthful  dissipations  as  having  proved  fatal  to  his  career 
as  a scholar,  and  planted  the  seeds  of  unending  regrets. 
He  failed — probably  from  a defective  chirography,  as 
many  a worthier  man  has  done — to  win  the  first  or  lowest 
degree  in  the  civil-service  examinations;  and  about  the 
age  of  thirty  he  removed  with  his  family  to  Can- 
ton, forgetting,  it  seems,  to  liquidate  certain  debts  of 
honor. 

Concerned  in  the  conduct  of  a charity-school,  Liu, 
thinking  that  charity  ought  to  begin  at  home,  “ borrowed  ” 
a portion  of  the  funds  to  meet  his  own  necessities.  Ar- 
rived at  Canton,  he  learned  with  much  regret  that  the 
slight  liberty  he  had  taken  with  its  capital  was  likely  to 
occasion  the  dissolution  of  the  school.  Against  this  he 
protests  with  much  eloquence ; but  has  nothing  more  sub- 
stantial to  encourage  the  good  work  than  “ promises  to 
pay.”  In  this  connection  his  reference  to  himself,  as  a 
good  example  of  the  benefits  of  education,  is,  to  say  the 
least,  a little  naive. 

After  this,  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  many  epistles 
filled  with  complaints  of  poverty.  He  has  work  enough, 
but  scant  remuneration.  Great  men  admire  his  genius, 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


139 


and  load  him  with  compliments ; but,  like  virtue,  which 
he  does  not  much  resemble  in  any  other  respect,  laudatur 
et  alget. 

From  one  friend  he  begs  the  loan  of  a “ few  hundred 
pieces  of  gold,”  from  another  he  borrows  a suit  of  decent 
apparel.  Good  models  these  letters  for  one  who  has 
much  to  do  in  the  line  of  begging  or  borrowing! 

All  this  time  Liu’s  family  is  increasing  at  a rather 
alarming  rate;  not  that  he  has  any  children  born,  but  from 
time  to  time  he  takes  a new  beauty  into  his  harem  in 
the  hope  that  children  will  follow.  One  is  presented  to 
him  by  a friend ; another,  not  unnaturally,  runs  away, 
or,  as  *he  euphemistically  terms  it,  “ carries  her  guitar 
to  another  door.” 

A correspondent  of  comparatively  severe  morals  ex- 
postulates with  Liu  on  this  seeming  abandonment  to  a life 
of  sensuality.  The  latter  replies  by  drawing  an  affecting 
picture  of  an  aged  father  who  cannot  die  in  peace  with- 
out the  joy  of  embracing  a grandson ! 

At  length  his  hopes  are  awakened  only  to  meet  with 
disappointment — one  of  his  wives  presenting  him  with  a 
daughter.  The  little  creature  appears  not  to  be  alto- 
gether unwelcome,  and,  in  fact,  makes  for  herself  a 
warm  place  in  her  father’s  heart ; though  he  frequently 
alludes  to  her  in  uncomplimentary  terms  borrowed  from 
the  classic  odes : 

“ A girl  is  born ; in  coarse  cloth  wound, 

With  a tile  for  a toy,  let  her  lie  on  the  ground,”  etc. 

The  spell  broken,  another  of  his  ladies  crowns  his  desires 
by  giving  him  a son,  whose  advent  is  duly  hailed  by  a 
flourish  of  trumpets,  and  further  quotations  from  the 
Book  of  Odes : 


140 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ A son  is  born ; on  an  ivory  bed, 

Wrap  him  in  raiment  of  purple  and  red; 

Gold  and  jewels  for  playthings  bring 
To  the  noble  boy  whc^hall  serve  the  king.” 

In  a few  months  this  child  of  many  hopes  sickens  and 
dies.  The  disconsolate  father  mourns  deeply,  and  fills 
many  sheets  with  melodious  tristia. 

About  this  time  the  doors  of  official  preferment,  be- 
fore which  he  had  been  so  long  waiting  (having  failed 
to  find  the  key  in  his  earlier  youth),  began  slowly  to  open 
before  him.  Appointed  magistrate  of  a sub-district  in  the 
country,  called  Lo  Kang,  he  contrived  to  send  some  one 
to  act  in  his  stead  (subletting  the  profits  of  the  position), 
while  he  remained  at  the  provincial  capital  in  the  midst 
of  the  literary  society  which  he  loved  so  dearly. 

Appointed  to  Kowloon,  on  the  mainland  opposite  to 
Hongkong,  Liu  again  finds  excuses  for  not  repairing  to 
his  post;  and  the  governor,  offended  by  his  tardiness, 
cancels  the  appointment.  After  due  penance,  he  is  re- 
stored to  favor  and  offered  another  post,  such  as  Caesar 
himself  would  have  preferred  to  being  the  second  man  at 
Rome.  Taught  by  experience,  he  lost  no  time  in  installing 
himself  in  his  new  yamen.  Its  roof  leaks,  its  walls  are 
crumbling,  and  all  its  apartments  filled  with  rubbish ; but, 
to  compensate  for  all  this,  it  contains  a throne,  which,  if 
he  had  read  Milton,  he  might  have  compared  with  that  of 
the  “ anarch  old  ” who  ruled  the  realms  of  chaos. 

Here  he  finds  a new  order  of  talents  called  into  requi- 
sition : he  has  to  deal  with  facts  instead  of  words,  and 
is  evidently  proud  of  the  success  with  which  he  per- 
forms the  functions  of  a judge — favoring  us  with  one 
of  his  judgments  as  a model  of  its  kind.  It  betrays,  how- 
ever, the  fact  that  his  right  hand  has  not  forgotten  its 
cunning;  that  he  continues  to  be  a rhetorician  in  spite 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


Hi 

of  himself,  and  is  more  at  home  in  reading  a lecture  than 
in  pronouncing  a sentence. 

Unique  among  the  rose-water  productions  of  his  epis- 
tolary pen,  his  report  of  this  lawsuit  reminds  us  that 
Liu  has  also  given  us  a few  specimens  of  another  species 
of  composition.  In  the  course  of  his  career  he  is  some- 
times assistant  examiner,  and  sometimes  appears  in  the 
character  of  a competitor ; not,  indeed,  in  the  ordinary 
examinations,  but  in  those  special  trials  which  expectant 
officers  are  required  to  pass  at  the  provincial  capital.  On 
one  of  these  occasions  Liu’s  essays  were  endorsed  by 
the  high  authorities  in  terms  which  placed  them  on  a 
level  with  the  best  productions  of  the  classic  ages. 

These  eulogies  he  not  only  repeats  in  many  of  his 
letters,  but  favors  his  friends  with  copies  of  the  fortunate 
papers,  that  they  may  judge  for  themselves  whether  the 
praise  is  merited ; pleasing  himself  with  the  reflection 
that  but  for  the  injustice  of  the  lower  courts  he  might  long 
since  have  worn  the  highest  honors  of  the  literary  arena. 

Liu’s  literary  ability  is  duly  recognized  by  a host  of 
junior  aspirants,  who  solicit  copies  of  his  essays,  send 
presents  on  his  fete-days,  and  institute  theatricals  in  his 
honor.  His  moral  character  is  more  doubtful.  A polyg- 
amist on  principle,  he  disclaims  the  virtues  of  an  ascetic 
philosopher  in  order  to  emulate  the  libertinism  of  certain 
dissolute  poets.  Had  he,  indeed,  done  nothing  worse  than 
fill  his  own  cage  with  bright-winged  songsters,  he  would 
have  been  walking  too  closely  in  the  footsteps  of  saints 
and  sages  to  attract  attention.  To  vindicate  for  himself 
the  reputation  of  being  a free  spirit — one  that  spurns 
what  he  denominates  the  “ minor  morals  ” — he  mingles 
occasionally  with  the  “ soiled  doves.” 

For  this,  his  best  apology  is  that  the  silly  occupants  of 
his  own  dove-cot  are  incapable  of  appreciating  his  genius ; 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


142 

while  some  of  these  unappropriated  ones,  like  the  hetaerae 
of  Greece,  had  their  charms  enhanced  by  the  advantages 
of  education.  He  gives  us  a letter  which  he  wrote  to 
one  of  this  class,  with  hypocritical  morality  recommend- 
ing her  to  take  refuge  in  a house  of  religion. 

In  an  epistle  to  another  friend,  he  gives  us  reason  to 
suspect  that  even  the  vestals  of  Buddha  were  not  sacred 
in.  his  eyes ; and  that  with  him  sacrilege  was  necessary 
to  give  the  highest  flavor  to  license.  Freely  unfolding  his 
inner  life,  and  trenching  often  on  forbidden  ground,  it  is 
something  in  his  favor  that  he  is  always  elegant  and  never 
indecent. 

After  this  account  of  his  morals,  it  would  be  useless  to 
inquire  for  his  religion.  He  says,  indeed,  very  little  on 
the  subject.  He  alludes  to  a “ Creator  ” more  than  once, 
but  in  language  of  studied  levity,  showing  that  to  him 
the  author  of  nature  is  not  a “ living  God.” 

As  to  outward  observances,  he  conforms  to  popular 
usage ; he  believes  in  fate,  and,  impatient  to  know  its  de- 
crees, applies  to  a professional  fortune-teller;  in  all  these 
points  only  too  true  a type  of  the  average  literati  of  his 
country. 

The  boundary-line  between  friendly  and  official  corre- 
spondence is  not  easy  to  trace.  It  is  to  the  former  that 
we  confine  ourselves  in  the  present  communication ; but 
it  will  not  be  amiss  to  remark  that  much  of  the  best 
writing  in  the  Chinese  language  may  be  found  on  inter- 
mediate ground  between  formal  business  documents  and 
friendly  letters. 

In  this  class  of  compositions,  vaguely  described  as 
official  letters,  the  grace  of  the  polished  epistle  is  often 
added  to  the  directness  and  force  of  the  despatch  style — 
a happy  combination,  of  which  some  of  the  best  speci- 
mens may  be  seen  in  the  published  correspondence  of 


CHINESE  LETTER  WRITING 


!43 

Hu  Lin-Yeh.  canonized  under  the  title  of  IIu  Wen  Cheng 
Kung;  and  in  that  of  Ch‘en  Wen  Chung  Kung,  who,  hav- 
ing won  three  times  in  succession  the  first  literary  honor 
of  his  province  and  of  the  Empire,  received  from  that 
circumstance  the  sobriquet  of  Ch'en  San  Yuan,  “ Ch‘en 
the  Triple  First.” 


IX 


CHINESE  FABLES 


HE  student  of  Chinese  inquires  in  vain  for  any 


collection  of  native  fables ; and  he  feels  their 


absence  as  a personal  inconvenience  when  he 


recalls  his  obligations  to  iEsop  and  Phasdrus,  Lessing  and 
La  Fontaine,  for  alleviating  the  toil  of  his  earlier  studies 
in  the  classic  languages  of  ancient  and  modem  Europe. 
This  deficiency  is  the  more  disappointing,  as  the  constant 
occurrence  of  the  words  pi  fang  in  our  colloquial  exercises 
leads  us  to  expect  to  find  the  fields  of  literature  thick- 
sown  with  every  variety  of  similitude.  Parables  and  alle- 
gories are,  indeed,  not  wanting,  but  their  congener,  the 
fable,  seems  never  to  have  existed,  or  in  some  mysterious 
way  to  have  become  well-nigh  extinct. 

Nor  is  this  last  supposition  a mere  fancy.  We  turn 
up  from  time  to  time  what  seem  to  be  fossil  fragments 
enough  to  give  it,  to  say  the  least,  as  good  a foundation 
as  some  scientific  theories  have  to  rest  on.  For  what 
are  those  numerous  proverbial  expressions  drawn  from 
the  habits  of  animals  but  the  ghosts,  or  rather  the  skele- 
tons, of  vanished  fables.  But  whether  such  originals 
ever  existed,  certain  it  is  that  nothing  is  more  easy  or 
natural  than  to  expand  these  phrases  into  the  full  di- 
mensions of  the  proper  apologue. 

Take,  for  instance,  “ the  sheep  in  a tiger’s  skin,”  “ when 
the  hare  dies  the  fox  weeps,”  “ he  who  nurses  a tiger's 
cub  will  rue  his  kindness,”  etc.  Do  not  these  seem  to 
point  back  to  ancient  fables  as  their  source;  just  as  we 


144 


CHINESE  FABLES 


H5 


know  “ the  fox  and  the  grapes,”  “ the  ass  in  a lion’s 
skin,”  and  other  proverbial  expressions  current  among  us 
were  derived  from  fables? 

But  how  did  such  originals,  supposing  them  to  have 
existed,  come  to  be  lost?  We  reply,  they  were  either 
never  reduced  to  writing,  or  not  written  in  a style  adapted 
to  the  taste  of  the  country.  For  ages  past  the  Chinese 
have  affected  an  extreme  sententiousness  in  the  style  of 
their  literary  composition.  This  would  naturally  lead 
them  to  extract  the  living  spirit  and  to  reject  the  cum- 
brous form  of  such  fables  as  might  spring  up  in  the 
humbler  walks  of  their  folk-lore.  Thus  they  may  have 
had  their  unknown  Pilpays  and  their  mute,  inglorious 
^F)sops. 

At  all  events,  the  defect  of  which  we  are  speaking 
was  not  occasioned,  as  some  would  have  us  infer,  by  a 
want  of  imagination.  For  Chinese  literature,  while  it 
contains  nothing  that  rises  to  the  dignity  of  the  epic 
muse,  yet  teems  with  the  productions  of  a fertile  fancy — 
metamorphoses  as  numerous  (if  not  as  elegant)  as  those 
of  Ovid ; fairy  tales  more  monstrous  than  Grimm’s ; and 
narratives  of  adventure  (generally  accepted  as  sober  his- 
tory) as  strange  as  those  of  Sindbad  or  Gulliver.  It  is, 
we  repeat,  a question  of  taste  rather  than  talent ; and  this, 
we  think,  is  borne  out  by  the  reception  which  the  Chinese 
gave  to  Mr.  Thom's  excellent  translation  of  yEsop,  a 
work  which,  instead  of  finding  its  way  into  every  house- 
hold, is  rarely  to  be  met  with  even  in  the  stalls  of  a book- 
seller. The  mandarins  suspected  that  wolves  and  bears 
were  masks  for  dangerous  doctrines  and  biting  satire; 
while  neither  prince  nor  peasant  has  cared  enough  about 
the  production  to  keep  it  alive. 

As  to  talent,  while  we  will  not  assert  that  the  Chinese 
could  have  excelled  in  this  department  of  literature,  there 


146 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


is  proof,  we  think,  that  they  are  not  wholly  destitute  of 
a capacity  for  it.  This  will  be  found  in  the  following 
fables,  derived  from  various  sources,  which  we  give  by 
way  of  specimen,  hoping  that  readers  of  Chinese  will  add 
to  the  number  any  that  happen  to  come  under  their 
notice: 

1.  The  King  of  Chu  inquiring  with  some  surprise  why 
the  people  of  the  North  were  so  frightened  at  the  ap- 
proach of  Chou  Hsi  Hsu,  one  of  his  ministers  replied  as 
follows : “ A tiger  who  happened  to  be  preceded  by  a 
fox  was  greatly  astonished  to  see  all  the  animals  running 
away  from  the  fox,  little  suspecting  that  their  terror  was 
inspired  by  himself.  It  is  not  Chou,  but  your  Majesty,  of 
whom  the  people  of  the  North  are  in  dread.” 

2.  “ I may  go  out  and  play  without  any  danger  now,” 
said  a little  mouse  to  its  mother.  “ The  old  cat  has  be- 
come religious ; I see  her  with  her  eyes  shut,  engaged  in 
praying  to  Buddha.” 

Grimalkin’s  devotions,  however,  did  not  prevent  her 
seizing  the  silly  little  creature  as  soon  as  it  ventured 
near. 

3.  A tiger  who  had  never  seen  an  ass  was  terrified  at 
the  sound  of  his  voice,  and  was  about  to  run  away,  when 
the  latter  turned  his  heels  and  prepared  to  kick. 

“ If  that  is  your  mode  of  attack,”  said  the  tiger,  “ I 
know  how  to  deal  with  you.” 

4.  A tiger  having  clapped  his  paw  on  an  unlucky 
monkey,  the  latter  begged  to  be  released  on  the  score  of 
his  insignificance,  and  promised  to  show  the  tiger  where 
he  might  find  a more  valuable  prey.  The  tiger  complied, 
and  the  monkey  conducted  him  to  a hill-side  where  an 
ass  was  feeding — an  animal  which  the  tiger,  till  then, 
had  never  seen. 

“ My  good  brother,”  said  the  ass  to  the  monkey, 


CHINESE  FABLES 


H7 

“ hitherto  you  have  always  brought  me  two  tigers,  how 
is  it  that  you  have  only  brought  me  one  to-day  ? ” 

Hearing  these  words,  the  tiger  fled  for  his  life.  Thus 
a ready  wit  may  often  ward  off  great  dangers. 

5.  A tiger,  finding  a cat  very  prolific  in  devices  for 
catching  game,  placed  himself  under  her  instruction.  At 
length  he  was  told  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  learned. 
“Have  you,  then,  taught  me  all  your  tricks?”  he  in- 
quired. “ Yes,”  replied  the  cat.  “ Then,”  said  the  tiger, 
“ you  are  of  no  further  use,  and  so  I shall  eat  you.”  The 
cat,  however,  sprang  lightly  into  the  branches  of  a tree, 
and  smiled  at  his  disappointment.  She  had  not  taught 
him  all  her  tricks. 

The  Chinese  apply  this  to  their  foreign  instructors 
in  the  art  of  war,  and  evidently  suspect  that  some  master 
secret  is  always  held  in  reserve. 


X 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


HE  word  “ tract,”  in  its  more  general  sense,  signi- 


fies a treatise  on  any  subject.  In  the  special 


sense,  which  the  activity  of  our  Tract  Societies 


has  brought  into  use,  it  means  a small  book  in  which  the 
sanctions  of  religion  are  brought  forward  in  support  of 
morality.  Its  aim  is  to  enlighten  the  human  mind,  and 
to  purify  the  widening  stream  of  human  life. 

That  the  people  of  that  ancient  empire,  who  have  an- 
ticipated us  in  so  many  discoveries,  and  in  every  kind 
of  social  experiment,  should  have  gone  before  us  in  the 
creation  of  a tract-literature,  is  not  surprising.  In  China, 
as  in  other  countries,  one  of  the  earliest  uses  of  written 
speech  was  to  extend  the  influence  of  good  men,  by 
causing  their  words  to  reach  a wider  circle,  beyond  the 
bounds  of  personal  intercourse,  which  in  space  is  limited 
to  a few  miles,  and  in  time  to  a few  years. 

For  the  same  reasons,  one  of  the  first  applications  of 
the  art  of  printing,  in  which  China  was  six  hundred  years 
in  advance  of  Europe,  was  to  multiply  tracts ; and  the 
aggregate  mass  of  its  publications  in  this  department 
has,  in  the  course  of  ten  centuries,  attained  an  enormous 
development.  To  enumerate  even  the  most  popular  of 
them  would  necessitate  the  recitation  of  a long  catalogue; 
and  to  offer  an  outline  criticism  of  each  would  be  an 
endless  task.  They  fall,  however,  into  certain  well-de- 
fined categories,  such  as : — 

i. — Those  which  inculcate  morality  in  general. 


148 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


149 


2.  — Those  which  persuade  to  the  practice  of  particular 
virtues. 

3.  — Those  which  seek  to  deter  from  particular  vices. 

4.  — Those  that  are  written  in  the  interest  of  particular 
religions  or  divinities. 


One  or  two  in  each  class,  as  types  of  the  whole  will  be 
sufficient  to  exhibit  their  character  and  scope. 

In  the  first  class,  a leading  place  might  properly  be 
assigned  to  the  discourses  of  Confucius  and  Mencius, 
and  to  numerous  treatises  of  later  philosophers ; but,  as 
we  are  accustomed  to  make  a distinction  between  scrip- 
tures and  tracts,  these,  or  at  least  those  first  mentioned, 
are  to  be  regarded  as  the  sacred  scriptures  of  the  Chinese. 

With  us,  many  tracts  consist  almost  entirely  of  Scrip- 
ture passages,  selected  and  arranged.  In  the  native 
literature  of  the  Chinese,  similar  tracts  based  on  their 
best  books  may  be  found  in  great  numbers. 

One  such  is  called  the  Ming  Hsin  Pao  Chien, — Mirror 
of  the  Heart.  It  contains  a choice  collection  of  the  best 
sayings  of  the  best  men  that  country  has  produced. 
Those  sayings  are  gems,  neatly  cut,  highly  polished,  and 
sparkling  with  the  light  of  truth.  In  other  tracts  they 
may  be  differently  arranged ; but  everywhere  they  shine 
with  the  mild  radiance  of  wisdom  and  virtue. 

A collection  of  this  kind,  called  Ming  Hsien  Chi, — Say- 
ings of  the  Wise,  is  a great  favorite  in  Peking.  It  differs 
from  the  tract  last  named  in  drawing  its  wise  saws  chiefly 
from  modern  sources.  It  opens  with  the  noble  maxim : 
— “ Only  practice  good  works,  and  ask  no  questions  about 
your  future  destiny.”  The  first  chapter  ends  with  the 
encouraging  assurance : — “ Human  desires  can  be  broken 
off;  Heaven’s  laws  can  be  observed.” 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


150 

Another  maxim  gives  the  general  tenor  of  its  teach- 
ings : — “ All  things  bow  to  real  worth  ; happiness  is  stored 
up  by  honesty.”  Every  sentence  is  a proverb;  and 
though,  like  the  Hebrew  proverbs,  there  are  many  that 
inculcate  thrift  and  worldly  wisdom,  there  are  not  a few 
that  rise  to  a higher  level.  Its  religion  is  unhappily  of  a 
very  colorless  description, — contrasting  strongly  with 
the  doctrine  of  direct  responsibility  to  a living  God,  which 
pervades  the  proverbs  of  the  Jews, — making  their  religion 
the  most  practical  of  their  concerns.  The  idea  of  direct 
responsibility  is  not  indeed  altogether  wanting,  though 
in  this  class  of  tracts  it  is  not  sufficiently  insisted  on. 
In  this,  and  in  nearly  all  similar  collections,  we  find  the 
warning  that — 

“ The  gods  behold  an  evil  thought, 

As  clearly  as  a flash  of.  lightning ; 

And  whispers  uttered  in  a secret  place, 

To  them  sound  loud  as  thunder.” 

The  Family  Monitor  of  Chu  Po  Lu  so  well  known,  sets 
forth  an  admirable  system  of  precepts  for  the  ordering  of 
a household,  in  which  children  are  brought  up  with 
judicious  severity,  and  servants  treated  with  considerate 
tenderness, — purity  and  honor  being  vital  elements  of  the 
domestic  atmosphere. 

The  Ti  Tse  Kuei,  or  Guide  to  the  Young,  though  less 
known,  is  a book  of  a higher  order.  Composed  almost 
in  our  own  times,  in  imitation  of  the  far-famed  Trimetri- 
cal  Classic,  it  surpasses  its  model,  and  shows,  if  we  may 
judge  by  words  alone,  that  the  line  of  sages  is  not  yet  ex- 
tinct. In  the  second  chapter,  entitled  Truth  and  Virtue, 
we  find  a doctrine  too  rarely  taught  in  Chinese  books : — 

“ In  every  word  you  utter. 

Let  truth  be  first ; 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


15* 


Deceit  and  falsehood. 

How  can  you  endure! 

Do  not  lightly  speak 

Of  what  you  do  not  certainly  know  ; 

Things  not  right. 

Do  not  lightly  promise ; 

If  you  do  promise, 

Whether  you  go  forward  or  go  back. 

You  are  equally  in  fault.” 

Here  is  a neat  definition ; — 

“ To  do  wrong  without  intention 
Is  an  error; 

To  do  wrong  with  purpose 
Is  a crime.” 

The  author  adds: — 

“ Your  errors,  if  you  correct  them. 

End  in  no  error; 

If  you  hide  or  cloak  them, 

You  add  one  sin  more.” 

The  Sacred  Edict,  containing  the  maxims  of  Kang  Hsi 
amplified  by  Yung  Cheng,  is  not  too  large  to  be  classed 
with  tracts.  Each  chapter  may,  indeed,  be  regarded  as  a 
tract  on  a special  subject.  Nothing  gives  a better  view 
of  the  kind  of  morals  inculcated  by  the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment— morals  which  harmonize  in  a wonderful  man- 
ner with  some  of  the  teachings  of  Christianity. 

The  tracts  that  I have  mentioned  emanate  from  the 
school  of  pure  Confucianism.  They  are  not  irreligious, 
for  they  everywhere  admit  the  supremacy  of  a vague 
power  called  Heaven.  They  admit,  further,  that  that 
power,  whatever  it  may  be,  is  not  indifferent  to  human 
conduct. 


152 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Does  not  the  venerable  Book  of  Changes,  the  most 
ancient  of  the  canonical  writings,  expressly  declare  that — 

“ On  those  who  store  up  righteousness, 

Heaven  sends  down  a hundred  blessings; 

And  on  those  who  store  up  ill-desert, 

Heaven  sends  down  a hundred  woes.” 

This  sentence  re-appears  in  all  these  tracts ; and  the 
doctrine  of  a providential  retribution,  unfailing  for  the 
good,  unrelenting  for  the  evil,  is  affirmed,  amplified,  and 
illustrated,  as  a cardinal  truth  which  no  man  can  doubt. 
By  this  school  it  is  taught,  as  it  was  by  the  Sadducees  of 
Judea,  without  reference  to  hopes  or  fears  connected  with 
a belief  in  a life  to  come.  The  certainty  of  prosperity  in 
this  world  as  the  reward  of  virtue,  and  of  shame  and 
suffering  as  the  penalty  of  vice,  is  the  motive  most  con- 
stantly appealed  to,  though  it  should  not  be  forgotten 
that,  in  a passage  already  quoted,  a sublimer  conception 
is  set  forth : — “ Only  do  good,  and  ask  no  questions  as  to 
your  future  destiny,” — assuring  us  that  some  among  the 
moralists  of  the  pure  Confucian  school  might  unite  with 
us  in  the  petition  of  Pope’s  Universal  Prayer — 

“ What  conscience  tells  me  should  be  done, 

Or  warns  me  not  to  do, 

This,  teach  me  more  than  hell  to  shun, 

That,  more  than  heaven  pursue.” 

The  experience  of  moralists  in  China  coincides,  how- 
ever, with  that  of  the  West  in  showing  that  the  theory  of 
virtue  as  its  own  reward  is  too  refined  for  the  mass  of 
mankind.  One,  here  and  there,  who  is  moulded  of 
purer  clay,  may  be  seized  with  a kind  of  Platonic  passion 
for  virtue,  but  the  great  majority  are  so  constituted  that 
to  them  virtue  has  no  charms  aside  from  happiness.  Nor 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


*53 


is  this  of  necessity  an  ignoble  sentiment ; for,  in  this  case, 
what  God  has  joined  together  it  may  not  be  possible  for 
man  to  put  asunder, — “ Happiness  (to  quote  a Chinese 
saying),  follows  in  the  footsteps  of  virtue,  as  shadow 
follows  substance.”  Are  we  not  told  that  even  Moses  had 
“ respect  unto  the  recompense  of  the  reward?  ” 

When  Buddhists  imported  from  India  a distinct  notion 
of  a future  life,  their  doctrine  of  transmigration  was  first 
adopted  by  the  Taoists,  and  afterwards  accepted  by  many 
who  never  ceased  to  call  themselves  disciples  of  Con- 
fucius. All  parties  felt  that  an  immense  reinforcement 
was  added  to  the  sanctions  of  morality.  Instead  of  the 
shadowy  idea  of  a vicarious  recompense,  reserved  for 
one’s  posterity  in  some  remote  age.  came  the  conviction 
that  each  individual  soul,  sooner  or  later,  inevitably  reaps 
the  reward  of  its  deeds ; — a conviction  which  took  so 
strong  a hold  on  the  public  mind  as  to  become  the  foun- 
dation for  a mixed  school  of  moral  teaching. 

In  the  tracts  of  this  mixed  school,  Confucianism  may 
in  some  cases  to  be  the  leading  element,  Taoism  or  Bud- 
dhism in  others ; but  the  most  powerful  argument  to  incite 
to  good,  and  deter  from  evil,  is  always  the  certainty  of 
retribution  in  a future  life. 

The  two  most  celebrated  tracts  in  this  department,  if 
not  in  the  whole  cycle  of  Chinese  literature,  are  dis- 
tinctly on  the  subject  of  retribution.  They  are  the  Kan 
Ying  P‘ien,  and  the  Yin  Chi  Wen.  Each  bears  the  name 
of  a Taoist  divinity, — one  goes  under  the  auspices  of 
Laotze,  the  other  under  those  of  Wen  Ch'ang.  One  sets 
out  with  the  declaration  that  “ Happiness  and  Misery 
never  enter  a door  until  they  are  invited  by  the  occupant 
of  the  house.”  “ They  are  the  reward  that  follows  good 
and  evil,  as  surely  as  a shadow  follows  a body.”  The 
other  begins  with  a statement  that  its  beatified  author 


!54 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


practised  virtue  through  no  fewer  than  seventeen  lives  or 
stages  of  existence  before  he  attained  to  perfect  felicity. 
Starting  from  this  point,  each  unfolds  its  text  with  ad- 
mirable skill,  building  a rainbow  arch  of  virtues,  with 
one  foot  resting  on  the  earth,  and  the  other  lost  in  the 
blue  of  heaven  ; while  the  vices  are  depicted  in  fiery  colors, 
on  a back-ground  of  utter  darkness. 

While  on  this  branch  of  the  subject,  a very  vulgar 
tract  ought  to  be  noticed,  which  has  perhaps  a wider  cur- 
rency than  either  of  the  preceding.  Like  them,  the  Yii 
Li  Ch‘ao  Chucin,  or  String  of  Pearls,  is  devoted  to  the 
doctrine  of  retribution.  Instead,  however,  of  insisting  on 
true  morality,  this  treatise  spends  its  force  in  clothing  the 
infernal  world  with  imaginary  horrors.  They  are  drawn 
in  such  colors  that  they  are  not  Dantesque,  but  grotesque. 
The  letter  press  is  accompanied  by  pictorial  illustrations, 
in  which  one  sees  a soul  in  the  process  of  being  sawn 
in  twain,  or  pounded  in  a mortar;  a bridge  from  which 
sinners  are  precipitated  into  a field  of  up-turned  sword 
points ; a cauldron  of  boiling  water  in  which  they  stew 
and  simmer  for  ages ; then  a bed  of  ice  on  which  they 
freeze  for  an  equal  period ; together  with  other  scenes 
equally  adapted  to  bring  a wholesome  doctrine  into  con- 
tempt. 

An  idea,  to  which  this  gross  view  of  retribution  natur- 
ally gives  rise,  is  that  of  opening  a debt  and  credit  ac- 
count with  the  chancery  of  Heaven.  Such  account  books 
form  a distinct  class  of  tracts.  On  one  side  are  ranged 
all  conceivable  bad  actions,  each  stamped  with  its  ex- 
change value  according  to  a fixed  tariff.  The  Chinese 
moralist  has  not,  like  Tetzel,  gone  so  far  as  to  convert  this 
numerical  valuation  into  a sale  of  indulgences,  but  we 
may  be  sure  that  the  ingenuity  of  the  reader  does  not 
fail  to  find  out  a way — 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


i55 


“To  atone  for  sins  he  has  a mind  to, 

By  doing  things  he’s  not  inclined  to.” 

The  artifice  of  keeping  with  one’s  heart  such  an  ac- 
count current  is  one  which,  if  properly  conducted,  might 
end  in  the  practice  of  virtue.  Franklin  tried  something 
of  the  kind  with  success,  and  he  tells  us  that  it  enabled 
him  to  make  such  proficiency  in  the  grace  of  humility 
that  he  grezu  proud  of  it.  Among  tracts  of  the  second 
category — those  that  inculcate  particular  virtues — I may 
mention  the  Hsiao  Citing,  or  Manual  of  Filial  Duty,  de- 
scribed in  a previous  chapter.  More  ancient  than  any  of 
its  class,  it  is  also  more  venerated,  being  referred  to  Con- 
fucius himself,  whose  discourses  on  the  subject  were 
taken  down  by  one  of  his  most  eminent  disciples.  While 
its  origin  is  apocryphal,  its  fullness  and  perfection  give 
it  the  weight  of  a classic,  while  the  simplicity  and  beauty 
of  its  style  make  it  specially  attractive  to  the  young,  for 
whose  instruction  it  was  composed. 

The  teachings  of  the  book  culminate  in  the  grand  idea 
that  filial  piety,  as  the  first  of  virtues,  may  be  made  a rule 
and  regulator  for  the  entire  conduct  of  life.  Every  act 
has  reference  to  our  ancestors ; good  acts  reflect  honor, 
and  bad  acts  bring  disgrace  on  the  name  of  our  pro- 
genitors. The  process  of  reasoning  is  somewhat  similar 
to  that  which  makes  the  love  of  God  the  law  of  a Chris- 
tian life;  but  how  feeble  the  sentiment  that  attaches  itself 
to  the  moss-covered  monuments  of  dead  ancestors,  in 
comparison  with  love  to  a living  God,  whom  we  are 
privileged  to  call  our  Father  in  Heaven ! 

As  in  China  all  social,  political,  and  even  religious  obli- 
gations center  in  the  duty  of  filial  piety,  that  cardinal 
virtue  is,  as  might  be  expected,  the  theme  of  innumerable 
hortatory  compositions.  Some  of  them  are  excellent 
from  every  point  of  view ; but  not  a few  are  tinged  with 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


156 

extravagance,  extolling  the  merits  of  children  who  have 
saved  the  lives  of  parents  by  mixing  medicines  with  their 
own  blood,  or  giving  them  broth  made  of  their  own 
flesh.* 

There  is  one,  and  that  the  most  popular  of  all,  which 
sinks  to  a depth  of  silliness  quite  beyond  anything  at- 
tained by  Mother  Goose.  I refer  to  the  stories  of  the 
Four-and-Twenty  Filial  Children. 

One  of  those  worthies  is  held  in  remembrance  because, 
when  his  parents  had  lapsed  into  second  childhood,  he,  at 
the  age  of  threescore  and  ten,  dressed  himself  in  parti- 
coloured vestments,  and  acted  the  clown  to  make  them 
laugh.  Another,  when  a little  boy,  was  seen  lying  on  the 
ice;  and,  when  questioned  as  to  his  object,  replied  that 
he  “ wished  to  melt  it  to  catch  a fish  for  his  mother.’’ 
One  of  them,  hearing  a physician  commend  the  virtues  of 
milk  freshly  drawn  from  the  teats  of  a wild  deer,  dis- 
guised himself  as  a deer  in  order  to  procure  the  precious 
beverage  for  his  invalid  mother.  One  of  them,  on  the 
occurrence  of  a thunder  storm,  always  threw  himself  on 
his  mother’s  grave,  saying — “ Mother,  your  boy  is  with 
you,  do  not  be  afraid.”  The  other  stories  are  equally 
foolish,  and  some  of  them  positively  wicked ; yet  Chi- 
nese artists  vie  with  each  other  in  embellishing  this 
precious  nonsense,  and  the  greatest  men  of  China  make 
a merit  of  writing  out  the  text  for  engraving  on 
wood. 

Is  it  not  probable  that  these  exaggerated  views  of  filial 

* For  this  purpose  the  flesh  is  commonly  taken  from  the  fatty 
portions  of  the  thigh ; but  a morsel  of  the  liver  is  more  effica- 
cious. How  young  girls  (for  it  is  always  women  who  do  it)  can 
perform  on  themselves  an  operation  of  such  difficulty  and  sur- 
vive is  a mystery.  Perhaps  the  best  explanation  is  that  such 
statements  are  figures  of  speech. 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


I57 


piety  have  had  a tendency  to  dwarf  other  virtues,  and  to 
distort  the  moral  character  of  the  Chinese  people?  The 
duty  of  speaking  the  truth,  for  instance,  so  much  insisted 
on  by  us  of  the  West,  is  seldom  touched  on  by  the  moral 
writers  of  China.  While  the  foundation  stone  is  neglected 
by  these  builders,  what  masses  of  wood,  hay,  and  stubble, 
do  they  put  in  its  place ! 

It  would  be  easy  to  load  a cart  with  separate  treatises 
on  the  duty  of  showing  respect  to  written  or  printed 
paper.  Absurd  as  are  the  rhapsodies  which  Chinese 
scholars  indite  on  this  subject,  may  they  not  teach  a les- 
son to  our  tract  distributors, — the  lesson  not  to  show  dis- 
respect to  their  own  cargoes  of  printed  paper,  by  selling 
too  cheaply,  or  giving  too  lavishly? 

Then  we  have  exhortations  in  equal  quantity  to  com- 
passion for  brute  animals.  The  radical  sentiment  is  just 
and  praise-worthy,  but  the  writers  rush  into  extremes  as 
before ; and,  instead  of  nourishing  a well-poised,  active 
humanity  to  man,  they  make  a merit  of  emancipating 
birds  and  fish,  and  of  succoring  ants  that  are  struggling 
in  the  water.  Under  the  influence  of  this  literature,  a 
society  has  been  formed  in  Peking  for  the  release  of 
captive  sparrows ; but  I have  yet  to  hear  that  any  society 
has  been  organized  for  the  suppression  of  the  sale  of 
little  children, — a traffic  which  is  openly  carried  on  in  all 
the  cities  of  China ! Our  own  Cowper  wept  over  a dead 
hare,  and  wrote  the  lines — 

“ I would  not  count  upon  my  list  of  friends, 

A man  who  wantonly  set  foot  upon  a worm.” 

But  his  pity  was  not  exhausted  by  such  manifesta- 
tions. He  admitted  man  among  the  objects  of  his  com- 
passion, and  sounded  the  note  of  anti-slavery  long  be- 
fore the  abolition  of  the  trade  in  slaves : — 


i58 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ Fleecy  locks  and  black  complexion 
Cannot  forfeit  nature’s  claim; 

Skins  may  differ,  but  affection 
Dwells  in  white  and  black  the  same.” 

Against  particular  vices  there  are  numerous  tracts 
which  are  earnest  and  powerful.  In  some,  the  enormities 
of  infanticide  are  set  forth ; some  denounce  the  folly  of 
gambling;  others  deal  in  scathing  terms  with  licentious 
practices  of  every  description ; still  others  dissuade  from 
opium-smoking,  drunkenness,  and  the  like. 

Tracts  of  a distinctly  religious  type  are  neither  so 
abundant,  nor  so  highly  esteemed,  as  those  that  aim  to 
mend  the  morals  of  mankind.  Yet  they  are  not  want- 
ing ; — one  meets  every  day  with  little  pamphlets  com- 
mending the  worship  of  particular  divinities.  Here  is 
one  that  points  out  the  way  to  obtain  the  favor  of  Chang 
Hsien,  the  greatest  of  the  Taoist  genii,  who  rewards  his 
worshippers  with  the  blessing  of  offspring.  Here  is  an- 
other which  consists  chiefly  of  prayers  to  Kuan  Tin,  the 
goddess  of  mercy.  The  prayers  are  in  Sanscrit,  and 
utterly  unintelligible  to  those  who  use  them. 

Of  polemics  there  are  very  few, — indeed  I have  only 
seen  one  or  two  of  modern  origin.  The  earlier  ages 
teemed  with  them ; and  the  literati,  by  inserting  in  every 
collection  of  ancient  essays,  Han  Yu’s  ferocious  onslaught 
on  Buddhism,  seek  to  keep  alive  a feeling  of  animosity 
against  the  Indian  creed.  Time,  however,  is  a great 
peace-maker.  The  conflicting  elements,  that  once  threat- 
ened to  turn  this  celestial  empire  into  primeval  chaos, 
have  gradually  subsided  into  a stable  equilibrium. 

Antagonistic  and  mutually  destructive,  their  teachings 
may  be  found  mixed  together  in  most  of  the  tracts  of 
which  we  have  been  speaking.  In  one  of  them,  in  a 
conspicuous  place,  at  the  head  of  a list  of  good  actions, 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


>59 


stands  the  injunction — Kuang  Hsiitg  San  Chiao,  “ Spread 
far  and  wide  the  Three  Religions.” 

A little  treatise  full  of  deep  thought,  which  shows  to 
advantage  the  blending  of  the  three  creeds,  is  Tsai  Ken 
T’icn.  Its  author,  Hung  Ying  Ming,  was  a moralist  of  a 
high  order,  but  nothing  is  known  of  him  except  that  he 
lived  about  three  centuries  ago. 

Philosophers  tell  us  of  a time,  happily  far  in  the  future, 
when  earth  shall  no  more  be  the  scene  of  terrific  storms, 
— when  north  wind  and  south  wind  shall  cease  to  con- 
tend for  the  mastery,  because  the  atmosphere  no  longer 
receives  sufficient  heat  from  the  sun  to  disturb  its  re- 
pose. It  is  the  heat  of  conviction  that  engenders  contro- 
versy. Where  that  has  ceased,  is  there  not  reason  10 
suspect  that  faith  has  lost  its  vitality,  and  that  sincere 
convictions  no  longer  exist? 

In  ancient  Rome,  the  gods  of  the  conquered  nations 
came  trooping  into  the  capital ; and  all  of  them,  in  the 
lapse  of  time,  were  seated  in  friendly  conclave  in  the 
pantheon  of  Agrippa.  They  were  at  peace,  because  they 
were  dead.  Lucian,  in  his  satirical  dialogues,  deals  with 
dead  gods  as  well  as  with  dead  men ; but  those  dead 
gods  were  galvanized  into  life  by  the  contact  of  Chris- 
tianity. Christ  came  into  their  midst,  and,  at  his  touch, 
their  dry  bones  began  to  shake,  and  they  rose  up  to  do 
battle  against  the  Lord  of  Life.  History  repeats  itself. 
What  we  have  seen  in  Rome,  is  now  taking  place  in 
China.  The  calm  of  ages  is  disturbed,  and  the  heat  of 
controversy  begins  to  show  itself  anew ; but  the  only 
polemics  from  the  pagan  camp  are  those  in  which  the 
adherents  of  the  Three  Religions  combine  in  vituperative 
attacks  on  that  arrogant  creed  which  claims  for  itself 
the  homage  of  the  world. 

Inert  as  are  the  creeds  of  paganism,  in  comparison  with 


i6o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  undying  energies  of  our  Holy  Faith,  it  would  be 
wrong  to  infer  that  they  are  either  active  for  evil,  or 
powerless  for  good.  To  those  who  have  not  the  sun, 
star-light  is  oftentimes  a precious  guide. 

In  looking  over  a vast  variety  of  native  tracts,  we  are 
struck  by  the  fact  that  authors  of  all  the  schools  agree 
in  seeking  to  fortify  their  moral  teachings  by  the  sanc- 
tions of  religion.  Even  the  Confucianists  ascribe  to  their 
canonical  books  the  authority  of  inspiration.  Chu  Fu- 
tze,  sceptical  as  he  was  on  most  subjects,  admitted  the 
claim  of  the  Confucian  teachings  to  a superhuman  origin. 
Later  writers  naturally  sought  to  invest  their  produc- 
tions with  the  sanctity  derived  from  an  inspired  source. 
The  two  other  creeds  peopled  the  heavens  with  deified 
mortals.  With  them  it  was  easy  to  hold  communication, 
and  from  them  oracular  responses  were  obtained.  If 
the  divinities  deigned  to  give  prescriptions  for  the  cure 
of  measles  or  toothache,  why  not  for  the  maladies  of  the 
human  mind?  The  medium  of  response  was  planchette, 
an  instrument  known  to  the  Chinese  a thousand  years 
before  it  began  to  make  a figure  in  Europe.  I have  my- 
self seen  effusions  in  faultless  verse,  fresh  from  the  pens 
of  deified  spirits. 

In  connecting  religion  with  morals,  these  writers  agree 
with  us ; for  what  a feeble  thing  would  be  a moral  prop- 
aganda unaided  by  the  fervor  of  religious  faith ! 

One  of  the  literary  lights  of  the  English  firmament 
defines  religion  as  “ morality  touched  by  emotion.”  The 
definition  is  neither  logical  nor  complete ; but  it  hits  in 
happy  phrase  one  feature  of  a union  formed  by  two  dis- 
tinct things.  Morality,  to  borrow  the  imagery  of  a 
Hebrew  poet,  springs  up  out  of  the  earth,  and  religion 
looks  down  from  Heaven.  Morality  is  the  body,  cold 
and  beautiful  until  religion,  which  is  its  soul,  enters  into 


NATIVE  TRACTS  OF  CHINA 


161 


it  and  gives  it  life;  or,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Arnold, 
“ touches  it  with  emotion.” 

The  love  of  God  is  religion ; the  love  of  man,  morality. 
The  two  must  be  combined,  in  order  to  give  the  highest 
effect  to  an  enterprise  like  that  of  our  Tract  Societies. 
The  assertion  may  sound  strange,  but  it  is  true  neverthe- 
less, that  morality  is  our  supreme  object.  If  men  were 
to  persist  in  the  debasing  practices  inseparable  from  hea- 
thenism, would  we  deem  it  worth  while  to  substitute  the 
names  of  Jehovah  and  Jesus  for  those  of  Kuan  Ti  and 
Buddha  ? 

We  should  not  fail  to  recognize  how  much  has  been 
done  by  the  agency  of  native  tracts  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  tractarian  crusade,  in  which  we  are  now  em- 
barked. It  is  owing  to  them  that  our  efforts  in  this 
direction  meet  with  a respectful  welcome.  Let  us,  on  our 
part,  cultivate  a sympathy  for  all  that  is  good  in  native 
books  and  native  methods,  and  endeavor  to  learn  from 
them  something  that  may  enable  us  more  efficiently  to 
carry  on  our  own  enterprise. 

That  which  we  may  study  with  most  advantage  is 
their  mode  of  communicating  instruction  on  religious  and 
moral  subjects.  No  missionary  should  undertake  the 
composition  of  a Christian  tract,  without  having  first  made 
himself  acquainted  with  a wide  range  of  native  tracts. 
Not  only  may  he  learn  from  them  how  to  treat  his  sub- 
ject in  a style  at  once  concise  and  lucid, — respectable  in 
the  eyes  of  the  learned,  yet  not  above  the  comprehension 
of  the  vulgar, — what  is  more,  he  may  learn  from  them 
the  spiritual  wants  of  the  audience  whom  he  proposes  to 
instruct  and  relieve. 

A weakness  of  the  native  tract  lies  in  the  fact  that, 
for  the  most  part,  elegant  as  it  may  be,  it  contains  noth- 
ing but  what  everybody  knows.  We,  in  the  preparation 


i62 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  our  tracts,  can  draw  on  resources  that  lie' beyond  the 
reach  of  native  authors.  In  addition  to  the  inestimable 
treasures  of  Revealed  Truth,  we  have  Geography,  His- 
tory, Astronomy,  Physics,  to  communicate, — not  to  speak 
of  our  improved  systems  of  Mental  and  Moral  Philosophy. 

These  sciences  are  not  only  powerful  for  the  over- 
throw of  superstition, — they  are  essential  to  the  under- 
standing of  religious  truth.  Every  new  tract  ought  to 
contain  more  or  less  on  these  subjects;  and  some  tracts 
should  be  entirely  devoted  to  them,  and  to  the  religious 
applications  of  which  they  are  so  readily  susceptible. 
Would  it  not  be  well  for  our  Tract  Societies  to  prepare 
a series — not  of  text-books,  for  that  task  has  been  under- 
taken by  another  association — but  of  primers,  which, 
along  with  religious  truth,  shall  impart  the  elements  of 
science?  By  acting  on  this  principle,  our  publications 
will  be  made  in  the  highest  sense  an  educational  agency. 
They  will  command  the  respect  of  the  better  classes, 
and  not  only  win  them  away  from  grovelling  supersti- 
tions, but  lead  high  and  low  away  from  their  imperfect 
lights  to  Him  who  is  the  Light  of  the  World. 


BOOK  III 


Religion  and  Philosophy  of  the 
Chinese 


XI 


THE  SAN  CHIAO,  OR  THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 

HE  religious  experience  of  the  Chinese  is  worthy 


of  attentive  study.  Detached  at  an  early  period 


from  the  parent  stock,  and  for  thousands  of 


years  holding  but  little  intercourse  with  other  branches 
of  the  human  family,  we  are  able  to  ascertain  with  a 
good  degree  of  precision  those  ideas  which  constituted 
their  original  inheritance,  and  to  trace  in  history  the 
development  or  corruption  of  their  primitive  beliefs. 
Midway  in  their  long  career,  they  imported  from  India 
an  exotic  system,  completing  the  triad  of  their  authorized 


In  their  experience  each  of  the  leading  systems  has  been 
fairly  tested.  The  arena  has  been  large  enough,  and  the 
duration  of  the  experiment  long  enough,  to  admit  of  each 
wrorking  out  its  full  results.  These  experiments  are  of 
the  greater  value,  because  they  have  been  wrought  out 
in  the  midst  of  a highly  organized  society,  and  in  connec- 
tion with  a high  degree  of  intellectual  culture. 

In  view’s  and  practices,  the  Chinese  of  to-day  are  poly- 
theistic and  idolatrous.  The  evidence  of  this  strikes  the 
attention  of  the  voyager  on  every  hand.  In  the  sanpan 
that  carries  him  to  the  shore,  he  discovers  a small  shrine 
which  contains  an  image  of  the  river-god,  the  god  of 
wealth,  or  Kuan  Yin  (the  goddess  of  mercy).  His  eye 
is  charmed  by  the  picturesqueness  of  pagodas  perched  on 
mountain-crags,  and  monasteries  nestling  in  sequestered 
dells ; and,  on  entering  even  a small  towm,  he  is  surprised 
at  the  extent,  if  not  the  magnificence,  of  temples  erected 


creeds. 


165 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


1 66 

to  Ch’eng  Huang,  the  “ city  defender,”  and  Wen  Ch'ang, 
the  patron  of  letters.  Heaps  of  gilt  paper  are  consumed 
in  the  streets,  accompanied  by  volleys  of  fire-crackers. 
Bonzes,  modulating  their  voices  by  the  sound  of  a wooden 
rattle,  fill  the  air  with  their  melancholy  chant ; and  pro- 
cessions wind  through  narrow  lanes,  bearing  on  their 
shoulders  a silver  effigy  of  the  “ dragon  king,”  the  god 
of  rain. 

These  temples,  images,  and  symbols,  he  is  informed, 
all  belong  to  San  Chiao  (three  religions).  All  three  are 
equally  idolatrous,  and  he  inquires  in  vain  for  any  in- 
fluential native  sect,  which,  more  enlightened  or  philo- 
sophical than  the  rest,  raises  a protest  against  the  prevail- 
ing superstition.  Yet,  on  acquiring  the  language  and 
studying  the  popular  superstitions  in  their  myriad  fan- 
tastic shapes,  he  begins  to  discover  traces  of  a religious 
sentiment,  deep  and  real,  which  is  not  connected  with  any 
of  the  objects  of  popular  worship — a veneration  for  T’ien, 
or  Heaven,  and  a belief  that  in  the  visible  heavens  there 
resides  some  vague  power  who  provides  for  the  wants  of 
men,  and  rewards  them  according  to  their  deeds. 

Personified  as  Lao  T’ien  Yeh — not  Heavenly  Father,  as 
it  expresses  the  Christian’s  conception  of  combined  tender- 
ness and  majesty,  but  literally  “ Old  Father  Heaven,” 
much  as  we  say  “ Old  Father  Time  ” — or  designated  by 
a hundred  other  appellations,  this  august  but  unknown 
Being,  though  universally  acknowledged,  is  invoked  or 
worshipped  only  to  a very  limited  extent.  Some,  at  the 
close  of  the  year,  present  a thank-offering  to  the  Great 
Power  who  has  controlled  the  course  of  its  events ; others 
hum  a stick  of  incense  every  evening  under  the  open  sky ; 
and  in  the  marriage  ceremony  all  classes  bow  down  before 
T’ien  as  the  first  of  the  five  objects  of  veneration.* 

* The  other  four  are  the  earth,  the  prince,  parents,  and  teachers. 


THE  TEMPLE  OF  HEAVEN 


THE  ALTAR  OF  HEAVEN 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA  167 

When  taxed  with  ingratitude  in  neglecting  to  honor 
that  Being  on  whom  they  depend  for  existence,  the 
Chinese  uniformly  reply,  “ It  is  not  ingratitude,  but  rev- 
erence, that  prevents  our  worship.  He  is  too  great  for  us 
to  worship.  None  but  the  Emperor  is  worthy  to  lay  an 
offering  on  the  altar  of  Heaven.”  In  conformity  with 
this  sentiment,  the  Emperor,  as  the  high  priest  and  medi- 
ator of  his  people,  celebrates  in  Peking  the  worship  of 
Heaven  with  imposing  ceremonies. 

Within  the  gates  of  the  southern  division  of  the  capi- 
tal, and  surrounded  by  a sacred  grove  so  extensive  that 
the  silence  of  its  deep  shades  is  never  broken  by  the 
noises  of  the  busy  world,  stands  the  Temple  of  Heaven. 
It  consists  of  a single  tower,  whose  tiling  of  resplendent 
azure  is  intended  to  represent  the  form  and  color  of  the 
aerial  vault.  It  contains  no  image,  and  the  solemn  rites 
are  not  performed  within  the  tower ; but,  on  a marble 
altar  which  stands  before  it,  a bullock  is  offered  once  a 
year  as  a burnt-sacrifice,  while  the  master  of  the  Empire 
prostrates  himself  in  adoration  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Uni- 
verse.* 

This  is  the  high-place  of  Chinese  devotion ; and  the 
thoughtful  visitor  feels  that  he  ought  to  tread  its  courts 
with  unsandalled  feet.f  For  no  vulgar  idolatry  has  en- 
tered here:  this  mountain-top  still  stands  above  the  waves 
of  corruption,  and  on  this  solitary  altar  there  still  rests 

* Another  tower  of  similar  structure  but  larger  dimensions 
stands  in  a separate  enclosure  as  a kind  of  vestibule  to  the  more 
sacred  place,  and  here  it  is  that  the  Emperor  prays  for  “ fruitful 
seasons.” 

f Dr.  Legge,  the  distinguished  translator  of  the  Chinese  clas- 
sics, visiting  Peking  some  years  after  this  was  written,  actually 
“ put  his  shoes  from  off  his  feet  ” before  ascending  the  steps  of 
the  great  altar.  Yet  in  1900  this  sacred  spot  was  converted  into 
a barracks  for  British  troops ! 


1 68 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


a faint  ray  of  the  primeval  faith.  The  tablet  which  rep- 
resents the  invisible  Deity  is  inscribed  with  the  name  of 
Shang  Ti,  the  Supreme  Ruler;  and  as  we  contemplate  the 
Majesty  of  the  Empire  prostrate  before  it,  while  the 
smoke  ascends  from  his  burning  sacrifice,  our  thoughts 
are  irresistibly  carried  back  to  the  time  when  the 
King  of  Salem  officiated  as  “ Priest  of  the  Most  High 
God.” 

The  writings  and  the  institutions  of  the  Chinese  are 
not,  like  those  of  the  Hindus  and  the  Hebrews,  pervaded 
with  the  idea  of  God.  It  is,  nevertheless,  expressed  in 
their  ancient  books  with  so  much  clearness  as  to  make 
us  wonder  and  lament  that  it  has  left  so  faint  an  impres- 
sion on  the  national  mind. 

In  their  books  of  History  it  is  recorded  that  music  was 
invented  for  the  praise  of  Shang  Ti.  Rival  claimants  for 
the  throne  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  Shang  Ti.  He  is  the 
arbiter  of  nations,  and,  while  actuated  by  benevolence,  is 
yet  capable  of  being  provoked  to  wrath  by.  the  iniquities  of 
men.  In  the  Book  of  Changes  he  is  represented  as  restor- 
ing life  to  torpid  nature  on  the  return  of  spring.  In  the 
Book  of  Rites  it  is  said  that  the  ancients  “ prayed  for  grain 
to  Shang  Ti,”  and  presented  in  offering  a bullock,  which 
must  be  without  blemish,  and  stall-fed  for  three  months 
before  the  day  of  sacrifice.  In  the  Book  of  Odes,  mostly 
composed  from  eight  hundred  to  a thousand  years  before 
the  Christian  era,  and  containing  fragments  of  still 
higher  antiquity,  Shang  Ti  is  represented  as  seated  on  a 
lofty  throne,  while  the  spirits  of  the  good  “ walk  up  and 
down  on  his  right  and  left.” 

In  none  of  these  writings  is  Shang  Ti  clothed  in  the 
human  form  or  debased  by  human  passion  like  the  Zeus 
of  the  Greek.  There  is  in  them  even  less  of  anthropo- 
morphism than  we  find  in  the  representations  of  Jehovah 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


169 


in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  The  nearest  approach  to  ex- 
hibiting him  in  the  human  form  is  the  ascription  to 
Shang  Ti  of  a “ huge  footprint,”  probably  an  impression 
on  some  mass  of  rock.  Educated  Chinese,  on  embracing 
Christianity,  assert  that  the  Shang  Ti  of  their  fathers  was 
identical  with  the  T’ien  Chu,  the  Lord  of  Heaven,  whom 
they  are  taught  to  worship.  Paul  Hsiu,  a member  of  the 
Hanlin  Academy,  and  cabinet  minister  under  the  Ming 
dynasty,  makes  this  assertion  in  an  eloquent  apology  ad- 
dressed to  the  throne  in  behalf  of  his  new  faith  and  its 
teachers. 

There  is  no  need  of  an  extended  argument,  to  establish 
the  fact  that  the  early  Chinese  were  by  no  means  desti- 
tute of  the  knowledge  of  God.  They  did  not,  indeed, 
know  him  as  the  Creator,  but  they  recognized  him  as  su- 
preme in  providence,  and  without  beginning  or  end. 

Whence  came  this  conception  ? Was  it  the  mature  re- 
sult of  ages  of  speculation,  or  was  it  brought  down  from 
remote  antiquity  on  the  stream  of  patriarchal  tradition  ? 
The  latter,  we  think,  is  the  only  probable  hypothesis. 
In  the  earlier  books  of  the  Chinese  there  is  no  trace  of 
speculative  inquiry.  They  raise  no  question  as  to  the  na- 
ture of  Shang  Ti,  or  the  grounds  of  their  faith  in  such  a 
being,  but  in  their  first  pages  allude  to  him  as  already 
well  known,  and  speak  of  burnt-offerings  made  to  him 
on  mountain-tops  as  an  established  rite.  Indeed,  the  idea 
of  Shang  Ti,  when  it  first  meets  us,  is  not  in  the  process 
of  development,  but  already  in  the  first  stages  of  decay. 
The  beginnings  of  that  idolatry  by  which  it  was  subse- 
quently almost  obliterated  are  distinctly  traceable.  The 
heavenly  bodies,  the  spirits  of  the  hills  and  rivers,  and 
even  the  spirits  of  deceased  men,  were  admitted  to  a 
share  in  the  divine  honors  of  Shang  Ti.  The  religious 
sentiment  was  frittered  away  by  being  directed  to  a mul- 


170 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tiplicity  of  objects,  and  the  popular  mind  seemed  to  take 
refuge  among  the  creatures  of  its  own  fancy,  as  Adam 
did  amidst  the  trees  of  the  Garden,  from  the  terrible  idea 
of  a holy  God. 

The  worship  of  the  Supreme  Ruler,  grand  as  it  is,  is 
in  the  present  day  like  a ray  of  the  sun  falling  upon  an 
iceberg,  so  far  as  its  influence  on  the  public  mind  is  con- 
cerned. It  is  limited  to  the  emperor  and  to  a few  re- 
markable and  august  manifestations  of  public  ritual ; but 
you  do  not  find  it  in  the  household.  You  do  not  find  it 
on  the  lips  of  the  people.  You  do  not  find  that  God  in 
that  form  has  taken  up  his  abode  with  men.  He  is  still 
far  remote,  on  the  summit  of  an  icy  Olympus,  as  it  were, 
although  to  a certain  extent  dimly  perceived  by  the  mind 
of  the  Chinese  nation. 

In  order  to  understand  the  mutual  relations  of  these 
three  systems — in  other  words,  to  understand  the  relig- 
ious aspects  of  China  at  the  present  day — it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  give  separate  attention  to  the  rise  and  progress 
of  each.  We  begin  with  Confucianism. 

The  Confucian  system  did  not  originate  with  Con- 
fucius. He  took  the  records  of  remote  antiquity  and 
sifted  them,  in  such  wise,  however,  as  to  exert  in  a most 
effective  manner  the  influence  of  an  editor,  giving  to  the 
readers  of  all  succeeding  ages  only  that  which  he  wished 
to  produce  its  effect  on  the  national  mind.  We  conse- 
quently date  Confucianism  from  the  beginning  of  his 
records, — from  the  time  of  Yao  and  Shun,  his  favorite 
models  of  virtue, — twenty-two  centuries  before  the 
Christian  era. 

There  are  two  classes  of  great  men  who  leave  their 
mark  on  the  condition  of  their  species — those  who  change 
the  course  of  history  without  any  far-reaching  purpose, 
much  as  a falling  cliff  changes  the  direction  of  a stream ; 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


171 


and  those,  again,  who,  like  skilful  engineers,  excavate  a 
channel  for  the  thought  of  future  generations.  Pre- 
eminent among  the  latter  stands  the  name  of  Confucius. 
Honored  during  his  lifetime  to  such  a degree  that  the 
princes  of  several  states  lamented  his  decease  like  that  of 
a father,  his  influence  has  deepened  with  time  and  ex- 
tended with  the  swelling  multitudes  of  his  people.  Bud- 
dhism and  Taoism  have  both  fallen  into  a state  of  irre- 
trievable decay,  but  the  influence  and  the  memory  of  Con- 
fucius continue  as  green  as  the  cypresses  that  shade  his 
tomb.  After  the  lapse  of  three  and  twenty  centuries,  he 
has  a temple  in  every  city,  and  an  effigy  in  every  school- 
room. He  is  venerated  as  the  fountain  of  wisdom  by  all 
the  votaries  of  letters,  and  worshipped  by  the  mandarins 
of  the  realm  as  the  author  of  their  civil  polity.  The  es- 
timation in  which  his  teachings  continue  to  be  held  is  well 
exhibited  in  the  reply  which  the  people  of  Shantung,  his 
native  province,  gave  to  a missionary  who,  some  fifty 
years  ago,  offered  them  Christian  books:  “We  have 

seen  your  books,”  said  they,  “ and  neither  desire  nor  ap- 
prove them.  The  instructions  of  our  Sage  are  sufficient 
for  us,  and  they  are  superior  to  any  foreign  doctrines  that 
you  can  bring  us.”  * 

Born  b.  c.  551,  and  endowed  with  uncommon  talents, 
Confucius  was  far  from  relying  on  the  fertility  of  his 
own  genius.  “ Reading  without  thought  is  fruitless,  and 
thought  without  reading  dangerous,”  is  a maxim  which 
he  taught  his  disciples,  and  one  which  he  had  doubtless 
followed  in  the  formation  of  his  own  mind.  China  al- 
ready possessed  accumulated  treasures  of  literature  and 
history.  With  these  materials  he  stored  his  memory,  and 

* Since  that  date  a change  has  come  over  the  people  of  Shan- 
tung. In  no  other  province  has  Christianity  met  with  so  ready  a 
reception. 


172 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


by  the  aid  of  reflection  digested  them  into  a system  for 
the  use  of  posterity. 

Filled  with  enthusiasm  by  the  study  of  the  ancients,  and 
mourning  over  the  degeneracy  of  his  own  times,  he  en- 
tered at  an  early  age  on  the  vocation  of  reformer.  He 
at  first  sought  to  effect  his  objects  by  obtaining  civil  office 
and  setting  an  example  of  good  government,  as  well  as 
by  giving  instruction  to  those  who  became  his  disciples. 
At  the  age  of  fifty-five  he  was  advanced  to  the  premier- 
ship of  his  native  State  ; and  in  a few  months  the  improve- 
ment in  the  public  morals  was  manifest.  Valuables 
might  be  exposed  in  the  street  without  being  stolen,  and 
shepherds  abandoned  the  practice  of  filling  their  sheep 
with  water  before  leading  them  to  market. 

A singular  circumstance  led  him  to  renounce  political 
life.  The  little  kingdom  of  Lu  grew  apace  in  wealth  and 
prosperity ; and  the  prince  of  a rival  State,  in  order  to 
prevent  its  acquiring  an  ascendency  in  the  politics  of  the 
Erppire,  felt  it  necessary  to  counteract  the  influence  of 
the  wise  legislator.  Resorting  to  a stratagem  similar  to 
that  which  Louis  XIV.  employed  with  Charles  II.,  he 
sent  instead  of  brave  generals  or  astute  statesmen,  a band 
of  beautiful  girls  who  were  skilled  in  music  and  dancing. 
The  prince  of  Lu,  young  and  amorous,  was  caught  in  the 
snare,  and,  giving  the  rein  to  pleasure,  abandoned  all  the 
schemes  of  reform  with  which  he  had  been  inspired  by 
the  counsels  of  the  Sage.  Disappointed  and  disgusted, 
Confucius  retired  into  private  life. 

Thwarted,  as  he  had  often  been,  by  royal  pride  and 
official  jealousy,  he  henceforth  endeavored  to  attain  his 
ends  by  a less  direct  but  more  certain  method.  He  de- 
voted himself  more  than  ever  to  the  instruction  of  youth, 
and  to  the  collection  of  those  monuments  of  ancient  wis- 
dom, which  form  the  basis  of  his  teaching.  His  fame 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


*73 


attracted  young  men  of  promise  from  all  the  surrounding 
principalities.  No  fewer  than  three  thousand  received 
his  instructions,  among  whom  five  hundred  became  dis- 
tinguished mandarins,  and  seventy-two  of  them  are  en- 
rolled on  the  list  of  the  sages  of  the  Empire.  Through 
these  and  the  books  which  he  edited  subsequently  to  this 
period,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  exerted  a greater 
influence  on  the  destinies  of  the  Empire  than  he  could 
have  done  had  he  been  seated  on  the  Imperial  throne. 
He  won  for  himself  the  title  of  Su  Wang,  “ the  un- 
sceptred  monarch,”  whose  intellectual  sway  is  acknowl- 
edged by  all  ages.* 

Confucius  understood  the  power  of  proverbs,  and,  in- 
corporating into  his  system  such  as  met  his  approval,  he 
cast  his  own  teachings  in  the  same  mould.  His  speeches 
are  laconic  and  oracular,  and  he  has  transmitted  to  pos- 
terity a body  of  political  ethics  expressed  in  formulae  so 
brief  and  comprehensive  that  it  may  easily  be  retained  in 
the  weakest  memory.  Thus,  cltiin  ch’en,  fu  tze,  fu  fu, 
hsiung  ti,  p’cng  yu  are  ten  syllables  which  every  boy  in 
China  has  at  his  tongue’s  end.  They  contain  the  entire 
framework  of  the  social  fabric — the  “ five  relations  ” of 
sovereign  and  subject,  parent  and  child,  husband  and 
wife,  brother  and  brother,  friend  and  friend,  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  Chinese,  comprehend  the  whole  duty  of 
man  as  a social  being.  The  five  cardinal  virtues — benevo- 
lence, justice,  order,  prudence,  and  fidelity — so  essen- 
tial to  the  well-being  of  society,  Confucius  inculcated  in 
the  five  syllables  jen,  i,  li,  chih,  hsin. 

The  following  sentences,  taken  from  his  miscellaneous 
discourses,  may  serve  as  illustrations  of  both  the  style 
and  the  matter  of  his  teaching: 

* For  an  account  of  his  family  see  Note  II.  at  the  end  of  this 
chapter. 


*74 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ Good  government  consists  in  making  the  prince  a 
prince,  the  subject  a subject,  the  parent  a parent,  and  the 
child  a child.” 

“ Beware  of  doing  to  another  what  you  would  not  that 
others  should  do  to  you.” 

“ He  that  is  not  offended  at  being  misunderstood  is  a 
superior  man.” 

“ Have  no  friend  who  is  inferior  to  yourself  in  virtue.” 

“ Be  not  afraid  to  correct  a fault.  He  that  knows  the 
right  and  fears  to  do  it  is  not  a brave  man.” 

“ If  you  guide  the  people  by  laws,  and  enforce  the  laws 
by  punishment,  they  will  lose  the  sense  of  shame  and  seek 
to  evade  them ; but  if  you  guide  them  by  a virtuous  ex- 
ample, and  diffuse  among  them  a love  of  order,  they  will 
be  ashamed  to  transgress.” 

“ To  know  what  we  know,  and  what  we  do  not  know, 
is  knowledge.” 

“ We  know  not  life,  how  can  we  know  death?  ” 

“ The  filial  son  is  one  who  gives  his  parents  no  anxiety 
but  for  his  health.” 

Filial  piety,  Confucius  taught,  is  not  merely  a domestic 
virtue,  but  diffuses  its  influence  through  all  the  actions 
of  life.  A son  who  disgraces  his  parents  in  any  way  is 
unfilial ; one  who  maltreats  a brother  or  a relative,  forget- 
ful of  the  bonds  of  a common  parentage,  is  unfilial.  This 
powerful  motive  is  thus  rendered  expansive  in  its  applica- 
tion, like  piety  to  God  in  the  Christian  system,  for  which, 
indeed,  it  serves  as  a partial  substitute.  It  is  beautifully 
elaborated  in  the  Hsiao  Ching,  the  most  popular  of  the 
Thirteen  Classics. 

Virtue,  Confucius  taught  with  Aristotle,  is  the  mean 
between  two  vices,  and  this  theory  is  developed  by  his 
grandson  in  the  Chung  Yung,  the  sublimest  of  the  sacred 
books. 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


1 75 


The  secret  of  good  government,  he  taught,  consists  in 
the  cultivation  of  personal  virtue  on  the  part  of  rulers; 
and  the  connection  between  private  morals  and  national 
politics  is  well  set  forth  in  the  Ta  Hsiich,  or  Great  Study. 

This  brief  tractate  is  the  only  formal  composition,  with 
the  exception  of  an  outline  of  history,  which  the  Great 
Sage  put  forth  as  the  product  of  his  own  pen.  “ I am 
an  editor,  and  not  an  author,”  is  the  modest  account 
which  he  gives  of  himself,  and  it  is  mainly  to  his  labors 
in  this  department  that  China  is  indebted  for  her  knowl- 
edge of  antecedent  antiquity. 

The  spirit  in  which  he  discharged  this  double  duty  to 
the  past  and  future  may  be  inferred  from  the  impressive 
ceremony  with  which  he  concluded  his  great  task.  As- 
sembling his  disciples,  he  led  them  to  the  summit  of  a 
neighboring  hill,  where  sacrifices  were  usually  offered. 
Here  he  erected  an  altar,  and  placing  on  it  an  edition  of 
the  sacred  books  which  he  had  just  completed,  the  gray- 
haired philosopher,  now  seventy  years  of  age,  fell  on  his 
knees,  devoutly  returned  thanks  for  having  had  life  and 
strength  granted  him  to  accomplish  that  laborious  under- 
taking, at  the  same  time  imploring  that  the  benefit  his 
countrymen  would  receive  from  it  might  not  be  small. 
“ Chinese  pictures,”  says  Pauthier,  “ represent  the  Sage 
in  the  attitude  of  supplication,  and  a beam  of  light  or  a 
rainbow  descending  on  the  sacred  volumes,,  while  his 
disciples  stand  around  him  in  admiring  wonder.”  * 

Thales  expired  about  the  time  Confucius  drew  his  in- 
fant breath,  and  Pythagoras  was  his  contemporary ; but 
the  only  names  among  the  Greeks  which  admit  of  com- 
parison with  that  of  Confucius  are  Socrates  and  Aristotle, 
the  former  of  whom  revolutionized  the  philosophy  of 

* Since  reading  this  passage  in  Pauthier,  I have  myself  seen 
this  picture  in  a native  pictorial  biography  of  Confucius. 


176 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Greece,  and  the  latter  ruled  the  dialectics  of  mediaeval 
Europe.  Without  the  discursive  eloquence  of  the  one  or 
the  logical  acumen  of  the  other,  Confucius  surpassed 
them  both  in  practical  wisdom,  and  exceeds  them  im- 
measurably in  the  depth,  extent,  and  permanence  of  his 
influence. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  when  missionaries  attempt  to 
direct  their  attention  to  the  Saviour,  the  Chinese  point  to 
Confucius  and  challenge  comparison ; nor  that  they 
should  sometimes  fail  to  be  satisfied  with  the  arguments 
employed  to  establish  the  superiority  of  Jesus  Christ.  But 
the  thoughtful  Christian  who  has  studied  the  canonical 
books  of  China  can  hardly  return  to  the  perusal  of  the 
New  Testament  without  a deeper  conviction  of  its  divine 
authority.  In  the  Confucian  classics  he  detects  none  of 
that  impurity  which  defiles  the  pages  of  Greek  and  Roman 
authors,  and  none  of  that  monstrous  mythology  which 
constitutes  so  large  a portion  of  the  sacred  books  of  the 
Hindoos,  but  he  discovers  defects  enough  to  make  him 
turn  with  gratitude  to  the  revelations  of  a “ Greater 
Teacher.” 

Disgusted  at  the  superstitions  of  the  vulgar,  and  de- 
sirous of  guarding  his  followers  against  similar  excesses, 
Confucius  led  them  into  the  opposite  extreme  of  scepti- 
cism. He  ignored,  if  he  did  not  deny,  those  cardinal  doc- 
trines of  all  religion,  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  the 
personal  existence  of  God,  both  of  which  were  currently 
received  in  his  day.  In  place  of  Shang  Ti  (Supreme 
Ruler),  the  name  under  which  the  God  of  Nature  had 
been  worshipped  in  earlier  ages,  he  made  use  of  the  vague 
appellation  T'ien  (Heaven)  ; thus  opening  the  way.  on 
the  one  hand,  for  that  atheism  with  which  their  modern 
philosophy  is  so  deeply  infected,  and,  on  the  other,  for 
that  idolatry  which  nothing  but  the  doctrine  of  a personal 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


1 77 


God  can  effectually  counteract.  When  his  pupils  pro- 
posed inquiries  respecting  a future  state,  he  either  dis- 
couraged them  or  answered  ambiguously,  and  thus  de- 
prived his  own  precepts  of  the  support  they  might  have 
derived  from  the  sanctions  of  a coming  retribution.  Thus 
in  a remarkable  discourse  reported  in  the  Cilia  Yu — a col- 
lection the  authority  of  which  is  not,  however,  above  sus- 
picion— he  says,  “ If  I should  say  the  soul  survives  the 
body,  I fear  the  filial  would  neglect  their  living  parents 
in  their  zeal  to  serve  their  deceased  ancestors.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  I should  say  the  soul  does  not  survive,  I fear 
lest  the  unfilial  should  throw  away  the  bodies  of  their 
parents  and  leave  them  unburied.” 

We  may  add  that,  while  his  writings  abound  in  the 
praises  of  virtue,  not  a line  can  be  found  inculcating  the 
pursuit  of  truth.  Expediency,  not  truth,  is  the  goal  of 
his  system.  Contrast  with  this  the  Gospel  of  Christ, 
which  pronounces  him  the  only  freeman  whom  the  “ truth 
makes  free,”  and  promises  to  his  followers  “ the  Spirit 
of  Truth  ” as  his  richest  legacy. 

The  style  of  Confucius  was  an  ipse-dixit  dogmatism, 
and  it  has  left  its  impress  on  the  unreasoning  habit  of  the 
Chinese  mind.  Jesus  Christ  appealed  to  evidence  and 
challenged  inquiry,  and  this  characteristic  of  our  religion 
has  shown  itself  in  the  mental  development  of  Christian 
nations.  Nor  is  the  contrast  less  striking  in  another  point. 
Wins  dicta,  hujus  facta  laudantur,  to  borrow  the  words 
of  Cicero,  in  comparing  Cato  with  Socrates.  Confucius 
selected  disciples  who  should  be  the  depositaries  of  his 
teachings;  Christ  chose  apostles  who  should  be  witnesses 
of  his  actions.  Confucius  died  lamenting  that  the  edifice 
he  had  labored  so  long  to  erect  was  crumbling  to  ruin. 
Christ’s  death  was  the  crowning  act  of  his  life;  and  his 
last  words,  “ It  is  finished.” 


178 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


It  was  a philosophy,  not  a religion,  that  Confucius 
aimed  to  propagate.  “ Our  Master,”  say  his  disciples, 
“ spake  little  concerning  the  gods.”  He  preferred  to  con- 
fine his  teachings  to  the  more  tangible  realities  of  human 
life;  but  so  far  from  setting  himself  to  reform  the  vulgar 
superstition,  he  conformed  to  its  silly  ceremonies  and  en- 
joined the  same  course  on  his  disciples.  “ Treat  the  gods 
with  respect,”  he  said  to  them,  but  he  added,  in  terms 
which  leave  no  ambiguity  in  the  meaning  of  the  precept, 
“ keep  them  at  a distance,”  or,  rather,  “ keep  out  of  their 
way.”  A cold  sneer  was  not  sufficient  to  wither  or  eradi- 
cate the  existing  idolatry,  and  the  teachings  of  Confucius 
gave  authority  and  prevalence  to  many  idolatrous  usages 
which  were  only  partially  current  before  his  day. 

Confucianism  now  stands  forth  as  the  leading  religion 
of  the  Empire.  Its  objects  of  worship  are  of  three  classes 
— the  powers  of  nature,  ancestors,  and  heroes.  Originally 
recognizing  the  existence  of  a Supreme  personal  Deity, 
it  has  degenerated  into  a pantheistic  medley,  and  renders 
worship  to  an  impersonal  anirna  mundi  under  the  leading 
forms  of  visible  nature.  Besides  the  concrete  universe, 
separate  honors  are  paid  to  the  sun,  moonv  and  stars, 
mountains,  rivers,  and  lakes. 

Of  all  their  religious  observances,  th*e  worship  of  an- 
cestors is  that  which  the  Chinese  regard  as  the  most 
sacred.  As  Tineas  obtained  the  name  of  “ Pious  ” in 
honor  of  his  filial  devotion,  so  the  Chinese  idea  of  piety 
rises  no  higher.  The  Emperor,  according  to  the  Confu- 
cian  school,  may  worship  the  Spirit  of  the  Universe,  but 
for  his  subjects  it  is  sufficient  that  each  present  offerings 
to  the  spirits  of  his  own  ancestors.  These  rites  are  per- 
formed either  at  the  family  tombs  or  in  the  family  temple, 
where  wooden  tablets,  inscribed  with  their  names,  are 
preserved  as  sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  deceased,  and 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


1 79 

worshipped  precisely  in  the  same  manner  as  are  the 
popular  ido’s. 

The  class  of  deified  heroes  comprehends  illustrious 
sages,  eminent  sovereigns,  faithful  statesmen,  valiant 
warriors,  filial  sons,  and  public  benefactors — Confucius 
himself  occupying  the  first  place,  and  constituting,  as  the 
Chinese  say,  “ one  of  a trinity  with  Heaven  and  Earth.” 

Like  Confucianism,  Taoism  is  indigenous  to  China, 
and,  coeval  with  the  former  in  its  origin,  it  was  also  co- 
heir to  the  mixed  inheritance  of  good  and  evil  contained 
in  the  more  ancient  creeds.  The  Taoists  derive  their 
name  from  too,  reason,  and  call  themselves  Rationalists ; 
but,  with  a marvelous  show  of  profundity,  nothing  can 
be  more  irrational  than  their  doctrine  and  practice.  Their 
founder,  Li  Erh,  appears  to  have  possessed  a great  mind, 
and  to  have  caught  glimpses  of  several  sublime  truths ; 
but  he  has  been  sadly  misrepresented  by  his  degenerate 
followers.  He  lived  in  the  sixth  century  b.  c.,  and  was 
contemporary  with,  but  older  than,  Confucius.  So  great 
was  the  fame  of  his  wisdom  that  the  latter  philosopher 
sought  his  instructions ; but,  differing  from  him  in  mental 
mould  as  widely  as  Aristotle  did  from  Plato,  he  could  not 
relish  the  boldness  of  his  speculations  or  the  vague  ob- 
scurity of  his  style.  He  never  repeated  his  visit,  though 
he  always  spoke  of  him  with  respect  and  even  with  ad- 
miration. 

Laotze,  the  “ old  Master,”  is  the  appellation  by  which 
the  great  Taoist  is  commonly  known,  and  it  was  probably 
given  him  during  his  lifetime  to  distinguish  him  from  his 
younger  rival.  The  rendering  of  “ old  child  ” is  no  more 
to  be  received  than  the  fiction  of  eighty  years’  gestation 
invented  to  account  for  it. 

Laotze  bequeathed  his  doctrines  to  posterity  in  “ five 
thousand  words,”  which  compose  the  Tao  Te  Ching,  the 


i8o  THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 

Rule  of  Reason  and  Virtue.  In  expression,  this  work  is 
extremely  sententious ; and  in  the  form  of  its  composition, 
semi-poetical.  It  abounds  in  acute  apothegms,  and  some 
of  its  passages  rise  to  the  character  of  sublimity ; but  so 
incoherent  are  its  contents  that  it  is  impossible  for  any 
literal  interpretation  to  form  them  into  a system.  Its 
inconsistencies,  however,  readily  yield  to  that  universal 
solvent — the  hypothesis  of  a mystical  meaning  under- 
lying the  letter  of  the  text.  The  following  passage  ap- 
pears to  embody  some  obscure  but  lofty  conceptions  of 
the  True  God : 

“ That  which  is  invisible  is  called  yi. 

That  which  is  inaudible  is  called  hsi. 

That  which  is  impalpable  is  called  zvci. 

These  three  are  inscrutable,  and  blended  in  one. 

The  first  is  not  the  brighter ; nor  the  last  the  darker. 

It  is  interminable,  ineffable,  and  existed  when  there 
was  nothing. 

A shape  without  shape,  a form  without  form. 

A confounding  mystery ! 

Go  back,  you  cannot  discover  its  beginning. 

Go  forward,  you  cannot  find  its  end. 

Take  the  ancient  Reason  to  govern  the  present, 

And  you  will  know  the  origin  of  old. 

This  is  the  first  principle  of  Tao.” 

Some  European  scholars  discover  here  a notion  of  the 
Trinity,  and,  combining  the  syllables  yi,  hsi,  and  zvei — for 
which  process,  however,  they  are  unable  to  assign  any 
very  good  reason — they  obtain  yihsizvei,  which  they  ac- 
cept as  a distorted  representation  of  the  name  Jehovah. 
Laotze  is  said  to  have  travelled  in  countries  to  the  west 
of  China,  where  it  is  supposed  he  may  have  met  with 
Jews,  and  learned  from  them  the  name  and  nature  of  the 
Supreme  Being.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  native 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA  181 

commentators,  though  knowing  nothing  of  these  conjec- 
tures, recognize  in  the  passage  a description  of  Shang  Ti, 
the  God  of  the  Chinese  patriarchs ; and  the  three  syllables 
of  which  the  acrostic  is  composed  are  admitted  to  have 
no  assignable  meaning  in  the  Chinese  language. 

Here  we  find  a connection  between  the  degenerate 
philosophy  of  after-ages  and  the  pure  fountain  of  prime- 
val truth.  In  fact,  this  very  Shang  Ti,  though  they  have 
debased  the  name  by  bestowing  it  on  a whole  class  of 
their  dii  supcriores,  is  still  enthroned  on  the  summit  of 
the  Taoist  Olympus,  with  ascriptions  more  expressive  of 
his  absolute  divinity  than  any  to  be  met  with  in  the 
canonical  books  of  the  Confucian  school.  At  the  head 
of  their  Theogony  stands  the  triad  of  the  San  Ching,  the 
“ Three  Pure  ” ones ; the  first  of  whom  is  styled  “ The 
mysterious  sovereign  who  has  no  superior ; ” “ The  self- 
existent  source  and  beginning;”  “The  honored  one  of 
Heaven.” 

He  is  said  to  have  created  the  “ three  worlds ; ” to  have 
produced  men  and  gods;  to  have  set  the  stars  in  motion, 
and  caused  the  planets  to  revolve.  But,  alas ! this  cata- 
logue of  sublime  titles  and  divine  attributes  is  the  epitaph 
of  a buried  faith.  The  Taoists  persuaded  themselves  that 
this  August  Being,  wrapped  in  the  solitude  of  his  own 
perfections,  had  delegated  the  government  of  the  universe 
to  a subordinate,  whom  they  style  Yii  Huang  Shang  Ti. 
The  former  has  dwindled  into  an  inoperative  idea,  the 
latter  is  recognized  as  the  actual  God ; and  this  deity,  who 
plays  mayor  of  the  palace  to  a roi  faineant,  is  regarded 
as  the  apotheosis  of  a mortal  by  the  name  of  Chang,  an 
ancestor  of  the  present  hierarch  of  the  Taoist  religion. 
It  is  not  unusual,  after  discoursing  to  them  of  the  at- 
tributes of  the  True  God,  to  hear  the  people  exclaim, 
“ That  is  our  Yii  Huang  Shang  Ti.” 


182 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  its  philosophy,  this  school  is  radically  and  thoroughly 
materialistic.  The  soul  itself  they  regard  as  a material 
substance,  though  of  a more  refined  quality  than  the  body 
it  inhabits.  Liable  to  dissolution,  together  with  the  body, 
it  may  be  rendered  capable  of  surviving  the  wreck  by 
undergoing  a previous  discipline.  Even  the  body  is  ca- 
pable of  becoming  invulnerable  by  the  stroke  of  death, 
so  that  the  etherealized  form  will,  instead  of  being  laid  in 
the  grave,  be  wafted  away  to  the  abodes  of  the  genii. 
It  is  scarcely  possible  to  represent  the  extent  to  which 
this  idea  fired  the  minds  of  the  Chinese  for  ages  after 
its  promulgation,  or  to  estimate  the  magnitude  of  its  con- 
sequences. The  prospect  of  a corporeal  immortality  to 
be  conquered  by  a laborious  discipline ; an  immortality 
which  was  not  the  heritage  of  the  many,  but  might  be- 
come the  prize  of  a few,  had  for  them  attractions  far 
stronger  than  a shadowy  existence  in  the  land  of  spirits ; 
and  they  sought  it  with  an  eagerness  amounting  to  frenzy. 
The  elixir  of  life  became  a grand  object  of  pursuit — 
witness  these  lines  which  I render  from  a well-known 
Chinese  poem,  which  illustrates  at  once  its  spirit  and 
method : — 

“ A prince  the  draught  immortal  went  to  seek 
And  finding  it,  he  soared  above  the  spheres. 

In  mountain  caverns  he  had  dwelt  a week, 

Of  human  time,  it  was  a thousand  years.” 

Alchemy,  with  its  foolish  failures  and  grand  achieve- 
ments, sprang  directly  from  the  religion  of  Tao.* 

The  leading  principle  of  Taoism,  of  which  their  dogma 
concerning  the  human  soul  is  only  a particular  applica- 
tion, is  that  every  species  of  matter  possesses  a soul — 
a subtile  essence  that  may  become  endowed  with  in- 
* See  chapter  on  Alchemy  in  this  volume. 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA  183 

dividual  conscious  life.  Freed  from  their  grosser  ele- 
ments, these  become  the  genii  that  preside  over  the  vari- 
ous departments  of  nature.  Some  wander  at  will  through 
the  realms  of  space,  endowed  with  a protean  facility  of 
transformation;  others,  more  pure  and  ethereal,  rise  to 
the  regions  of  the  stars,  and  take  their  places  in  the 
firmament.  Thus  the  five  principal  planets  are  called  by 
the  names  of  the  five  terrestrial  elements  from  which  they 
are  believed  to  have  originated,  and  over  which  they  are 
regarded  as  presiding.  They  are  not  worlds,  but  divini- 
ties, and  their  motions  control  the  destinies  of  men  and 
things — a notion  which  has  done  much  to  inspire  the  zeal 
of  the  Chinese  for  recording  the  phenomena  of  the 
heavens. 

A theogony  like  this  is  rich  in  the  elements  of  poetry ; 
and  most  of  the  machinery  in  Chinese  works  of  imagina- 
tion is,  in  fact,  derived  from  this  source.  The  Liao  Chai, 
for  example,  a collection  of  marvelous  tales  which,  in 
their  general  character,  may  be  compared  with  the  Meta- 
morphoses of  Ovid,  is  largely  founded  on  the  Taoist 
mythology. 

In  accordance  with  the  materialistic  character  of  the 
Taoist  sect,  nearly  all  the  gods  whom  the  Chinese  regard 
as  presiding  over  their-  material  interests  originated  with 
this  school.  The  god  of  rain,  the  god  of  fire,  the  god  of 
medicine,  the  god  of  agriculture,  and  the  lares,  or  kitchen 
gods,  are  among  the  principal  of  this  class. 

A system  which  supplies  deities  answering  to  the  lead- 
ing wants  and  desires  of  mankind  cannot  be  uninfluential ; 
but,  in  addition  to  the  strong  motives  that  attract  wor- 
shippers to  their  temples,  the  Taoist  priesthood  possess 
two  independent  sources  of  influence.  They  hold  the 
monopoly  of  geomancy,  a superstitious  art  which  pro- 
fesses to  select  on  scientific  principles  those  localities  that 


184 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


are  most  propitious  for  building  and  burial ; and  they 
have  succeeded  in  persuading  the  people  that  they  alone 
are  able  to  secure  them  from  annoyance  by  evil  spirits. 
The  philosophy  of  Tao  has  thus  not  only  given  birth  to  a 
religion,  but  degenerated  into  a system  of  magical  impos- 
ture, presided  over  by  an  arch-magician  who  lives  in  al- 
most imperial  state,*  and  sways  the  sceptre  over  the 
spirits  of  the  invisible  world  as  the  Emperor  does  over 
the  living  population  of  the  Empire. 

As  a religion,  Buddhism  seems  to  enjoy  more  of  the 
popular  favor  than  Taoism;  though  the  former  professes 
to  draw  men  away  from  the  world  and  its  vanities,  while 
the  latter  proffers  the  blessings  of  health,  wealth,  and 
long  life. 

It  is  rare  that  we  find  a Buddhist  temple  of  any  con- 
siderable reputation  that  is  not  situated  in  a locality  dis- 
tinguished for  some  feature  of  its  natural  scenery.  One 
situated  in  the  midst  of  a dusty  plain,  not  far  from  the 
gates  of  Tientsin,  seemed  to  us,  when  we  first  visited  it, 
to  present  an  exception  to  the  general  rule.  Subsequently, 
however,  a brilliant  mirage,  which  we  frequently  saw  as 
we  approached  the  temple,  furnished  us  at  once  with  the 
explanation  of  its  location  and  its  name.  It  is  called  the 
temple  of  the  “ Sea  of  Light ; ” and  its  founders,  no  doubt, 
placed  it  there  in  order  that  the  deceptive  mirage,  which 
is  always  visible  in  bright  sunny  weather,  might  serve  its 
contemplative  inmates  as  a memento  of  the  chief  tenet  of 
their  philosophy — that  all  things  are  unreal,  and  human 
life  itself  a shifting  phantasmagoria  of  empty  shadows. 

Sequestered  valleys  enclosed  by  mountain-peaks,  and 
elevated  far  above  the  world  which  they  profess  to  de- 

* This  is  not  quite  true  of  the  present  High-priest,  who  is  so 
reduced  in  circumstances  that  he  sometimes  leaves  his  residence 
in  the  Lung  Hu  mountains  to  raise  money  in  wealthier  regions. 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA  185 

spise,  are  favorite  seats  for  the  monastic  communities  of 
Buddhism.  But  it  is  no  yearning  after  God  that  leads 
them  to  court  retirement ; nor  is  it  the  adoration  of  na- 
ture's Author  that  prompts  them  to  place  their  shrines  in 
the  midst  of  His  sublimest  works.  To  them  the  universe 
is  a vacuum,  and  emptiness  the  highest  object  of  con- 
templation. 

They  are  a strange  paradox — religious  atheists ! Ac- 
knowledging no  First  Cause  or  Conscious  Ruling  Power, 
they  hold  that  the  human  soul  revolves  perpetually  in  the 
urn  of  fate,  liable  to  endless  ills,  and  enjoying  no  real 
good.  As  it  cannot  cease  to  be,  its  only  resource  against 
this  state  of  interminable  misery  is  the  extinction  of  con- 
sciousness— a remedy  which  lies  within  itself,  and  which 
they  endeavour  to  attain  by  ascetic  exercises. 

Their  daily  prayers  consist  of  endless  repetitions,  which 
are  not  expected  to  be  heard  by  the  unconscious  deity  to 
whom  they  are  addressed,  but  are  confessedly  designed 
merely  to  exert  a reflex  influence  on  the  worshipper — i.  e., 
to  occupy  the  mind  with  empty  sounds  and  withdraw  it 
from  thought  and  feeling.  Ta  Ma,  one  of  their  saints,  is 
said  thus  to  have  sat  motionless  for  nine  years  with  his 
face  to  the  wall ; not  engaged,  as  a German  would  con- 
jecture, in  “ thinking  the  wall,”  but  occupied  with  the 
more  difficult  task  of  thinking  nothing  at  all. 

Those  in  whom  the  discipline  is  complete  are  believed 
to  have  entered  the  Nirvana — not  an  Elysium  of  con- 
scious enjoyment,  but  a negative  state  of  exemption  from 
pain.  Such  is  the  condition  of  all  the  Buddhas,  who, 
though  the  name  is  taken  to  signify  supreme  intelligence, 
are  reduced  to  an  empty  abstraction  in  a state  which  is 
described  as  pu  sheng  pa  mieh  “ neither  life  nor  death;  ” 
and  such  is  the  aspiration  of  all  their  votaries.  Melan- 
choly spectacle!  Men  of  acute  minds,  bewildered  in  the 


1 86 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


maze  of  their  own  speculations,  and  seeking  to  attain 
perfection  by  stripping  themselves  of  the  highest  attri- 
butes of  humanity ! 

As  a philosophy,  Buddhism  resembles  Stoicism  in  de- 
riving its  leading  motive  from  the  fear  of  evil.  But 
while  the  latter  encased  itself  in  panoply,  and,  standing 
in  martial  attitude,  defied  the  world  to  spoil  the  treasures 
laid  up  in  its  bosom,  the  former  seeks  security  by  empty- 
ing the  soul  of  its  susceptibilities  and  leaving  nothing  that 
is  capable  of  being  harmed  or  lost — i.  e.,  treating  the  soul 
as  Epictetus  is  said  to  have  done  his  dwelling-house,  in 
order  that  he  might  not  be  annoyed  by  the  visits  of 
thieves.  It  dries  up  the  sources  of  life,  wraps  the  soul 
in  the  cerements  of  the  grave,  and  aims  to  convert  a 
living  being  into  a spiritual  mummy  which  shall  survive 
all  changes  without  being  affected  by  them. 

This  is  the  spirit  and  these  the  principles  of  esoteric 
Buddhism  as  enunciated  by  those  members  of  the  inner 
circle  whose  wan  cheeks  and  sunken,  rayless  eyes  indicate 
that  they  are  far  advanced  in  the  process  of  self-annihila- 
tion. In  their  external  manifestations  they  vary  with 
different  schools  and  countries,  the  lamas  of  Tartary  and 
the  sarmanas  of  Ceylon  appearing  to  have  little  in 
common. 

To  adapt  itself  to  the  comprehension  of  the  masses, 
Buddhism  has  personified  its  abstract  conceptions  and 
converted  them  into  divinities ; while,  to  pave  the  way 
for  its  easier  introduction,  it  readily  embraces  the  gods 
and  heroes  of  each  country  in  its  comprehensive  pantheon. 

In  China  the  Nirvana  was  found  to  be  too  subtle  an 
idea  for  popular  contemplation,  and,  in  order  to  furnish 
the  people  with  a more  attractive  object  of  worship  than 
an  unconscious  deity,  the  Buddhists  brought  forward  a 
Goddess  of  Mercy,  whose  special  merit  was  that,  having 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA  187 


reached  the  verge  of  Nirvana,  she  declined  to  enter,  pre- 
ferring to  remain  where  she  could  hear  the  cries  and  suc- 
cor the  calamities  of  those  who  were  struggling  with  the 
manifold  evils  of  a world  of  change.  From  this  circum- 
stance she  is  called  the  Ts’e  Pei  Kuan  Yin,  the  “ Merciful 
Hearer  of  Prayers  ” of  men. 

This  winning  attribute  meets  a want  of  humanity,  and 
makes  her  a favorite  among  the  votaries  of  the  faith. 
While  the  Three  Buddhas  hold  a more  prominent  posi- 
tion in  the  temple,  she  occupies  the  first  place  in  the 
hearts  of  their  worshippers.  Tepiples  of  a secondary 
class  are  often  devoted  especially  to  her ; and  in  the 
greater  ones  she  almost  always  finds  a shrine  or  corner 
where  she  is  represented  with  a thousand  hands  ready  to 
succor  human  suffering,  or  holding  in  her  arms  a beauti- 
ful infant,  ready  to  confer  the  blessing  of  offspring  on  her 
faithful  worshippers — in  this  last  attribute  resembling 
the  favorite  object  of  popular  worship  in  papal  countries. 
From  which,  indeed,  there  is  reason  to  believe  she  was 
derived. 

In  the  Sea-light  Monastery  above  referred  to,  she  ap- 
pears in  a large  side  hall,  habited  in  a cloak,  her  head  en- 
circled by  an  inscription  in  gilded  characters  which  pro- 
claims her  as  the  “ Goddess  whose  favor  protects  the 
second  birth.”  This  language  seems  to  express  a Chris- 
tian 'thought ; but  in  reality  nothing  could  be  more  in- 
tensely pagan.  It  relates  to  the  transmigration  of  souls, 
which  is  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  system ; and  in- 
forms the  visitor  that  this  is  the  divinity  to  whom  he  is 
to  look  for  protection  in  passing  through  the  successive 
changes  of  his  future  existence. 

Within  the  mazes  of  that  mighty  labyrinth,  there  is 
room  for  every  condition  of  life  on  earth,  and  for  purga- 
tories and  paradises  innumerable  besides.  Beyond  these 


i88 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  common  Buddhist  never  looks.  To  earn  by  works 
of  merit — which  play  an  important  part  in  the  modified 
system — the  reversion  of  a comfortable  mandarinate,  or 
a place  in  the  “ Paradise  of  the  Western  Sky,”  bounds 
his  aspirations.  And  to  escape  from  having  their  souls 
pounded  in  a spiritual  mortar,  or  ground  between  spiritual 
millstones  in  Hades ; or  avoid  the  doom  of  dwelling  in 
the  body  of  a brute  on  earth,  constitutes  with  the  ignor- 
ant the  strongest  motive  to  deter  them  from  vice — those 
and  a thousand  other  penalties  being  set  forth  by  pictures 
and  rude  casts  to  impress  the  minds  of  such  as  are  unable 
to  read. 

Buddhism  was  little  known  in  China  prior  to  A.  D.,  66. 
During  an  eclipse  of  Confucianism  that  lasted  two  cen- 
turies— caused  by  its  proscription,  on  political  grounds, 
the  Emperor  Ming  Ti  sent  an  embassy  to  invite  priests 
from  India,  and  the  triad  of  religions  was  completed. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  prompted  to  this  by  a remarkable 
dream.  Pie  had  seen,  he  said  to  his  courtiers,  a man  of 
gold,  holding  in  his  hand  a bow  and  two  arrows.  They, 
recognizing  in  these  objects  the  elements  of  Fo — the 
name  of  Buddha  as  it  is  written  in  the  Chinese  language 
— expounded  the  dream  as  an  intimation  that  the  Bud- 
dhist religion  ought  to  be  introduced.  The  story  of  the 
dream  is  evidently  of  later  growth,  but  it  is  interesting 
to  speculate  as  to  what  the  condition  of  China  might 
have  been  if  the  ambassadors,  instead  of  stopping  in  In- 
dia, had  proceeded  to  Palestine.  As  it  is,  the  success  of 
Buddhism  demonstrates  the  possibility  of  a foreign  faith 
taking  root  in  the  soil  of  China. 

The  San  Chiao,  or  Three  Religions,  have  now  passed  in 
revision.  We  have  viewed  them,  however,  owing  to  the 
limits  of  our  space,  only  in  outline,  neither  allowing  our- 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


189 


selves,  on  the  one  hand,  to  follow  up  those  superstitious 
practices  which  attach  themselves  to  the  several  schools 
like  the  moss  and  ivy  that  festoon  the  boughs  of  aged 
trees,  nor,  on  the  other,  to  enter  into  a minute  investiga- 
tion of  those  systems  of  philosophy  in  which  they  have 
their  root.  The  fact  that  each  takes  its  rise  in  a school 
of  philosophy  is  significant  of  the  tendencies  of  human 
thought. 

The  Confucian  philosophy  in  its  prominent  character- 
istics was  ethical,  occupying  itself  mainly  with  social  re- 
lations and  civil  duties,  shunning  studiously  all  questions 
that  enter  into  ontological  subtleties  or  partake  of  the 
marvelous  and  the  supernatural. 

The  philosophy  of  Tao  as  developed  by  the  followers 
of  Laotze,  if  not  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  left  by 
their  master,  may  be  characterized  as  physical.  For  the 
individual  it  prescribed  a physical  discipline;  and,  with- 
out any  conception  of  true  science,  it  was  filled  with  the 
idea  of  inexhaustible  resources,  hidden  in  the  elements 
of  material  nature. 

The  Buddhist  philosophy  was  pre-eminently  metaphy- 
sical. Originating  with  a people  who,  far  more  than  the 
Chinese,  are  addicted  to  abstruse  speculations,  it  occu- 
pied itself  with  subtle  inquiries  into  the  nature  and  facul- 
ties of  the  human  mind,  the  veracity  of  its  perceptions, 
and  the  grounds  of  our  delusive  faith  in  the  independent 
existence  of  an  external  world. 

These  three  philosophies,  differing  thus  widely  in  their 
essential  character — one  being  thoroughly  material,  an- 
other purely  ideal,  and  the  third  repudiating  all  such 
questions  and  holding  itself  neutral  and  indifferent — yet 
exhibit  some  remarkable  points  of  agreement.  They 
agree  in  the  original  omission  or  negation  of  religious 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


190 

ideas ; and  they  coincide  no  less  remarkably  in  evolving 
each,  from  its  negative  basis,  a system  of  religion ; and 
in  contributing  each  its  quota  to  the  popular  idolatry. 

Confucius  “ seldom  spoke  of  the  divinities,”  and 
taught  his  disciples  to  “ keep  them  at  a distance ; ” and 
yet  the  forms  of  respect  which  he  enjoined  for  deceased 
ancestors  led  to  their  virtual  deification,  and  promoted, 
if  it  did  not  originate,  the  national  hero-worship.  Like 
Comte  the  modern  apostle  of  positivism,  who  professed 
to  occupy  himself  wholly  with  positive  ideas,  he  was 
unable  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  his  spiritual  nature  with- 
out having  recourse  to  a religion  of  humanity. 

The  Buddhist  creed  denies  alike  the  reality  of  the  ma- 
terial world  and  the  existence  of  an  overruling  mind ; yet 
it  has  peopled  an  ideal  universe  with  a race  of  ideal  gods, 
all  of  whom  are  entities  in  the  belief  of  the  vulgar. 

The  Taoist  creed  acknowledges  no  such  category  as 
that  of  spirit  in  contradistinction  from  matter;  yet  it 
swarms  heaven  and  earth  with  tutelar  spirits  whom  the 
people  regard  as  divine. 

We  see  here  a process  directly  the  reverse  of  that  which 
certain  writers  of  modern  Europe  assert  to  be  the  natural 
progress  of  the  human  mind.  According  to  them,  men 
set  out  with  the  belief  of  many  gods,  whom  they  at  length 
reduce  to  unity,  and  finally  supersede  by  recognizing  the 
laws  of  nature  as  independent  of  a personal  administrator. 
The  worship  of  one  God  is  the  oldest  recorded  form  of 
Chinese  religion,  and  idolatry  is  an  innovation.  Even 
now  new  idols  are  constantly  taking  their  place  in  the 
national  pantheon ; and  so  strong  is  the  tendency  in  this 
direction  that  in  every  case  where  philosophy  has  laid  the 
foundation,  idolatry  has  come  in  to  complete  the  structure. 

It  is  incorrect  to  assert  that  any  one  of  the  San  Chiao 
is  a State  religion  to  the  exclusion  of  the  others,  though 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


i9i 

the  Confucian  is  sometimes  so  regarded  on  account  of  its 
greater  influence  with  the  ruling  classes  and  its  marked 
prominence  in  connection  with  State  ceremonials.  Not 
only  are  they  all  recognized  and  tolerated,  but  they  all 
share  the  Imperial  patronage.  The  shrines  of  each  of  the 
Three  Religions  are  often  erected  by  Imperial  munificence, 
and  their  priests  and  sacred  rites  provided  for  at  the  Im- 
perial expense  with  impartial  liberality. 

Not  only  do  they  co-exist  without  conflict  in  the  Em- 
pire, but  they  exercise  a joint  sway  over  almost  every 
mind  in  its  immense  population.  It  is  impossible  to  ap- 
portion the  people  among  these  several  creeds.  They  are 
all  Confucians,  all  Buddhists,  all  Taoists.  They  all  rever- 
ence Confucius  and  worship  their  ancestors — all  partici- 
pate in  the  “ feast  of  hungry  ghosts,”  and  employ  the 
Buddhist  burial-service ; and  all  resort  to  the  magical 
devices  of  the  Taoists  to  protect  themselves  against  the 
assaults  of  evil  spirits,  or  secure  “ good  luck  ” in  busi- 
ness. They  celebrate  their  marriages  according  to  the 
Confucian  rites;  in  building  their  houses,  they  ask  the 
advice  of  a Taoist ; and  in  cases  of  alarming  illness  em- 
ploy him  to  exorcise  evil  spirits.  At  death  they  commit 
their  souls  to  the  keeping  of  the  Buddhists.  The  people 
assert,  and  with  truth,  that  these  religions,  originally 
three,  have  become  one ; and  they  are  accustomed  to  sym- 
bolize this  unity  by  erecting  San  Chiao  T'ang,  Temples  of 
the  Three  Religions,  in  which  Confucius  and  Laotze  ap- 
pear on  the  right  and  left  of  Buddha,  as  forming  a triad  of 
sages.  This  arrangement,  however,  gives  great  offense 
to  some  of  the  more  zealous  disciples  of  Confucius ; and 
a few  years  ago  a memorial  was  presented  to  the  Em- 
peror, praying  him  to  demolish  the  San  Chiao  T’ang, 
which  stood  near  the  tomb  of  their  great  teacher,  who  has 
“ no  equal  but  Heaven.” 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


192 

The  effects  of  this  coalition  may  be  traced  in  their  litera- 
ture as  well  as  in  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  people. 
Of  this,  one  example  will  suffice,  though  we  might  go  on, 
if  space  permitted,  to  show  how  freely  the  later  works  of 
each  school  appropriate  the  phraseology  of  the  others, 
and  to  point  out  the  extent  to  which  the  general  language 
of  the  country  has  been  enriched  by  a vocabulary  of  relig- 
ious terms,  chiefly  of  Buddhist  origin,  all  of  which  are 
incorporated  in  the  Imperial  Dictionary  and  pass  as  cur- 
rent coin  in  the  halls  of  the  literary  tribunal. 

In  the  Liao  CJiai,  a collection  of  tales,  there  is  a story 
which  owes  its  humor  to  the  bizarre  intermixture  of  ele- 
ments from  each  of  the  Three  Religions. 

A young  nobleman,  riding  out,  hawk  in  hand,  is  thrown 
from  his  horse  and  taken  up  for  dead.  On  being  con- 
veyed to  his  house,  he  opens  his  eyes  and  gradually  re- 
covers his  bodily  strength ; but,  to  the  grief  of  his  family, 
he  is  hopelessly  insane.  He  fancies  himself  a Buddhist 
priest,  repels  the  caresses  of  the  ladies  of  his  harem,  and 
insists  on  being  conveyed  to  a distant  province,  where  he 
affirms  he  has  passed  his  life  in  a monastery.  On  arriv- 
ing he  proves  himself  to  be  the  abbot ; and  the  mystery 
of  his  transfiguration  is  at  once  solved. 

He  had  led  a dissolute  life,  and  his  flimsy  soul,  unable 
to  sustain  the  shock  of  death,  was  at  once  dissipated.  The 
soul  of  a priest  who  had  just  expired  happened  to  be  float- 
ing by,  and,  led  by  that  desire  to  inhabit  a body  which 
some  say  impelled  the  devils  to  enter  the  herd  of  swine, 
it  took  possession  of  the  still  warm  corpse. 

The  young  nobleman  was  a Confucian  of  the  modern 
type.  The  idea  of  the  soul  changing  its  earthly  tenement 
is  Buddhistic.  And  that  which  rendered  the  metamor- 
phosis possible,  without  waiting  for  another  birth,  was 
the  Taoist  doctrine  that  the  soul  is  dissolved  with  the 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


193 


body,  unless  it  be  purified  and  concentrated  by  vigorous 
discipline. 

It  is  curious  to  inquire  on  what  principles  this  recon- 
ciliation has  been  effected.  Have  the  three  creeds 
mingled  together  like  the  three  gases  in  the  atmosphere, 
each  contributing  some  ingredient  to  the  composition  of  a 
vital  fluid ; or  blended  like  the  three  primary  colors  of  the 
spectrum,  imparting  their  own  hues  in  varying  propor- 
tions; but  all  present  at  every  point?  It  is  not  a healthy 
atmosphere  that  supplies  the  breath  of  the  new-born  soul 
in  China ; not  a pure  and  steady  light  that  meets  its  open- 
ing eyes.  Yet  each  of  these  systems  meets  a want;  and 
the  whole,  taken  together,  supplies  the  cravings  of  nature 
as  well  perhaps  as  any  creed  not  derived  from  a divine 
revelation. 

The  Three  Religions  are  not,  as  the  natives  thought- 
lessly assume,  identical  in  signification  and  differing  only 
in  their  mode  of  expression.  As  we  have  already  seen,  it 
is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  three  creeds  more  totally 
distinct  or  radically  antagonistic ; and  yet,  to  a certain 
extent,  they  are  supplementary.  And  to  this  it  is  that  they 
owe  their  union  and  their  permanence. 

Confucius  gave  his  people  an  elaborate  theory  of  their 
social  organization  and  civil  polity ; but  when  they  looked 
abroad  on  nature  with  its  unsolved  problems,  they  were 
unable  to  confine  their  thoughts  within  the  limits  of  his 
cautious  positivism.  They  were  fascinated  by  mystery, 
and  felt  that  in  nature  there  were  elements  of  the  super- 
natural which  they  could  not  ignore,  even  if  they  did  not 
understand  them.  Hence  the  rise  of  Taoism,  captivating 
the  imagination  by  its  hierarchy  of  spirits  and  personified 
powers,  and  meeting,  in  some  degree,  the  longing  for  a 
future  life  by  maintaining,  though  under  hard  conditions, 
the  possible  achievement  of  a corporeal  immortality. 


194 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


With  the  momentous  question  of  existence  suspended  on 
this  bare  possibility,  Buddhism  came  to  them  like  an  evan- 
gel of  hope,  assuring  every  man  of  an  inalienable  interest 
in  a life  to  come.  It  gave  them  a better  psychology  of  the 
human  mind  than  they  had  before  possessed;  afforded  a 
plausible  explanation  of  the  inequalities  in  the  condition 
of  men ; and,  by  the  theory  of  metempsychosis,  seemed  to 
reveal  the  link  that  connects  man  with  the  lower  animals, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  with  the  gods,  on  the  other.  No 
wonder  it  excited  the  popular  mind  to  a pitch  of  enthusi- 
asm, and  provoked  the  adherents  of  the  other  creeds  to 
virulent  opposition. 

Taoism,  as  opposed  to  it,  became  more  decidedly  mate- 
rial, and  Confucianism  more  positively  atheistic.  The  dis- 
ciples of  the  latter  especially  assailed  it  with  acrimonious 
controversy — denying,  though  they  had  hitherto  been 
silent  on  such  questions,  the  personality  of  God  and  the 
future  life  of  the  human  soul. 

Now,  however,  the  effervescence  of  passion  has  died 
away — the  antagonistic  elements  have  long  since  neutra- 
lized each  other,  and  the  three  creeds  have  subsided  into  a 
stable  equilibrium,  or  rather  become  compacted  into  a firm 
conglomerate.  The  ethical,  the  physical,  and  the  meta- 
physical live  together  in  harmony.  The  school  that  denies 
the  existence  of  matter,  that  which  occupies  itself  wholly 
with  the  properties  of  matter,  and  that,  again,  which  de- 
nounces the  subtleties  of  both  and  builds  on  ethics,  have 
ceased  their  controversies.  One  deriving  its  motive  from 
the  fear  of  death,  another  actuated  by  a dread  of  the  evils 
attendant  on  human  life,  and  the  third  absorbed  in  the 
present  and  indifferent  alike  to  hope  or  fear,  all  are  ac- 
cepted with  equal  faith  by  an  unreasoning  populace. 
Without  perceiving  their  points  of  discrepancy,  or  under- 
standing the  manner  in  which  they  supplement  each  other, 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


*95 


they  accept  each  as  answering  to  certain  cravings  of  their 
inward  nature,  and  blend  them  all  in  a huge  heterogene- 
ous and  incongruous  creed.  It  may  help  to  reconcile  ap- 
parently contradictory  statements  to  remember  that  each 
of  the  three  systems  appears  under  a twofold  aspect — first 
as  an  esoteric  philosophy,  afterwards  as  a popular  religion. 
Thus  a chief  object  of  the  Buddhist  discipline  was  the 
extinction  of  consciousness.  Yet  the  Chinese  embraced  it 
as  their  best  assurance  of  a future  life.  What  the  philoso- 
pher was  anxious  to  cast  away,  the  populace  were  eager 
to  possess. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  inquire,  had  we  sufficient 
space,  what  have  been  the  intellectual  and  moral  influ- 
ences of  these  several  systems,  separate  and  combined. 
They  have,  it  is  true,  given  rise  to  various  forms  of  de- 
grading superstition,  and,  supporting  instead  of  destroy- 
ing each  other,  they  bind  the  mind  of  the  nation  in  three- 
fold fetters ; still,  we  are  inclined  to  think  that  each  has 
served  a useful  purpose  in  the  long  education  of  the 
Chinese  people,  and  that  each  represents  a distinct  stage 
in  the  progress  of  religious  thought.  Buddhism  vastly  en- 
larged their  religious  conceptions.  Their  ideas,  to  borrow 
a mathematical  illustration,  were  limited,  prior  to  the  in- 
troduction of  Buddhism,  to  two  dimensions, — to  some- 
thing that  may  be  described  as  a “ flat-land,”  with  length 
and  breadth,  but  no  height.  Buddhism  gave  it  height, 
soaring  up  to  the  heavens  and  developing  a view  of  the 
universe,  the  grandeur  of  which,  perhaps,  nothing  can 
exceed.  Is  it  possible  that,  after  this  universe  of  three 
dimensions,  we  shall  have  one  of  four  dimensions  ? There 
is,  in  my  view,  room  for  the  fourth  dimension,  or  (to 
drop  the  figure)  there  is  room  for  a fourth  stage  in  the 
progression, — one  which  China  is  waiting  for.  Christi- 
anity alone  can  supply  the  defects  of  all  the  systems,  and 


196 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


present  one  harmonious  unity.  They  are  now  offered  a 
better  faith — one  which  is  consistent  with  itself  and  ade- 
quate to  satisfy  all  their  spiritual  necessities.  Will  they 
receive  it?  The  habit  of  receiving  such  contradictory 
systems  has  rendered  their  minds  almost  incapable  of 
weighing  evidence ; and  they  never  ask  concerning  a re- 
ligion “ is  it  true?  ” but  “ is  it  good?  ” Christianity,  how- 
ever, with  its  exclusive  and  peremptory  claims,  has  already 
begun  to  arouse  their  attention ; and  when  the  spirit  of 
inquiry  is  once  thoroughly  awakened,  the  San  Chiao,  or 
Three  Creeds,  will  not  long  sustain  the  ordeal. 


NOTE  I 

THE  EMPEROR  AT  THE  ALTAR  OF  HEAVEN 

THE  Roman  Emperors  always  associated  with  their 
other  titles  that  of  Pontifex  Maximus ; and  the 
Sovereigns  of  China  have  from  time  immemorial 
acted  as  High  Priests  of  the  empire. 

It  was  in  that  capacity  that  His  Majesty  Kuang  Hsu 
officiated  at  the  Temple  of  Heaven  on  the  22nd  December, 
1887,  for  the  first  time,  on  the  occasion  of  the  solstitial 
sacrifices.  On  the  previous  day,  he  proceeded  to  the 
Temple  with  great  pomp,  accompanied  by  the  grandees  of 
the  Court,  three  elephants  harnessed  to  as  many  chariots 
appearing  in  the  procession.  Having  prepared  himself 
by  a night  spent  in  fasting  and  meditation  to  approach 
the  presence  of  the  King  of  Kings,  he  prostrated  himself 
nine  times  before  a tablet  inscribed  with  the  name  of 
Shang  Ti,  and  offered  an  ox,  the  bones  of  the  victim  being 
consumed  in  a furnace. 

As  to  the  herd  of  common  gods,  the  Emperor  can  make 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


*97 


and  unmake  them  at  will.  He  even  assumes  to  decide 
whether  a living  Buddha  shall  or  shall  not  have  the  privi- 
lege of  re-appearing  in  another  body ; but  in  the  presence 
of  Shang  Ti,  the  master  of  China’s  millions  abases  him- 
self in  the  dust,  and  confesses  himself  a subject  of  law. 

When  the  Taiping  rebellion  was  at  its  height  in  1853, 
the  Emperor  Hsien  Feng  repaired  to  the  Altar  of  Heaven, 
confessed  his  sins,  and  implored  on  behalf  of  his  suffering 
people  the  compassion  of  the  Sovereign  of  the  Universe. 
By  this  act,  he  acknowledged  that  he  ruled  by  delegated 
authority,  and  that  he  was  answerable  for  its  proper  use. 

The  same  idea  is  impressively  set  forth  by  a row  of 
iron  censers,  ranged  around  the  foot  of  the  altar.  In 
these,  it  is  not  strips  of  mimic  gold  that  are  consumed, 
nor  sticks  of  incense,  but  long  lists  of  the  names  of  crim- 
inals condemned  to  death,  the  smoke  and  flame  rising  up 
to  Heaven,  appealing  for  ratification  or  redress  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  Universe. 

The  Emperor  is  a monotheist,  because  there  is  only  one 
God  sufficiently  exalted  to  be  to  him  an  object  of  worship 
in  the  highest  sense ; for,  though  he  does  worship  at  the 
shrines  of  other  divinities,  to  none  but  Shang  Ti  does 
he  employ  the  humble  style  of  a servant,  and  he,  if  not  the 
only  worshipper  of  Shang  Ti,  is  the  only  one  who  is  per- 
mitted to  make  use  of  the  prescribed  ritual.  For  any  one 
else  to  presume  to  imitate  that  ritual  would  be  an  act  of 
high  treason,  as  it  could  have  but  one  meaning, — that  of 
an  intention  to  usurp  the  prerogatives  and  to  seize  the 
throne  of  the  sovereign.  The  only  instance  of  this  which 
we  have  on  record — except  in  cases  of  overt  rebellion— 
is  that  of  the  Prince  of  Ch‘in  erecting  an  altar  to  Shang 
Ti,  some  2,300  years  ago.  The  act  betokened  a disposi- 
tion on  his  part  to  seize  the  falling  crown  of  the  Chous. — 
which  one  of  his  descendants  actually  accomplished.  The 


198 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Chou  Emperor  in  the  meantime  tolerated  the  abuse,  be- 
cause he  lacked  the  power  to  punish  so  great  a vassal. 

The  antiquity  of  this  Imperial  rite  is  not  the  least  in- 
teresting of  its  features.  It  goes  back  to  the  first  of  the 
Three  Dynasties,  to  a date  when  Melchisedek  combined 
with  his  kingly  office  that  of  “ Priest  of  the  Most  High 
God.”  In  that  day,  there  was  no  Buddhism,  no  Taoism ; 
but,  whether  that  primitive  worship  connects  itself  with  a 
purer  form  of  partriarchal  faith,  or  whether,  as  Emerson 
expresses  it — 

“ Up  from  the  heart  of  nature  came, 

Like  the  volcano’s  tongue  of  flame  ” — 

I shall  not  undertake  to  determine. 

The  idea  of  the  offerings  on  this  occasion  is  that  of  a 
banquet,  in  which  the  spirit  of  the  Supreme  condescends 
to  accept  entertainment  at  the  hand  of  a mortal.  He  is 
accompanied  by  eight  imperial  guests, — the  ancestors  of 
the  officiating  sovereign, — who,  like  Wen  Wang  in  the 
Book  of  Odes,  are  regarded  as  favored  guests  in  the 
Court  of  Heaven. 

The  august  pageant  is  withheld  from  eyes  profane ; and 
of  course  all  foreigners  in  Peking  are  officially  invited  to 
be  absent. 

I do  not,  accordingly,  profess  to  give  you  the  observa- 
tions of  an  eye-witness ; though  I have  perhaps  as  good  a 
right  to  do  so  as  certain  war  correspondents  have  had, 
to  depict  a battle-scene,  when  they  have  viewed  the  smoke 
at  a distance.  I have  seen  the  altar ; and  I have  at  this 
moment  the  ritual  of  the  day  before  my  eyes.  But  it 
would  not  add  much  to  the  interest  of  my  readers  to  have 
a libretto  of  the  nine  pieces  of  sacred  music,  or  an  in- 
ventory of  the  subordinate  offerings  which  accompany 
the  Fan  Niu , or  ox  of  burnt  sacrifice. 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


>99 


NOTE  II 

THE  DUKE  OF  K'UNG — SUCCESSOR  OF  CONFUCIUS 

THE  Peking  Carc/Iccontains  the  following  obituary 
announcement,  in  the  usual  form  of  an  Imperial 
decree:  “The  Duke  K‘ung  Hsiang  K‘o,  lineal 
successor  of  the  Holy  Sage,  has  departed  this  life.  Let 
the  proper  Board  report  as  to  the  marks  of  Imperial  favor 
to  be  accorded  in  connection  with  the  funeral  rites.” 

The  Duke  was  about  twenty-six  years  of  age,  and  a 
descendant  of  Confucius  at  a remove  of  more  than  sev- 
enty generations.  The  last  on  the  family  record  published 
in  the  last  century  was  the  seventy-first.  Of  his  personal 
character  we  know  nothing,  save  that  he  once  admitted  a 
company  of  foreigners,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Williamson  and 
others,  into  his  presence,  and  treated  them  with  great 
urbanity.  What  interests  us  more,  and  furnishes  the  sole 
reason  for  chronicling  his  death,  whether  in  these  lines 
or  in  the  still  briefer  notice  in  the  Peking  Gazette,  is  his 
representative  character.  K'ung  Hsiang  K‘o  was  head  of 
the  Confucian  clan,  and  as  such  he  enjoyed  the  dignities 
and  emoluments  of  a noble  of  the  first  class. 

Hereditary  rank  makes  so  small  a figure  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Chinese  government  that  we  some- 
times hear  it  asserted  that  there  is  no  such  thing  in  China. 
Now,  those  who  hazard  this  assertion,  not  only  leave  out 
of  view  the  feudal  organization  of  the  Manchu  and  Mon- 
gol races,  but  forget  the  sonorous  titles  prefixed  to  the 
names  of  some  of  the  leading  Chinese  statesmen  of  the 
present  day.  We  can  scarcely  take  up  a number  of  the 
Peking  Gazette  without  being  reminded  that  Li  Hung 
Chang  is  an  earl,  of  the  first  grade;  and  a few  years  ago 


200 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  title  of  marquis,  was  made  equally  prominent  in  con- 
nection with  the  name  of  the  late  eminent  Tseng  Kuo  Fan 
and  his  equally  distinguished  son.  In  a word,  all  the 
five  degrees  of  hereditary  nobility  which  were  in  use  three 
thousand  years  ago  are  to  be  found  (by  searching)  among 
the  Chinese  of  to-day ; but  with  this  important  difference, 
that  they  no  longer  imply  the  possession  of  landed  estates 
or  territorial  jurisdiction.  Leaving  the  secular  peerage 
of  China  proper,  as  well  as  that  of  the  dominant  race,  to 
be  treated  by  some  one  who  has  leisure  and  inclination  for 
the  subject,  we  propose  to  devote  a few  paragraphs  to 
what  we  venture  to  denominate  the  sacred  heraldry  of  the 
Empire. 

Many  years  ago,  in  the  course  of  an  overland  journey 
from  Peking  to  Shanghai,  the  writer  turned  aside  to  visit 
the  tomb  of  Confucius.  It  was  an  impressive  spectacle  to 
see  the  heads  of  the  various  branches  into  which  the  clan 
is  divided  performing  their  semi-monthly  devotions  be- 
fore the  tablet  of  their  illustrious  ancestor.  Many  of  these 
discharge  official  duties,  and  constitute  a kind  of  priest- 
hood in  the  temple  of  the  Sage ; their  appointments, 
whether  hereditary  or  otherwise,  are  duly  recorded  in  the 
Red  Book,  or  official  register.  The  chief  of  the  tribe  is 
known  as  Yen  Sheng  K‘ung,  the  Duke  of  the  Holy  Suc- 
cession— a succession  which  is  older  in  generations  than 
most  aged  men  are  in  the  reckoning  of  years.  There 
are  Jewish  families  who  can  boast  a longer  pedigree — 
running  back,  perhaps,  to  the  return  from  captivity,  b.  c. 
536 ; but  where,  out  of  China,  shall  we  look  for  a family 
whose  nobility  has  a history  of  twenty  centuries? 

The  first  hereditary  distinction  was  conferred  on  the 
senior  member  of  the  house  of  K'ung  by  the  founder  of 
the  Han  dynasty,  b.  c.  202.  The  title  was  at  first  the 


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arch  AND  TEMELE  OK  CONFUCIUS 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


201 


vague  designation  of  chiin,  prince,  and  coupled  with  the 
charge  of  the  ancestral  temple.  This  was  exchanged  for 
the  more  distinguishing  title  of  hou,  marquis,  by  order 
of  Wu  Ti,  of  the  same  dynasty.  The  later  Chou,  a.  d. 
550,  substituted  the  title  of  K‘ung,  duke ; hut  in  the  next 
dynasty,  that  of  Sui,  it  reverted  to  marquis,  and  so  con- 
tinued through  the  three  centuries  of  the  T'angs.  At  the 
accession  of  the  Sung,  the  heir  of  Confucius  was  again 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  duke — a rank  which  he  has  re- 
tained without  material  variation  for  more  than  eight 
centuries. 

In  the  topographical  and  genealogical  histories  we  are 
favored  with  biographical  sketches  of  the  individual  links 
in  this  long  chain ; but  through  them  all  there  runs  a 
thread  of  dreary  monotony.  In  earlier  ages,  the  house 
of  K‘ung  did  indeed  produce  a few  men  of  exceptional 
eminence  in  letters  and  in  politics.  They  are  not,  how- 
ever, always  found  in  the  line  of  primogeniture,  and,  in 
the  rare  instances  in  which  titled  heads  have  distinguished 
themselves,  we  have  to  recognize  the  stimulating  influence 
of  court  life,  from  which  they  were  not  yet  excluded. 

Under  the  existing  regime,  the  succession  presents  us 
no  name  of  note;  a result  more  due  to  want  of  oppor- 
tunity than  to  any  deterioration  of  race,  for,  according 
to  some  observers,  the  blood  of  Confucius  continues  to 
assert  itself  in  the  superior  development  of  his  posterity. 
But  what  are  we  to  expect  when  a family  is  rooted  to 
the  soil  of  a cemetery  but  that  it  should  become  as  barren 
as  the  cypress  that  overhangs  it? 

The  Dukes  of  K‘ung  are  strictly  relegated  to  the  vicinity 
of  their  sacerdotal  charge,  and  are  not  at  liberty  to  visit 
the  capital  without  express  permission  from  the  throne. 

We  recall  the  late  Duke’s  application  for  leave  to  pros- 


202 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


trate  himself  before  the  sarcophagus  of  the  Emperor 
Tung  Chih,  certainly  the  last  and  probably  the  only  oc- 
casion on  which  he  ever  entered  the  walls  of  Peking. 

The  family  estate,  it  must  be  confessed,  is  large  enough 
to  gratify  the  ambition  and  employ  the  energies  of  an 
ordinary  mortal,  amounting  (for  it  is  not  all  in  one 
place)  to  an  area  of  not  less  than  165,000  acres. 

And  as  for  honors,  the  country  nobleman  has  much 
to  console  him  for  the  privations  of  provincial  life ; the 
Governor  of  the  province,  it  is  said,  being  required  to 
approach  him  with  the  same  forms  of  homage  which  he 
renders  to  the  Son  of  Heaven.  Numerous  offices  of  in- 
ferior dignity  are  conferred  on  other  members  of  the 
clan,  constituting  it  a kind  of  Levitical  order ; but  it  is 
pleasing  to  remark  that  these  tokens  of  a nation’s  undy- 
ing gratitude  are  not  limited  to  the  lineage  of  Confucius. 
Around  the  grand  luminary  there  moved  a cluster  of 
satellites,  which  drank  in  his  beams  and  propagated  his 
light. 

The  chief  of  these  Yen,  Tseng,  Sze,  Meng,  as  the 
Chinese  concisely  call  them,  and  a few  others,  continued 
to  be  honored  in  the  same  way,  though  not  to  the  same 
degree,  as  the  Sage  himself.  Inseparable  attendants  of 
the  Sage,  in  all  his  temples,  at  least  one  of  which  exists 
in  every  district  of  the  Empire,  each  of  them  enjoys  the 
honor  of  a separate  shrine,  and  some  of  his  posterity  de- 
rive their  subsistence  from  the  charge  of  it.  In  the  city 
of  Chii  Fu,  a conspicuous  inscription  points  out  the  spot 
where  Yen  Hui,  in  the  midst  of  poverty,  presented  a 
face  ever  radiant  with  joy,  because  his  soul  was  filled 
with  divine  philosophy.  Hard  by  stands  a magnificent 
mausoleum  to  the  man  who  never  wrote  a book  and  never 
performed  any  great  exploit ; but  who  embodied  in  his 
own  practice  more  perfectly  than  any  other  the  precepts 


THREE  RELIGIONS  OF  CHINA 


203 


of  his  Master.  In  the  adjoining  district  of  Tsou  Hsien 
stands  a temple  to  Mencius,  the  St.  Paul  of  Confucianism, 
who,  though  he  entered  the  world  too  late  to  enjoy  the 
personal  teachings  of  the  Great  Sage,  did  more  than  any 
other  to  give  them  shape  and  currency.  Not  far  away, 
in  the  same  city,  stands  a somewhat  dilapidated  temple  of 
T’ze  Sze,  the  master  of  Mencius,  and  the  grandson  of 
Confucius.  Though  in  the  direct  line,  the  Chinese  have 
not  been  willing  to  merge  his  name  and  fame  in  those 
of  his  ancestor ; but  have  taken  effectual  measures  for 
testifying  to  all  generations  their  reverence  for  the  author 
of  the  Chung  Yung,  or  “ Golden  Mean.” 

The  whole  region  surrounding  the  temple  of  Confucius 
is  dotted  over  by  the  tombs  of  ancient  worthies ; and  it  is 
touching  to  see  with  what  sacred  care  their  descendants 
cherish  the  fire  on  their  altars.  Under  various  designa- 
tions they  have  discharged  these  offices  for  more  than 
seventy,  and  in  one  instance  for  nearly  a hundred,  genera- 
tions ; but  their  present  titles  date  from  the  Ming  dynasty. 
The  founder  of  the  Mings,  an  unlettered  warrior,  who 
never  read  the  Four  Books  until  he  was  seated  on  the 
throne  and  had  Liu  Chi  for  a teacher,  conferred  certain 
honors  on  the  descendants  of  Yen  Hui  and  Mencius. 
His  successors  ordered  that  representatives  of  fifteen  of 
the  disciples  of  Confucius  should  be  enrolled  in  the  Hanlin 
College,  and  invested  with  the  office  of  professors  and 
curators  of  the  Five  Classics. 

Nor  is  it  only  the  Great  Sage  and  his  disciples  who 
enjoy  the  distinction  of  a memorial  temple,  a State  ritual, 
and  an  hereditary  priesthood  ; all  these  are  accorded  to  the 
Duke  of  Chou,  whom  Confucius  revered  as  a master  and 
imitated  as  a model.  Chou  Kung  died  more  than  five 
hundred  years  before  the  birth  of  Confucius;  but  the 
later  Sage  not  only  professed  to  have  caught  his  inspira- 


204 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tion  from  the  earlier,  but  in  one  of  his  most  touching 
speeches  he  gave  it  as  a mark  of  decaying  nature  that 
he  had  “ ceased  to  dream  of  Chou  Kung.” 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  family  of  the 
virtuous  Regent  of  China’s  typical  dynasty  should  have 
some  small  part  in  the  cloud  of  incense  which  China  offers 
to  the  pioneers  of  her  civilization.  Their  claim  to  it  was 
eloquently  advocated  by  one  of  his  descendants  when  the 
Emperor  Kang  Hsi  visited  the  “ sacred  soil  of  Lu,”  and 
promptly  recognized  by  that  enlightened  monarch.  None 
of  these  venerated  shades  is  regarded  as  exercising  a 
tutelar  guardianship  over  the  Empire,  or  over  any  part 
of  it.  Their  temples,  though  vulgar  superstitions  have 
gathered  round  them,  are  essentially  memorial,  and  the 
worship  wholly  commemorative.  It  is  thus  that  China 
has  sought  to  mould  her  children  into  one  family  and  to 
secure  the  stability  of  society  by  binding  it  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  past. 

The  representatives  of  these  families,  as  we  have  said, 
are  a priesthood  rather  than  a nobility ; but  so  closely  are 
the  two  ideas  associated  in  the  Chinese  mind  that  a writer 
of  these  family  histories  finds  in  ancestral  worship  the 
origin  of  feudal  dignities.  His  philosophy  is  at  fault ; 
but  it  is  gratifying  to  observe  that,  while  the  feudal  lords 
of  China  have  gone  under  in  the  struggle  for  existence, 
the  only  vestiges  of  the  ancient  nobility  ( the  secular  are 
all  new)  are  those  which  cluster  round  the  memories  of 
the  wise  and  good. 


XII 


THE  ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  CHINESE 

WIDELY  as  the  Chinese  have  departed  from  the 
meagre  outline  of  a religious  system  left  them 
by  Confucius,  they  have  generally  adhered  to 
his  moral  teachings.  Developed  by  his  followers,  re- 
ceived by  the  suffrages  of  the  whole  people,  and  enforced 
by  the  sanctions  of  the  Three  Religions,  the  principles 
which  he  inculcated  may  be  said  to  have  moulded  the 
social  life  of  nearly  one-third  of  the  human  family.  These 
are  nowhere  to  be  found  digested  into  a scientific  form, 
but  diffused  through  the  mingled  masses  of  physics  and 
metaphysics  which  compose  the  Hsiug  Li  Ta  Chiian,  En- 
cyclopaedia of  Philosophy,  or  sparkling  in  the  detached 
apothegms  of  “ The  Sages.”  Happily  for  our  convenience 
we  have  them  brought  to  a focus  in  the  chart,  a translation 
of  which  is  given  below. 

We  shall  confine  ourselves  to  the  task  of  explaining  this 
important  document,  as  the  best  method  of  exhibiting 
the  system  in  its  practical  influence ; though  an  independ- 
ent view  might  afford  freer  scope  for  discussing  its  prin- 
ciples. 

This  chart  is  anonymous ; but  the  want  of  a name  de- 
tracts nothing  from  its  value.  The  author  has  no  merit 
beyond  the  idea  of  presenting  the  subject  in  a tabular 
view,  and  the  pictorial  taste  with  which  he  has  executed 
the  design.  Of  the  ethical  system  so  exhibited  he  origi- 
nated nothing;  and  the  popularity  of  his  work  is  due 


205 


2o6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


mainly  to  the  fact  that  it  is  regarded  as  a faithful  synopsis 
of  the  Confucian  morals. 

The  half-illuminated  sphere  prefixed  to  the  chart  is  a 
mere  embellishment  having  scarcely  more  connection  with 
its  subject-matter  than  the  royal  coat-of-arms  stamped 
on  the  title-page  of  some  editions  has  with  the  contents 
of  King  James’s  Bible.  It  represents  the  mundane  egg, 
or  mass  of  chaotic  matter,  containing  Yin  and  Yang,  the 
seminal  principles  from  whose  action  and  reaction  all 
things  were  evolved. 

Part  I.  is  an  epitome  of  the  Ta  Hsiich,  the  first  of  the 
four  chief  canonical  books  of  the  Chinese,  and  the  most 
admired  production  of  their  great  philosopher. 

Voluminous  as  an  editor,  piously  embalming  the  relics 
of  antiquity,  Confucius  occupies  but  a small  space  as  an 
author;  a slender  compend  of  history  and  this  little  tract 
of  a few  hundred  words  being  the  only  original  works 
which  emanated  from  his  own  pen.  The  latter,  the  title 
of  which  signifies  the  “ Great  Study,”  is  prized  so  highly 
for  the  elegance  of  its  style  and  the  depth  of  its  wisdom 
that  it  may  often  be  seen  inscribed  in  letters  of  gold,  and 
suspended  as  an  ornamental  tableau  in  the  mansions  of 
the  rich.  It  treats  of  the  Practice  of  Virtue  and  the  Art 
of  Government ; and  in  the  following  table  these  two 
subjects  are  arranged  in  parallel  columns.  In  the  first 
we  have  the  lineaments  of  a perfect  character  superscribed 
by  the  word  Shcng,  a “ Holy  Sage,”  the  name  which  the 
Chinese  give  to  their  ideal.  In  the  other  we  have  a cata- 
logue of  the  social  virtues  as  they  spread  in  widening 
circles  through  the  family,  the  neighborhood,  the  State, 
and  the  world.  These  are  ranged  under  Wang,  the  “ Em- 
peror,” whose  duty  it  is  to  cherish  them  in  his  subjects, 
the  force  of  example  being  his  chief  instrument,  and  the 
cultivation  of  personal  virtue  his  first  obligation.  The 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  207 


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ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  209 


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ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  21 1 


passage  which  is  here  analyzed,  and  which  constitutes  the 
foundation  of  the  whole  treatise,  is  the  following: 

'*  Those  ancient  princes  who  desired  to  promote  the 
practice  of  virtue  throughout  the  world  first  took  care  to 
govern  their  own  states.  In  order  to  govern  their  states, 
they  first  regulated  their  own  families.  In  order  to  regu- 
late their  families,  they  first  practiced  virtue  in  their  own 
persons.  In  order  to  the  practice  of  personal  virtue,  they 
first  cultivated  right  feeling.  In  order  to  insure  right 
feeling,  they  first  had  sincerity  of  purpose.  In  order  to 
secure  sincerity  of  purpose,  they  extended  their  knowl- 
edge. Knowledge  is  enlarged  by  inquiring  into  the  na- 
ture of  things.” 

This  converging  series  is  beautiful.  However  widely 
the  branches  may  extend,  the  quality  of  their  fruit  is  de- 
termined by  the  common  root.  Virtue  in  the  State  depends 
on  virtue  in  the  family,  that  of  the  family  on  that  of 
the  individual ; and  individual  virtue  depends  not  only  on 
right  feelings  and  proper  motives,  but,  as  a last  condi- 
tion, on  right  knowledge.  Nor  is  there  anything  in  which 
Confucius  more  strikingly  exhibits  the  clearness  of  his 
perceptions  than  in  indicating  the  direction  in  which  this 
indispensable  intelligence  is  to  be  sought — viz.,  in  the 
nature  of  things ; in  understanding  the  relations  which 
the  individual  sustains  to  society  and  the  universe.  The 
knowledge  of  these  is  truth,  conformity  to  them  is  virtue ; 
and  moral  obligations,  Confucius  appears,  with  Dr. 
Samuel  Clarke,  to  have  derived  from  a perception  of  these 
relations,  and  a sense  of  inherent  fitness  in  the  nature  of 
things.  Just  at  this  point  we  have  a notable  hiatus.  The 
editor  tells  us  the  chapter  on  the  “ Study  of  Nature  ” is 
wanting ; and  Chinese  scholars  have  never  ceased  to  de- 
plore its  loss. 

But  whatever  of  value  to  the  student  of  virtue  it  may 


212 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


have  contained,  it  certainly  did  not  contain  the  “ begin- 
ning of  wisdom.”  For  skilfully  as  Confucius  had  woven 
the  chain  of  human  relationships,  he  failed  to  connect  the 
last  link  with  Heaven  to  point  out  the  highest  class  of 
our  relations.  Not  only,  therefore,  is  one  grand  division 
of  our  duties  a blank  in  his  system,  but  it  is  destitute 
of  that  higher  light  and  those  stronger  motives  which 
are  necessary  to  stimulate  to  the  performance  of  the  most 
familiar  offices. 

A young  mandarin  who  once  said  to  me,  in  answer  to 
a question  as  to  his  object  in  life,  that  “ he  was  desirous  of 
performing  all  his  duties  to  God  and  man,”  was  not 
speaking  in  the  language  of  the  Confucian  school.  He 
had  been  taught  in  a mission  school  and  discovered  a new 
world  in  our  moral  relations  which  was  unknown  to  the 
ancient  philosopher. 

The  principal  relations  of  the  individual  to  society  are 
copiously  illustrated  in  this  and  the  other  classics.  They 
are  five — the  governmental,  parental,  conjugal,  fraternal, 
and  that  of  friendship.  The  first  is  the  comprehensive 
subject  of  the  treatise ; and  in  the  second  column  of  the 
chart  all  the  others  are  placed  subordinate  to  it.  The 
last  comprehends  the  principles  which  regulate  general 
intercourse.  Conjugal  fidelity,  in  the  sense  of  chastity, 
is  made  obligatory  only  on  the  female.  Fraternal  duty 
requires  a rigid  subordination,  according  to  the  gradation 
of  age,  which  is  aided  by  a peculiarity  of  language;  each 
elder  brother  being  called  hsiung,  and  each  younger  ti;  no 
common  designation,  like  that  of  “ brother,”  placing  them 
on  equal  footing.  This  arrangement  in  the  family  Con- 
fucius pronounces  a discipline,  in  which  respect  is  taught 
for  superiors  in  civil  life;  and  filial  piety,  he  adds,  is  a 
sentiment  which  a son  who  has  imbibed  it  at  home  will 
carry  into  the  service  of  his  prince. 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OK  CHINESE  113 


Nothing,  in  fact,  is  more  characteristic  of  Chinese  so- 
ciety than  the  scope  given  to  filial  piety.  Intensified  into 
a religious  sentiment  by  the  worship  which  he  renders  to 
his  ancestors,  it  leads  the  dutiful  son  to  live  and  act  in  all 
situations  with  reference  to  his  parents.  He  seeks  repu- 
tation for  the  sake  of  reflecting  honor  upon  them,  and 
dreads  disgrace  chiefly  through  fear  of  bringing  reproach 
on  their  name.  An  unkindness  to  a relative  is  a sin 
against  them,  in  forgetting  the  ties  of  a common  ancestry  ; 
arid  even  a violation  of  the  law  derives  its  turpitude 
from  exposing  the  parents  of  the  offender  to  suffer  with 
him,  in  person  or  in  reputation.  It  is  thus  analogous  in 
the  universality  of  its  application  to  the  incentive  which 
the  Christian  derives  from  his  relation  to  the  “ Father 
of  spirits;”  and  if  inferior  in  its  efficacy,  it  is  yet  tar 
more  efficacious  than  any  which  a pagan  religion  is 
capable  of  supplying.  Its  various  bearings  are  beautifully 
traced  by  Copfucius  in  a discourse  which  constitutes  one 
of  the  favorite  text-books  in  the  schools  of  China. 

It  is  not  the  book,  but  the  art  of  governing  thus  founded 
on  the  practice  of  virtue,  that  is  emphatically  denomi- 
nated the  “ Great  Study ; ” and  this  designation,  express- 
ing, as  it  does,  the  judgment  of  one  from  whose  authority 
there  is  no  appeal,  has  contributed  to  give  ethics  a de- 
cided preponderance  among  the  studies  of  the  Chinese. 
Other  sciences,' in  their  estimation,  may  be  interesting  as 
sources  of  intellectual  diversion  or  useful  in  a subordinate 
degree,  as  promotive  of  material  prosperity ; but  this  is 
the  science,  whose  knowledge  is  wisdom,  whose  practice 
is  virtue,  whose  result  is  happiness.  In  the  literary  ex- 
aminations, the  grand  object  of  which  is  the  selection  of 
men  who  are  qualified  for  the  service  of  the  government, 
an  acquaintance  with  subjects  of  this  kind  contributes 
more  to  official  promotion  than  all  other  intellectual  ac- 


214 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


quirements  ; and  when  the  aspirant  for  honors  has  reached 
the  summit  of  the  scale,  and  become  a member  of  the 
Privy  Council  or  Premier  of  the  Empire,  he  receives  no 
higher  appellation  than  that  of  Ta  Hsiieh  Shih — a Doctor 
of  the  Great  Study,  an  adept  in  the  art  of  Government. 

The  Chinese  Empire  has  never  realized  the  Utopia  of 
Confucius ; but  his  maxims  have  influenced  its  policy  to 
such  an  extent  that  in  the  arrangements  of  the  govern- 
ment a marked  preference  is  given  to  moral  over  material 
interests.  Indeed,  it  would  be  hard  to  overestimate  the 
influence  which  has  been  exerted  by  this  little  schedule  of 
political  ethics,  occupying,  as  it  has,  so  prominent  a place 
in  the  Chinese  mind  for  four-and-twenty  centuries — 
teaching  the  people  to  regard  the  Empire  as  a vast  family, 
and  the  Emperor  to  rule  by  moral  influence,  making  the 
goal  of  his  ambition  not  the  wealth,  but  the  virtue,  of  his 
subjects.  It  is  certain  that  the  doctrines  which  it  em- 
bodies have  been  largely  efficient  in  rendering  China  what 
she  is,  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  populous  of  exist- 
ing nations. 

Part  II.  is  chiefly  interesting  for  the  views  it  presents 
of  the  condition  of  human  nature.  It  is  not,  as  its  title 
would  seem  to  indicate,  a map  of  the  moral  faculties ; but 
simply  a delineation  of  the  two  ways  which  invite  the 
footsteps  of  every  human  pilgrim.  On  the  one  hand 
are  traced  the  virtues  that  conduct  to  happiness ; on  the 
other  the  vices  that  lead  to  misery.  Over  the  former  is 
written  Tao  Hsin,  “ Wisdom  Heart,”  and  over  the  latter, 
Jen  Hsin,  “ Human  Heart,”  as  descriptive  of  the  disposi- 
tions from  which  they  respectively  proceed. 

These  terms,  with  the  two  sentences  of  the  chart  in 
which  they  occur,  originated  in  the  Shu  King,  one  of  the 
oldest  of  the  sacred  books,  and  are  there  ascribed  to  the 
Emperor  Shun,  who  filled  the  throne  about  b.  c.  2100. 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  215 


Quaint  and  ill-defined,  they  have  been  retained  in  use 
through  this  long  period  as  a simple  expression  for  an 
obvious  truth,  recording  as  the  result  of  a nation’s  ex- 
perience that  “ to  err  is  human.”  They  contain  no  nice 
distinction  as  to  the  extent  to  which  our  nature  is  infected 
with  evil ; but  intimate  that  its  general  condition  is  such 
that  the  word  human  may  fairly  be  placed  in  antithesis 
to  wisdom  and  virtue. 

Yet  the  prevailing  view  of  human  nature  maintained  by 
Chinese  ethical  writers  is  that  of  its  radical  goodness. 
Though  less  ancient  than  the  other,  this  latter  is  by  no 
means  a modern  opinion;  and  it  is  not  a little  remarkable 
that  some  of  those  cpiestions  which  agitated  the  Christian 
Church  in  the  fifth  century  were  discussed  in  China  nearly 
a thousand  years  before.  They  were  not  broached  by 
Confucius.  His  genius  was  not  inquisitive;  he  was  rather 
an  architect  seeking  to  construct  a noble  edifice,  than  a 
chemist  testing  his  materials  by  minute  analysis.  And  if 
nolle  are  philosophers  but  those  who  follow  the  clew  of 
truth  through  the  mazes  of  psychological  and  metaphysical 
speculation,  then  he  has  no  right  to  the  title;  but  if  one 
who  loves  wisdom,  perceiving  it  by  intuition  and  recom- 
mending it  with  authority,  be  a philosopher,  there  are 
few  on  the  roll  of  time  who  deserve  a higher  position. 
He  was,  as  Sir  J.  Mackintosh  says  of  Socrates,  “ much 
more  a teacher  of  virtue,  than  even  a searcher  after 
truth.” 

The  next  age,  however,  was  characterized  by  a spirit  of 
investigation  which  was  due  to  his  influence  only  as  the 
intellectual  impulse  which  he  communicated  set  it  to  think- 
ing. The  moral  quality  of  human  nature  became  a prin- 
cipal subject  of  discussion;  and  every  position  admitted 
by  the  subject  was  successively  occupied  by  some  leading 
mind.  Tz’e  Sze,  the  grandson  of  the  Sage,  advanced  a 


2 j6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


theory  which  implied  the  goodness  of  human  nature ; but 
Mencius,  his  disciple  (b.  c.  317),  was  the  first  who  dis- 
tinctly enunciated  the  doctrine.  Kaotze,  one  of  his 
contemporaries,  maintained  that  nature  is  destitute  of  an> 
moral  tendency,  and  wholly  passive  under  the  plastic  hand 
of  education.  A discussion  arose  between  them,  a frag- 
ment of  which,  preserved  in  the  works  of  Mencius,  will 
serve  to  exhibit  their  mode  of  disputation,  as  well  as  the 
position  of  the  parties. 

“ Nature,”  said  Kaotze,  “ is  a stick  of  timber,  and  good- 
ness is  the  vessel  that  is  carved  out  of  it.” 

“ The  wooden  bowl,”  replied  Mencius,  “ is  not  a natural 
product  of  the  timber;  but  the  tree  requires  to  be  de- 
stroyed in  order  to  produce  it.  Is  it  necessary  to  destroy 
man’s  nature  in  order  to  make  him  good?  ” 

“ Then,”  said  Kaotze,  varying  his  illustration,  “ human 
nature  may  be  compared  with  a stream  of  water.  Open 
a sluice  to  the  east,  and  it  flows  to  the  east ; open  one 
to  the  west,  it  flows  to  the  westward.  Equally  indifferent 
is  human  nature  with  regard  to  good  and  evil.” 

“ Water,”  rejoined  Mencius,  “ is  indifferent  as  to  the 
east  or  the  west ; but  has  it  no  choice  between  up  and 
down?  Now  human  nature  inclines  to  good,  as  water 
does  to  run  downward.  The  evil  it  does  is  the  effect  of 
interference,  iust  as  water  may  be  forced  to  run  up  bill. 
Man,”  he  repeats,  with  rhetoric  slightly  at  variance  with 
his  philosophy,  “ inclines  to  virtue,  as  water  does  to 
flow  downward,  or  as  the  wild  beast  does  to  seek  the 
forest.” 

A few  years  later,  Hsiintze,  an  acute  and  powerful 
writer,  took  the  ground  that  human  nature  is  evil.  The 
influence  of  education  he  extolled  in  even  higher  terms 
than  Kaotze,  maintaining  that  whatever  good  it  pro- 
duces, it  achieves  by  a triumph  over  nature,  which  is 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  217 


taught  to  yield  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  prudence. 
Virtue  is  the  slow  result  of  teaching,  and  vice  the  spon- 
taneous fruit  of  neglected  nature. 

Yangtze,  about  the  commencement  of  the  Christian 
era,  endeavored  to  combine  these  opposite  views ; each 
contained  important  truth,  but  neither  of  them  the  whole 
truth.  While  human  nature  possessed  benevolent  affec- 
tions and  a conscience  approving  of  good,  it  had  also 
perverse  desires  and  a will  that  chose  the  evil.  It  was 
therefore  both  bad  and  good ; and  the  character  of  each 
individual  took  its  complexion,  as  virtuous  or  vicious,  ac- 
cording to  the  class  of  qualities  most  cultivated. 

In  the  great  controversy,  Mencius  gained  the  day.  The 
two  authors  last  named  were  placed  on  the  Index  Ex  pur- 
gat  or  ius  of  the  literary  tribunal ; and  the  advocate  of  hu- 
man nature  was  promoted  to  the  second  place  among  the 
oracles  of  the  Empire  for  having  added  a new  doctrine 
or  developed  a latent  one  in  the  Confucian  system.  This 
tenet  is  expressed  in  the  first  line  of  the  San  Tze  Ching,  an 
elementary  book,  which  is  committed  to  memory  by  every 
schoolboy  in  China — Jen  chili  ch’u  hsin  pen  shan — “ Man 
commences  life  with  a virtuous  nature.”  But  notwith- 
standing this  addition  to  the  national  creed,  the  ancient 
aphorism  of  Shun  is  still  held  in  esteem;  and  a genuine 
Confucian,  in  drawing  a genealogical  tree  of  the  vices, 
still  places  the  root  of  evil  in  the  human  heart. 

To  remove  this  contradiction,  Chu  Hsi,  the  authorized 
expositor  of  the  classics,  devised  a theory  somewhat  simi- 
lar to  Plato’s  account  of  the  origin  of  evil.  It  evidently 
partakes  of  the  three  principal  systems  above  referred  to ; 
professing,  according  to  the  first,  to  vindicate  the  original 
goodness  of  human  nature,  yet  admitting,  with  another, 
that  it  contains  some  elements  of  evil — and  thus  virtually 
symbolizing  with  the  third,  which  represents  it  as  of  a 


2 1 8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


mixed  character.  “ The  bright  principle  of  virtue,”  he 
says  in  his  notes  on  the  Ta  Hsiich,  “ man  derives  from  his 
heavenly  origin ; his  pure  spirit,  when  undarkened,  com- 
prehends all  truth,  and  is  adequate  to  every  occasion. 
But  it  is  obstructed  by  the  physical  constitution  and  be- 
clouded by  the  animal  (lit.  jen  yii  the  human)  desires, 
so  that  it  becomes  obscure.” 

The  source  of  virtue,  as  indicated  in  the  chart,  is  t’ai  ho 
— “ primordial  harmony ; ” and  vice  is  ascribed  to  the 
influence  of  wu  hsing — “ gross  matter.”  The  moral  char- 
acter is  determined  by  the  prevailing  influence,  and  man- 
kind are  accordingly  divided  into  three  classes,  which 
are  thus  described  in  a popular  formula : Men  of  the 
first  class  are  good  without  teaching ; those  of  the  second 
may  be  made  good  by  teaching ; and  the  last  will  continue 
bad  in  spite  of  teaching. 

The  received  doctrine  in  relation  to  human  nature  does 
not  oppose  such  a serious  obstacle  as  might  at  first  be 
imagined  to  the  reception  of  Christianity,  though  there 
is  reason  to  fear  that  it  may  tinge  the  complexion  of 
Christian  theology.  The  candid  and  thoughtful  will  rec- 
ognize in  the  Bible  a complete  view  of  a subject  which 
their  various  theories  had  only  presented  in  detached 
fragments.  In  the  state  of  primitive  purity,  it  gives  them 
a heaven-imparted  nature  in  its  original  perfection ; in 
the  supremacy  of  conscience,  it  admits  a fact  on  which 
they  rely  as  the  main  support  of  their  doctrine ; in  the 
corruption  of  nature,  introduced  by  sin,  it  gives  them  a 
class  of  facts  to  which  their  consciousness  abundantly 
testifies ; and  in  its  plan  for  the  restoration  of  the  moral 
ruin,  it  excites  hope  and  satisfies  reason. 

The  doctrine  of  human  goodness,  though  supported  by 
a partial  view  of  facts,  seems  rather  to  have  been  sug- 
gested by  views  of  expediency.  Mencius  denounced  the 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  219 


tenets  of  Kaotze  as  pernicious  to  the  cause  of  morality, 
and  lie  no  doubt  considered  that  to  convince  men  that 
they  are  endowed  with  a virtuous  nature  is  the  most 
effectual  method  of  encouraging  them  to  the  practice  of 
virtue.  In  the  absence  of  revelation,  there  is  nothing 
better.  But  while  faith  in  ourselves  is  a strong  motive, 
faith  in  God  is  a stronger  one ; and  while  the  view  that 
man  is  endowed  with  a noble  nature,  which  he  only 
needs  to  develop  according  to  its  own  generous  instincts, 
is  sublime,  there  is  yet  one  which  is  more  sublime — viz., 
that  while  fallen  man  is  striving  for  the  recovery  of  his 
divine  original,  he  must  work  with  fear  and  trembling, 
because  it  is  God  that  worketh  in  him. 

Part  III.,  the  Chart  of  Moral  Excellence  as  I have  called 
it  (or,  more  literally,  of  that  which  is  to  be  striven  after 
and  held  to),  presents  us  with  goodness  in  all  its  forms 
known  to  the  Chinese.  It  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  its 
grouping,  the  entire  domain  being  divided  into  five  fami- 
lies, each  ranged  under  a parent  virtue.  The  Greeks  and 
Romans  reckoned  four  cardinal  virtues ; but  a difference 
in  the  mode  of  division  implies  no  incompleteness  in  the 
treatment  of  the  subject.  The  Chinese  do  not,  because 
they  count  only  twelve  hours  in  the  day  instead  of  twenty- 
four,  pretermit  any  portion  of  time ; neither,  when  they 
number  twenty-eight  signs  in  the  zodiac,  instead  of 
twelve,  do  they  assign  an  undue  length  to  the  starry 
girdle  of  the  heavens.  The  classification  is  arbitrary ; 
and  Cicero  makes  four  virtues  cover  the  whole  ground 
which  the  Chinese  moralist  refers  to  five. 

But  while,  in  a formal  treatise,  definition  and  explana- 
tion may  supply  the  defects  of  nomenclature  or  arrange- 
ment, the  terms  employed  for  the  cardinal  virtues,  are 
not  without  effect  on  the  popular  mind.  In  this  respect 
the  Chinese  have  the  advantage.  Theirs  are  Jen,  I,  Li, 


220 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Chih,  Hsin — Benevolence,  Justice,  Order,*  Wisdom,  Good 
Faith.  Those  of  Plato  and  Tully  are  Justice,  Pru- 
dence, Fortitude,  and  Temperance.  In  comparing  these, 
Prudence  and  Wisdom  may  be  taken  as  identical,  though 
the  former  appears  to  be  rather  more  circumscribed  in  its 
sphere  and  tinged  with  the  idea  of  self-interest.  Tem- 
perance and  Order,  as  explained  in  the  respective  systems, 
are  also  identical — the  Latin  term  contemplating  man  as 
an  individual,  ^.nd  the  Chinese  regarding  him  as  a mem- 
ber of  society.  The  former,  Cicero  defines  as  to  -rrptnov , 
and  a sense  of  propriety  or  love  of  order  is  precisely  the 
meaning  which  the  Chinese  give  to  the  latter.  In  the 
European  code,  the  prominence  given  to  Fortitude  is 
characteristic  of  a martial  people,  among  whom,  at  an 
earlier  period,  under  the  name  of  iptrrj,  it  usurped  the 
entire  realm  of  virtue.  In  the  progress  of  society,  it  was 
compelled  to  yield  the  throne  to  Justice  and  accept  the 
place  of  a vassal,  both  Greek  and  Latin  moralists  assert- 
ing that  no  degree  of  courage  which  is  not  exerted  in  a 
righteous  cause  is  worthy  of  a better  appellation  than 
audacity.  They  erred,  therefore,  in  giving  it  the  posi- 
tion of  a cardinal  virtue,  and  the  Chinese  have  exhibited 
more  discrimination  by  placing  it  in  the  retinue  of  Justice. 
They  describe  it  by  two  words,  Chih  and  Yung.  Con- 
nected with  the  former,  and  explaining  its  idea,  we  read 
the  precept,  “ When  you  fail,  seek  help  in  yourself ; stand 
firm  to  your  post,  and  let  no  vague  desires  draw  you  from 
it.”  Appended  to  the  latter  we  have  the  injunction, 
“ When  you  see  the  right,  do  it ; when  you  know  a fault, 

* Though  politeness  is  the  common  acceptation  of  the  term  as 
expressing  a regard  for  propriety  in  social  intercourse,  in  Chinese 
ethics  it  has  a wider  and  higher  signification.  It  is  precisely 
what  Malebranche  makes  the  basis  of  his  moral  system  and 
denominates  “ the  love  of  universal  order.” 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  221 


correct  it.  Neither  yield  to  excess,  if  rich,  nor  swerve 
from  right,  if  poor.”  What  a noble  conception  of  moral 
courage,  of  true  fortitude ! 

Benevolence  and  good  faith  which  are  quite  subordinate 
in  the  heathen  systems  of  the  West,  in  that  of  China 
are  each  promoted  to  the  leadership  of  a grand  division. 
In  fact,  the  whole  tone  of  the  Chinese  morals,  as  exhibited 
in  the  names  and  order  of  their  cardinal  virtues,  is  con- 
sonant with  the  spirit  of  Christianity  * Benevolence  leads 
the  way  in  prompting  to  positive  efforts  for  the  good  of 
others;  justice  follows,  to  regulate  its  exercise;  wisdom 
sheds  her  light  over  both ; good  faith  imparts  the  stability 
necessary  to  success ; order,  or  a sense  of  propriety,  by 
bringing  the  whole  conduct  into  harmony  with  the  fit- 
ness of  things,  completes  the  radiant  circle ; and  he  whose 
character  is  adorned  with  all  these  qualities  may  be  safely 
pronounced  totus  teres  atque  rotundas. 

The  theory  of  moral  sentiments  early  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  Chinese  philosophers,  and  particularly  the  in- 
quiry as  to  the  origin  and  nature  of  our  benevolent  affec- 
tions. Some,  like  Locke  and  Paley,  regarded  them  as 

* Cicero  thus  argues  that  there  could  be  no  occasion  for  the 
exercise  of  any  virtue  in  a state  of  perfect  blessedness,  taking  up 
the  cardinal  virtues  seriatim:  “ Si  nobis,  cum  ex  hac  vita  migra- 
remus,  in  beatorum  insulis,  ut  fabulae  ferunt,  immortale  aevum 
degere  liceret,  quid  opus  esset  eloquentia,  cum  judicia  nulla 
fierent?  aut  ip  sis  etiam  virtutibis f Nec  enim  fortitudine  indi- 
geremus,  nullo  proposito  aut  labore  aut  periculo;  nec  justitia,  cum 
esset  nihil  quod  appeteretur  alieni ; nec  temperantia,  quae  regeret 
eas  quae  nullae  essent  libidines ; ne  prudentia  quidem  egeremus, 
nullo  proposito  delectu  bonorum  et  malorum.  Una  igitur  essemus 
beati  cognitione  rerum  et  scientia.”  He  has  failed  to  conceive, 
as  Sir  J.  Mackintosh  well  suggests,  that  there  would  still  be  room 
for  the  exercise  of  love — of  benevolence.  A Chinese,  educated  to 
regard  benevolence  as  the  prime  virtue  of  life,  would  naturally 
give  it  the  first  place  in  his  ideal  of  the  future  state. 


222 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


wholly  artificial — the  work  of  education.  Others,  like 
Hobbes  and  Mandeville,  represented  them  as  spontaneous 
and  natural,  but  still  no  more  than  varied  phases  of  that 
one  ubiquitous  Proteus — self-love.  Mencius,  with  Bishop 
Butler,  views  them  as  disinterested  and  original.  To 
establish  this,  he  resorts  to  his  favorite  mode  of  reasoning, 
and  supposes  the  case  of  a spectator  moved  by  the  mis- 
fortune of  a child  falling  into  a well.  Hobbes  would  have 
described  the  pity  of  the  beholder  as  the  fruit  of  self-love 
acting  through  the  imagination — the  “ fiction  of  future 
calamity  to  himself.”  Mencius  says  his  efforts  to  rescue 
the  child  would  be  incited,  not  by  a desire  to  secure  the 
friendship  of  its  parents  or  the  praise  of  his  neighbors, 
nor  even  to  relieve  himself  from  the  pain  occasioned  by 
the  cries  of  the  child,  but  by  a spontaneous  feeling  which 
pities  distress  and  seeks  to  alleviate  it. 

The  man  who  thus  vindicates  our  nature  from  the 
charge  of  selfishness  in  its  best  affections  sometimes  ex- 
patiates on  their  social  utility.  He  does  so,  however,  only 
to  repress  utilitarianism  of  a more  sordid  type.  When 
the  Prince  of  Liang  inquired  what  he  had  brought  to 
enrich  his  kingdom,  “ Nothing,”  he  replied,  " but  benevo- 
lence and  justice;  ” and  he  then  proceeded  to  show,  with 
eloquent  earnestness,  how  the  pursuit  of  wealth  would 
tend  to  anarchy,  while  that  of  virtue  would  insure  happi- 
ness and  peace.  An  earlier  writer,  Meitze,  made  the 
principle  of  benevolence  the  root  of  all  the  virtues ; and 
in  advocating  the  duty  of  equal  and  universal  love,  he 
seems  to  have  anticipated  the  fundamental  maxim  of 
Jonathan  Edwards  that  virtue  consists  in  love  to  being 
as  such,  and  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  being.  This 
led  him  to  utter  the  rioble  sentiment  that  he  would  “ sub- 
mit his  body  to  be  ground  to  powder  if  by  so  doing  he 
could  benefit  mankind.” 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  223 


The  doctrine  of  Meitze  is  rejected  by  the  moralists 
of  the  established  school  as  heretical,  on  the  ground  of  its 
inconsistency  with  the  exercise  in  due  degree  of  the  rela- 
tive affections,  such  as  filial  piety,  fraternal  love,  etc. 
They  adopted  a more  cautious  criterion  of  virtue — that 
of  the  moderate  exercise  of  all  the  natural  faculties. 
Virtus  cst  medium  vitiorum  et  utrinque  reductum  is  with 
them  a familiar  principle.  One  of  the  Four  Books,  the 
Chung  Yung,  is  founded  on  it.  But  instead  of  treating 
the  subject  with  the  analytic  accuracy  with  which  it  is 
elaborated  by  Aristotle  in  his  Nicomachean  Ethics,  the 
author  kindles  with  the  idea  of  absolute  perfection,  and 
indites  a sublime  rhapsody  on  the  character  of  him  who 
holds  on  his  way,  undeviating  and  unimpeded,  between 
a twofold  phalanx  of  opposing  vices. 

Part  IV.  is  the  counterpart  of  the  preceding,  and  is  in- 
teresting mainly  on  account  of  the  use  for  which  it  is 
designed.  The  whole  chart  is  practical,  and  is  intended, 
the  author  tells  us,  to  be  suspended  in  the  chamber  of  the 
student  as  a constant  monitor.  The  terms  in  which  he 
states  this  contain  an  allusion  to  a sentiment  engraved 
by  one  of  the  ancient  emperors  on  his  wash-basin : “ Let 
my  heart  be  daily  cleansed  and  renewed,  let  it  be  kept 
clean  and  new  forever.”  This  part  of  his  work  has  for 
its  special  object  to  aid  the  reader  in  detecting  the  moral 
impurities  that  may  have  attached  themselves  to  his  char- 
acter, and  carrying  forward  a process  of  daily  and  con- 
stant improvement. 

To  some  it  may  be  a matter  of  surprise  to  find  this 
exercise  at  all  in  vogue  in  a country  where  a divine  re- 
ligion has  not  imparted  the  highest  degree  of  earnest- 
ness in  the  pursuit  of  virtue.  The  number  who  practise 
it  is  not  large ; but  even  in  pagan  China,  the  thorny  path 
of  self-knowledge  exhibits  “ here  and  there  a traveller.” 


224 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Tseng  Futze,  an  eminent  disciple  of  Confucius,  and 
the  Xenophon  of  his  Memorabilia,  thus  describes  his  own 
practice : “ I every  day  examine  myself  on  three  points. 
In  exertions  on  behalf  of  others,  have  I been  unfaithful? 
In  intercourse  with  others,  have  I been  untrue?  The 
instruction  I have  heard,  have  I made  my  own?” 

An  example  so  revered  could  not  remain  without  imi- 
tators. Whether  any  of  them  has  surpassed  the  model 
is  doubtful ; but  his  “ three  points  ” they  have  multiplied 
into  the  bristling  array  displayed  in  the  chart,  which  they 
daily  press  in  to  their  bosoms,  as  some  papal  ascetics 
were  wont  to  do  their  jagged  belts.  Some  of  them,  in 
order  to  secure  greater  fidelity  in  this  unpleasant  duty, 
are  accustomed  to  perform  it  in  the  family  temple,  where 
they  imagine  their  hearts  laid  bare  to  the  view  of  their 
ancestors,  and  derive  encouragement  from  their  supposed 
approval.  The  practice  is  a beautiful  one,  but  it  indicates 
a want.  It  shows  that  human  virtue  is  conscious  of  her 
weakness ; and  in  climbing  the  roughest  steeps  feels  com- 
pelled to  lean  on  the  arm  of  religion. 

In  a few  cases  this  impressive  form  of  domestic  piety 
may  prove  efficacious ; but  the  benefit  is  due  to  a figment 
of  the  imagination  similar  to  that  which  Epictetus  recom- 
mends when  he  suggests  that  the  student  of  virtue  shall 
conceive  himself  to  be  living  in  the  presence  of  Socrates. 
If  fancy  is  thus  operative,  how  much  more  effectual  must 
faith  be — that  faith  which  rises  into  knowledge  and  makes 
one  realize  that  he  is  acting  under  the  eye  of  ever-present 
Deity ! 

It  is  one  of  the  glories  of  Christianity  that  by  diffusing 
this  sentiment  she  has  made  virtue  not  an  occasional  visitor 
to  our  planet,  but  brought  her  down  to  dwell  familiarly 
with  men.  What  otherwise  would  have  been  only  the 
severe  discipline  of  a few  philosophers,  she  has  made  the 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  225 


daily  habit  of  myriads.*  How  many  persons  in  how 
many  lands  now  close  each  day  of  life  by  comparing  every 
item  of  their  conduct  with  a far  more  perfect  “ chart  for 
self-examination  " than  our  author  has  furnished  ?f 
Next  to  the  knowledge  of  right  and  wrong  Confucius 
placed  “ sincerity  of  purpose  ” in  pursuing  the  right,  as 
an  essential  in  the  practice  of  virtue ; but  as  he  expressed 
only  the  vaguest  notions  of  a Supreme  Being,  and  en- 
joined for  popular  observance  no  higher  form  of  religion 
than  the  worship  of  the  ancestral  manes,  a sense  of  re- 
sponsibility, and,  by  consequence,  “ sincerity  of  purpose,” 
are  sadly  deficient  among  his  disciples.  Some  of  the 
more  earnest,  on  meeting  with  a religion  which  reveals 
to  them  a heart-searching  God,  a sin-atoning  Saviour,  a 
soul-sanctifying  Spirit,  and  an  immortality  of  bliss,  have 
joyfully  embraced  it,  confessing  that  they,  find  therein 
motives  and  supports  of  which  their  own  system  is  wholly 
destitute. 


GENERAL  INFERENCES. 

On  this  sheet  (the  chart  above  translated)  we  have  a 
projection  of  the  national  mind.  It  indicates  the  high 
grade  in  the  scale  of  civilization  attained  by  the  people 
among  whom  it  originated,  exhibiting  all  the  elements  of 
an  elaborate  morality.  Political  ethics  are  skilfully  con- 
nected with  private  morals ; and  the  virtues  and  vices  are 

* “ Religion,”  says  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  speaking  of  Plato, 
“ had  not  then,  besides  her  own  discoveries,  brought  down  the 
most  awful  and  the  most  beautiful  forms  of  moral  truth  to  the 
humblest  station  in  human  society.” 

f There  are  many  evening  hymns  in  which  the  review  of  the 
day  is  beautifully  and  touchingly  expressed,  but  in  none  perhaps 
better  than  in  that  of  Gellert  commencing  " Ein  tag  ist  wiedcr 
hin.” 


226 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


marshalled  in  a vast  array,  which  required  an  advanced 
state  of  society  for  their  development. 

The  accuracy  with  which  these  various  traits  of  char- 
acter are  noted  implies  the  same  thing;  and  the  correct- 
ness of  the  moral  judgments  here  recorded  infers  some- 
thing more  than  culture — it  discloses  a grand  fact  of  our 
nature,  that,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  innate  ideas, 
it  contains  inherent  principles  which  produce  the  same 
fruits  in  all  climates. 

These  tables  indicate,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  Chinese 
have  made  less  proficiency  in  the  study  of  mind  than  in 
that  of  morals.  This  is  evident  from  some  confusion 
(more  observable  in  the  original  than  in  the  translation) 
of  faculties,  sentiments,  and  actions.  The  system  is,  on 
the  whole,  pretty  well  arranged ; but  there  are  errors  and 
omissions  enough  to  show  that  their  ethics,  like  their 
physics,  are  merely  the  records  of  phenomena  which 
they  observe  ab  extra  without  investigating  their  causes 
and  relations.  While  they  expatiate  on  the  virtues,  they 
make  but  little  inquiry  into  the  nature  of  virtue;  while 
insisting  on  various  duties,  they  never  discuss  the  ground 
of  obligation ; and  while  duties  are  copiously  expounded, 
not  a word  is  said  on  the  subject  of  rights. 

The  combined  influence  of  an  idolatrous  religion  and  a 
despotic  government,  under  which  there  can  be  no  such 
motto  as  Dieu  ct  mon  droit,  may  account  for  this  latter 
deficiency.  But  similar  lacunae  are  traceable  in  so  many 
directions  that  we  are  compelled  to  seek  their  explana- 
tion in  a subjective  cause — in  some  peculiarity  of  the 
Chinese  mind. 

They  have,  for  instance,  no  system  of  psychology, 
and  the  only  rude  attempt  at  the  formation  of  one  con- 
sists in  an  enumeration  of  the  organs  of  perception.  These 
they  express  as  wu  kuan,  the  “ five  senses.”  But  what 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  227 


are  they  ? The  eyes,  ears,  nose,  mouth ; and  not  the  skin 
or  nerves,  but  the  heart.  The  sense  of  touch,  which  alone 
possesses  the  power  of  waking  us  from  the  Brahma  dream 
of  a universe  floating  in  our  own  brain,  and  convincing 
us  of  the  objective  reality  of  an  external  world,  is 
utterly  ignored;  to  say  nothing  of  the  absurdity  of  class- 
ing the  “heart” — the  intellect  (for  so  they  intend  the 
word) — with  those  passive  media  of  intelligence.  This 
elementary  effort  dates  from  the  celebrated  Mencius ; 
and,  perhaps  for  that  very  reason,  the  mind  of  the  mod- 
erns has  not  advanced  beyond  it,  as  one  of  their  pious 
emperors  abdicated  the  throne  rather  than  be  guilty  of 
reigning  longer  than  his  grandfather. 

Another  instance  of  philosophical  classification  equally 
ancient,  equally  authoritative,  and  equally  absurd,  is  that 
of  the  five  elements.  They  were  given  as  chin,  mu,  shui, 
huo,  t’u — i.  e.,  metal,  wood,  water,  fire,  and  earth.  Now 
not  to  force  this  into  a disparaging  contrast  with  the  re- 
sults of  our  recent  science,  which  recognizes  nothing  as 
an  element  but  an  ultimate  form  of  matter,  we  may 
fairly  compare  it  with  the  popular  division  of  “ four  ele- 
ments.” The  principle  of  classification  being  the  enumera- 
tion of  the  leading  forms  of  inorganic  matter  which  enter 
into  the  composition  of  organic  bodies,  the  Chinese  have 
violated  it  by  introducing  wood  into  the  category , and 
they  evince  an  obtuseness  of  observation  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  the  possession  of  philosophic  talent  in  not 
perceiving  the  important  part  which  atmospheric  air  per- 
forms in  the  formation  of  other  bodies.  The  extent  to 
which  they  adhere  to  the  quintal  enumeration  or  classi- 
fication by  “ fives  ” illustrates,  in  a rather  ludicrous  man- 
ner, the  same  want  of  discrimination.  Thus,  while  in 
mind  they  have  the  five  senses,  and  in  matter  the  five 
elements,  in  morals  they  reckon  five  virtues,  in  society 


228 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


five  relations,  in  astronomy  five  planets,  in  ethnology  five 
races,  in  optics  five  colors,  in  music  five  notes,  in  the 
culinary  art  five  tastes ; and,  not  to  extend  the  catalogue, 
they  divide  the  horizon  into  five  quarters. 

These  instances  evince  a want  of  analytical  power ; and 
the  deficiency  is  still  further  displayed  by  the  absence  of 
any  analysis  of  the  sounds  of  their  language  until  they 
were  made  acquainted  with  the  alphabetical  Sanskrit ; 
the  non-existence,  to  the  present  day,  of  any  inquiry  into 
the  forms  of  speech  which  might  be  called  a grammar, 
or  of  any  investigation  of  the  processes  of  reasoning  cor- 
responding with  our  logic.  While  they  have  soared  into 
the  attenuated  atmosphere  of  ontological  speculation, 
they  have  left  all  the  regions  of  physical  and  abstract 
science  almost  as  trackless  as  the  arctic  snows. 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  vindicate  the  Chinese  from 
the  charge  of  mental  inferiority  in  the  presence  of  that 
immense  social  and  political  organization  which  has  held 
together  so  many  millions  of  people  for  so  many  thousands 
of  years,  and  especially  of  numerous  arts,  now  dropping 
their  golden  fruits  into  the  lap  of  our  own  civilization, 
whose  roots  can  be  traced  to  the  soil  of  that  ancient 
empire.  But  a strange  defect  must  be  admitted  in  the 
national  mind.  We  think,  however,  that  it  is  more  in  its 
development  than  in  its  constitution,  and  may  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  influence  of  education. 

If  we  include  in  that  term  all  the  influences  that  affect 
the  mind,  the  first  place  is  due  to  language ; and  a language 
whose  primary  idea  is  the  representation  of  the  objects 
of  sense,  and  which  is  so  imperfect  a vehicle  of  abstract 
thought  that  it  is  incapable  of  expressing  by  single  words 
such  ideas  as  space,  quality,  relation,  etc.,  must  have 
seriously  obstructed  the  exercise  of  the  intellect  in  that 
direction.  A servile  reverence  for  antiquity  which  makes 


ETHICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  CHINESE  229 


it  sacrilege  to  alter  the  crude  systems  of  the  ancients 
increased  the  difficulty ; and  the  government  brought  it 
to  the  last  degree  of  aggravation  by  admitting,  in  the 
public-service  examinations,  a very  limited  number  of 
authors,  with  their  expositors,  to  whose  opinions  con- 
formity is  encouraged  by  honors,  and  from  whom  dissent 
is  punished  by  disgrace. 

These  fetters  can  only  be  stricken  off  by  the  hand  of 
Christianity ; and  we  are  not  extravagant  in  predicting 
that  a stupendous  intellectual  revolution  will  attend  its 
progress.  Revealing  an  omnipresent  God  as  Lord  of  the 
Conscience  it  will  add  a new  hemisphere  to  the  world  of 
morals;  stimulating  inquiry  in  the  spirit  of  the  precept 
“ Prove  all  things,  hold  fast  that  which  is  good,”  it  will 
subvert  the  blind  principle  of  deference ; and  perhaps  its 
grandest  achievement  in  the  work  of  mental  emancipa- 
tion may  be  the  superseding  of  the  ancient  ideographic 
language  by  providing  a medium  better  adapted  to  the 
purposes  of  a Christian  civilization.  It  would  only  be 
a repetition  of  historic  triumphs  if  some  of  the  vernacular 
dialects,  raised  from  the  depths  where  they  now  lie  in 
neglect,  and  shaped  by  the  forces  which  heave  them  to 
the  surface,  should  be  made,  under  the  influence  of  a new 
sunshine,  to  teem  with  the  rich  productions  of  a new 
literature,  philosophy,  and  science. 


23° 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  23 


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CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  233 


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XIII 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION 
HE  word  “ inspiration,”  as  applied  to  the  notions 


of  the  Chinese,  must  be  taken  with  considerable 


latitude,  as  expressing  their  conceptions  of  a 


superhuman  authority,  which  pervades  and  lies  behind 
their  Sacred  Books,  as  the  source  and  basis  of  their  teach- 


As  their  Sacred  Books  belong  to  three  leading  schools 
of  religious  thought, — not  to  speak  of  numberless  alloys, 
— it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  views  of  these  schools 
on  the  subject  of  inspiration  coincide  more  closely  than 
on  other  matters  in  regard  to  which  they  are  in  fact 
widely  divergent.  It  is  hardly  possible  that  the  material- 
ism of  the  Taoist,  the  idealism  of  the  Buddhist,  and  the 
ethical  Sadduceeism  of  the  Confucianist,  should  hold 
much  in  common  on  the  subject  of  inspiration.  We  shall 
accordingly  point  out  the  peculiar  form  which  the  idea 
of  inspiration  assumes  in  connection  with  each  of  them. 

While  the  high  social  development  of  the  Chinese,  their 
vast  numbers,  and  their  long  history,  give  value  to  any 
elements  of  their  fundamental  beliefs,  in  order  to  be  of 
interest  to  us,  these  must  be  taken  at  a date  prior  to 
their  contact  with  Christianity. 


To  begin  with  Taoism: — Indigenous  to  China,  its  root 
idea  is  the  belief  in  the  possibility  of  acquiring  a mastery 


mgs. 


I 


234 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  235 


over  matter,  so  as  to  change  its  forms  at  will,  and  thus 
protect  ourselves  against  decay  and  death. 

Those  who  have  attained  immortality  constitute  a 
pantheon,  ruling  over  the  material  world  and  presiding 
over  the  destinies  of  man.  Material  in  its  origin,  this 
school  gradually  evolved  a system  of  belief  strikingly 
analogous  to  the  so-called  “ spiritualism,”  which  not  long 
ago  attracted  so  much  attention  in  our  Western  World. 

Instead,  however,  of  holding  that  all  spirits  are  indis- 
criminately ferried  over  to  the  farther  shore,  it  considers 
that  those  of  the  profane  multitude,  not  being  sufficiently 
concentrated  to  resist  the  inroads  of  decay,  vanish  into 
air  and  cease  to  be ; while  a favored  few,  by  dint  of  per- 
severing effort,  subdue  their  animal  nature,  and  weave 
its  fibres  into  a compact  unity  that  defies  destruction.  A 
favorite  analogy  to  illustrate  this  process  is  their  theory 
of  the  evolution  of  gold,  which,  as  they  believe,  originally 
a base  metal,  passes  upward  through  a succession  of 
forms,  all  liable  to  tarnish  or  corrode,  until  it  reaches  a 
state  in  which  its  perfected  essence  remains  forever  un- 
changeable. The  diamond, — a gem  of  “ purest  ray 
serene,” — smiling  at  the  sharpest  steel,  and  mocking  the 
hottest  fire,  is  another  symbol  frequently  used ; and  it 
might  have  done  much  to  confirm  their  faith  in  this  theory, 
had  their  science  gone  far  enough  to  connect  the  gem 
that  shines  in  immortal  splendor  with  the  fossilized  car- 
bon that  lies  hidden  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  or  with 
those  evanescent  forms  of  vitalized  carbon  that  beautify 
its  surface. 

The  happy  few,  a£  precious  as  gold  and  as  rare  as  the 
diamond,  who  attain  to  immortality,  do  not  leave  their 
bodies  behind  them,  like  cast-off  clothing ; nor  would 
their  bodies  cause  the  boat  of  Charon  to  draw  a deeper 
draught,  for  the  body  itself  is  transformed  and  becomes 


236 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


a “ spiritual  body,”  with  changed  qualities  and  new 
powers.  Its  qualities  are  such  in  general  as  we  ascribe  to 
spirit ; its  powers  are  limited  only  by  the  stage  of  its 
progress, — a progress  that  rises  from  sphere  to  sphere 
without  a bound. 

Among  the  acquired  powers  of  these  immortals,  one 
which  occupies  a leading  place  is  that  of  spiritual  mani- 
festation. These  hsien  jcn,  or  genii,  as  they  are  called,  are 
of  various  grades ; and  all  of  them  are  capable  of  renew- 
ing their  intercourse  with  human  beings,  among  whom 
they  walk  invisible.  It  is  seldom  that  they  re-appear  in 
their  primitive  shape ; but  they  frequently  make  their 
presence  felt  through  the  intervention  of  suitable  media. 

A favorite  medium  is  the  human  body,  in  a hypnotic 
condition ; and  through  such,  when  properly  invoked,  the 
genii  are  wont  to  speak  to  mortals,  as  Apollo  spoke 
through  the  Delphic  Priestess.  Their  oracles  in  such 
cases  relate,  in  general,  to  the  cure  of  disease,  or  the 
conduct  of  family  affairs.  In  early  times,  they  aspired 
to  the  direction  of  affairs  of  state;  but  the  detection  of 
numerous  impostures  brought  them  into  discredit,  and 
their  influence  is  now  restrained  to  a humbler  sphere, 
though  it  is  still  real,  and  by  no  means  to  be  despised. 

Another  medium  is  the  fu  lun,  an  instrument  which  we 
.may  describe  as  a magic  pen.  It  consists  of  a vertical 
stick,  suspended  like  a pendulum  from  a cross-bar.  The 
bar  is  supported  at  each  end  by  a votary  of  the  genii,  care 
being  taken  that  it  shall  rest  on  the  hand  as  freely  as  an 
oscillating  engine  does  on  its  bearings.  A table  is 
sprinkled  with  meal ; and,  after  being  properly  invoked, 
the  spirit  manifests  his  presence  by  slight  irregular  mo- 
tions of  the  pen  or  pendulum,  which  leaves  its  trace  in 
the  meal.  These  marks  are  deciphered  by  competent 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  237 

authorities,  who  make  known  the  response  from  the  spirit 
world. 

This  will  be  recognized  as  an  early  form  of  planchette. 
In  the  Far  East,  it  has  been  in  vogue  for  more  than  a 
thousand  years ; and  there  is  as  yet  no  sign  that  it  “ has 
had  its  day.”  Not  merely  Taoists  by  profession,  but 
scholars,  who  call  themselves  Confucian,  believe  in  it  with 
a more  or  less  confiding  faith.  When  they  resort  to  it 
with  a serious  purpose,  they  usually  get  an  answer  which 
they  accept  bond  fide , whether  it  meet  their  wishes  or 
oppose  them.  Often,  however,  they  call  in  the  magic  pen 
to  supply  diversion  for  the  late  hours  of  a convivial  party ; 
and  in  such  cases,  they  tell  me,  they  are  sometimes  sur- 
prised by  the  result, — an  invisible  person  evidently  join- 
ing the  festive  circle,  and  solving  or  creating  mysteries. 

Skeptical  as  are  the  Chinese  literati,  no  one  that  I have 
seen  doubts  the  genuineness  of  some  of  the  communica- 
tions so  obtained.  I have  had  such  sent  to  me  from  a 
distant  place,  with  the  assurance  that  they  were  obtained 
through  the  magic  pen  at  the  altars  of  the  gods ; and, 
whatever  I may  have  thought  on  the  subject,  I could  not 
doubt  that  the  sender  believed  in  them. 

Where  such  credulity  renders  the  public  mind  as  sus- 
ceptible to  impressions  as  the  meal  does  a writing-table, 
it  is  obvious  that  revelations  for  the  purpose  of  religious 
instruction  are  to  be  expected.  The  fact  is  that  the  magic 
pen  is  one  of  the  most  prolific  sources  of  religious  litera- 
ture. Mahomet  claimed  that  the  Koran,  was  brought 
leaf  by  leaf  from  Paradise  by  the  angel  Gabriel.  The 
hierophants  of  China  impose  on  the  credulity  of  their 
countrymen,  by  ascribing  their  own  teachings  to  revela- 
tions made  by  planchette. 

Some  of  these  so-called  revelations  are  deservedly 


238 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


popular,  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  their  style  and  the 
excellence  of  their  subject  matter;  and  they  are  held  in 
special  reverence,  as  worthy  expressions  of  the  mind  of 
deified  Sages. 

To  this  category  belong: — 

1.  — The  Kan  Ying  P’ien,  a treatise  on  retribution,  de- 
rived by  this  method  from  no  less  a personage  than 
Laotze,  the  great  founder  of  the  Taoist  sect. 

2.  — The  Chiieh  Shih  Citing,  or  world-waking  appeal  of 
Kuan  Ti,  tutelar  god  of  the  reigning  dynasty. 

3.  — The  Yin  Chi  Wen,  or  Book  of  Rewards  and  Punish- 
ments, referred  to  Wen  Ch'ang,  the  god  of  letters. 

Others  might  be  added,  but  I forbear  to  cite  them, 
because  they  “ attain  not  to  the  first  three.” 

The  last  cited  is  ascribed  to  Wen  Ch'ang,  the  god  of 
letters,  a Taoist  deity  much  in  favor  with  scholars  of  the 
Confucian  School;  for,  wide  apart  as  they  are  in  funda- 
mental principles,  the  dividing  lines  of  the  three  sects  are 
now  well-nigh  obliterated.  Each  borrows  deities  from 
the  other,  and  priests  of  one  are  found  in  charge  of  tem- 
ples that  belong  to  the  other ; — a result,  not  so  much  due 
to  rapprochement  in  their  authorized  teachings,  as  to  a 
chronic  confusion  in  the  popular  mind. 

II 

Buddhism,  as  the  stronger  faith,  has  “ drawn  the  cover 
to  its  own  side,” — adopting  many  Taoist  usages,  and, 
among  them,  the  practice  of  procuring  spiritualistic  reve- 
lations. In  vain  do  the  orthodox  denounce  it.  as  tending 
to  corrupt  the  canon,  and  as  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of 
the  deities  invoked ; the  practice  continues  to  flourish. 

Of  the  extent  to  which  it  is  carried,  you  may  judge 
from  the  following  indignant  protest,  which  I translate 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  239 


from  the  Hsiu  Chth  Yao  Yen , a practical  guide  for  the 
Buddhist  priesthood : — 

“ In  these  latter  days,  men’s  minds  are  superficial  and 
false.  There  is  nothing  that  they  do  not  counterfeit. 
Even  in  the  dissemination  of  good  books,  they  resort  to 
falsehood  to  aid  their  circulation.  Their  own  rude  lan- 
guage, which  has  no  meaning  more  than  skin-deep,  they 
palm  off  as  revealed  through  the  magic  pen, — thus  im- 
posing on  the  ignorant. 

“ They  mostly  father  their  effusions  on  Wen  Ch'ang 
and  Lii  Tsu ; less  frequently,  on  Kuan  Ti.  Only  think  of 
it: — In  case  of  ordinary  books  or  pictures,  to  falsify  the 
authorship  is  held  as  an  odious  crime.  How  much  more 
hateful  the  crime  of  adulterating  the  teachings  of  gods 
and  sages ! When  book-shelves  are  loaded  with  fabrica- 
tions, the  circulation  of  the  genuine  article  is  impeded. 
Instances  of  this  kind  of  outrage  on  Holy  Names  are  too 
frequent  to  enumerate. 

“ Recently  some  cases  of  a truly  extraordinary  char- 
acter have  come  to  light.  Shameless  forgeries  are  put 
forth  as  books  of  Buddha!  Buddha  himself  is  some- 
times invoked  to  indite  a commentary,  and  even  Taoist 
genii  are  called  on  to  reveal  an  exposition  of  Buddhist 
classics.  Then  we  have  lists  of  Buddha’s  titles,  purport- 
ing to  emanate  from  spirit  revelations.  The  blunders  of 
these  books  go  without  castigation,  and  falsehood  gains 
strength  day  by  day.  Formerly  moral  tracts  were  aids 
to  virtue ; to-day  they  are  used  to  mislead  mankind.” 

Here  follows  a list  of  spurious  books,  ending  with  the 
remark  that  “ names  of  men  and  places,  though  formed 
on  Sanskrit  models,  are  so  clumsily  constructed  that  their 
rough  angles  pierce  through  the  thin  disguise;  and  the 
more  extended  a discourse,  the  more  thoroughly  does  the 
fabricator  succeed  in  exposing  his  imposture.” 


240 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


To  note  the  adoption  of  this  Taoist  practice  by  a sec- 
tion of  Buddhism  is  not  foreign  to  our  subject,  because 
it  is  Chinese  in  origin ; but,  to  ascend  the  stream  and 
treat  of  inspiration  from  the  stand-point  of  orthodox 
Buddhism  would  lead  us  away  from  China.  It  would 
carry  us  into  the  world  of  Hindu  mysticism,  where 
Sakyamuni  laid  the  foundation  of  his  conquering 
creed. 

Suffice  it  to  say  that,  to  the  Buddhist,  there  is  no  form 
of  existence  higher  than  Buddha, — no  authority  above 
that  of  Buddha.  He  does  not  look  beyond  Buddha  to  an 
all-pervading  spirit,  as  Christians  look  through  Christ  up 
to  the  Father  of  Spirits.  For  him,  Buddha  is  ultimate ; 
and,  as  the  name  signifies  supreme  intelligence,  so  all 
believers  accept  the  utterances  of  Buddha  as  truth  not 
to  be  called  in  question.  With  them,  the  only  possible 
question  is  that  touching  the  authenticity  of  those  utter- 
ances,— in  other  words,  respecting  the  proper  contents  of 
the  Buddhistic  canon.  How  much  of  that  canon  fell  from 
the  lips  of  Gautama,  and  how  far  the  teachings  of  his  fol- 
lowers are  deducible  from  his  original  revelations,  are 
questions  of  serious  import ; or  rather  they  would  become 
such,  if  once  the  spirit  of  critical  inquiry  were  fairly 
aroused.  If,  among  the  heterogeneous  materials  com- 
posing the  canon  as  acknowledged  by  one  or  other  of  the 
schools,  the  spurious  utterances  ascribed  to  Buddha  were 
sifted  from  the  genuine,  there  would  remain  but  a very 
small  residuum.  Among  his  subordinates,  the  degree  of 
authority  conceded  to  each  is  decided  according  to  their 
grade  of  intelligence  or  rank  in  the  canonical  hierarchy; 
but  no  spiritual  influence  emanating  from  a higher  source 
is  admitted.  This  is  true  of  primitive  or  atheistic  Bud- 
dhism ; but  in  Buddhism,  as  modified  by  time,  and  by 
contact  with  other  creeds,  we  find  a superintending  and 


* 


GATEWAY  OK  LAMA  TEMPLE 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION 


241 


enlightening  influence  from  the  spirit  of  Buddha  freely 
acknowledged. 


Ill 

The  ideas  of  Confucianists  in  regard  to  inspiration 
differ  widely  from  those  of  both  the  preceding  schools. 
They  are  the  ideas,  not  of  a sect,  but  of  the  bulk  of  the 
Chinese  people. 

When  the  three  schools  are  named  in  series,  the  Ju,  or 
Confucian,  stands  at  the  head;  but  when  the  Confucian 
is  spoken  of  by  itself,  it  is  generally  described  as  ta  chiao, 
— the  great,  universal,  or  catholic  school.  Its  tenets  form 
the  bed-rock  of  Chinese  civilization,  whatever  may  be  the 
complexion  of  the  over-lying  soil.  The  yellow  of  Bud- 
dhism and  the  black  of  Taoism  may  be  everywhere  de- 
tected, but  they  form  only  a superficial  tinge  on  the 
original  background.  Every  Buddhist  or  Taoist  (outside 
of  the  priesthood)  is,  first  of  all,  a Confucianist ; but  the 
converse  is  by  no  means  true, — the  more  educated  Chinese 
in  general  reject  both  the  other  sects,  and  speak  disre- 
spectfully of  their  claims,  though  not  exempt  from  their 
influence.  Hence  a common  error  in  estimating  the  num- 
ber of  Buddhists  on  the  globe ; for,  unlike  Burmah  and 
Siam,  where  Buddhism  is  established  by  law,  the  intel- 
lectual culture  of  China  flows  apart  from  Buddhism ; 
and,  in  China,  the  priesthood  of  Buddha,  with  but  few 
redeeming  exceptions,  have  sunk  to  the  condition  of  an 
ignorant  and  despised  caste. 

The  canon  of  Confucianism  is,  therefore,  pre-eminently 
the  canon  of  China ; and,  to  find  what  views  the  Chinese 
hold  as  to  its  inspiration,  we  have  in  the  first  place  to 
turn  to  the  canon  itself. 


242 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


The  canon  consists, — if  we  reject  the  enumeration  of 
thirteen  books  as  too  wide,  and  accept  that  of  nine  as 
more  exact, — of  two  classes  of  works : — the  pre-Confu- 
cian,  and  the  post-Confucian.  The  Li  Chi , or  “ Book  of 
Rites,”  is  classed  with  the  former,  though  compiled  under 
the  dynasty  of  Han,  because  it  professes  to  preserve  the 
traditions  of  an  earlier  age.  Held  in  high  esteem,  it  is 
nevertheless  deemed  somewhat  apocryphal.  The  other 
four  pre-Confucian  books  were  all  edited  by  the  great 
Sage,  and  issued  with  his  imprimatur. 

They  contain  such  fragments  of  antiquity, — historical, 
poetical,  and  philosophical, — as  he  thought  worth  while 
to  preserve.  Among  them  there  is  not  much  of  unity  to 
be  discerned  “in  member,  joint,  or  limb;”  and,  as  a 
whole,  they  are  not  regarded  as  emanating  from  a super- 
natural source. 

There  are,  however,  in  this  collection,  two  sketches  of 
a rudimentary  philosophy,  for  which  a supernatural  origin 
is  distinctly  asserted.  One  of  these  is  a table  of  mystic 
symbols,  from  which  diagrams  of  the  “ Book  of  Changes  ” 
were  subsequently  evolved. 

In  the  reign  of  Fu  Hsi,  2800  b.  c.,  this  was  brought  up 
from  the  waters  of  the  Yellow  River  on  the  back  of  a 
beast,  which  was  “ half  horse  and  half  alligator ; ” signify- 
ing, if  we  admit  a grain  of  truth  in  the  legend,  that  the 
first  eight  diagrams,  which  form  the  basis  of  the  sixty- 
four  in  the  “ Book  of  Changes,”  were  suggested  by  the 
mysterious  markings  on  the  carapace  of  a tortoise.  That 
the  figures  on  the  shell  of  a tortoise  were  employed  in 
divination  is  attested  by  history.  Princes  kept  sacred 
shells  in  temples  erected  for  the  purpose,  and  the  shell 
only  ceased  to  be  consulted,  when  the  ampler  book  be- 
came known  and  accepted  as  a treasury  of  divine  oracles. 

The  other  fragment  of  direct  revelation  is  an  outline 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  243 


of  natural  and  political  philosophy  called  the  Hung  Fan, 
or  “ Great  Plan.”  It  is  said  to  have  been  brought  to  the 
Emperor  Yu,  from  the  waters  of  the  river  Lo,  by  a 
monster  somewhat  similar  to  that  which  figures  in  the 
preceding  legend. 

Both  stories  were  indorsed  by  Confucius,  if  the  Ap- 
pendix to  the  “ Book  of  Changes  ” be  his  work ; and  the 
highest  scholars  of  China  continue  to  receive  them  as 
true  beyond  a question. 

Leaving  the  barbarous  age  in  which  tortoise  and  dragon 
are  messengers  of  the  gods,  we  come  to  a more  rational 
period,  when  man  becomes  the  medium  through  which 
the  Will  of  Heaven  is  revealed.  This  view  is  first  enunci- 
ated in  the  “ Book  of  Odes  ” ( circa  1000  b.  c. ),  in  a pas- 
sage which  remains  in  use  as  a popular  formula: — 
“ Heaven,  having  given  life  to  men,  raised  up  princes  to 
rule  them  and  teachers  to  instruct  them,” — a statement 
which,  with  all  the  light  of  our  developed  Christianity,  it 
is  not  easy  to  improve  upon. 

The  general  conception,  of  teachers  providentially 
raised  up,  became  at  length  restricted  to  that  of  certain 
eminent  men  who  were  looked  on  as  infallible  guides. 
They  were  called  shcng  jcn,  a phrase  commonly  rendered 
“ holy  men,”  but  one  which  expresses  wisdom  rather  than 
holiness.  They  were  numerous  in  remote  antiquity, — in- 
ventors of  arts  sharing  the  honor  along  with  the  founders 
of  human  society.  Thus  Fu  Hsi,  who  instituted  marriage, 
was  a shcng  jen;  Hwang  Ti,  who  invented  medicine,  was 
a shfng  jcn;  Tsang  Chieh,  the  inventor  of  letters,  and  Ta 
Nao,  the  author  of  the  most  ancient  calendar,  are  also 
venerated  as  shcng  jcn.  In  later  ages,  such  paragons  of 
wisdom  were  few,  and  their  advent  always  heralded  by 
presages  of  an  unmistakable  character. 

The  sage  of  sages  is  Confucius.  He  makes  no  direct 


244 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


claim  to  inspiration,  and  always  speaks  of  himself  with 
becoming  modesty.  According  to  himself,  there  are  vir- 
tues to  which  he  has  not  attained,  and  there  is  knowledge 
that  lies  beyond  his  range.  Yet  he  evinces  at  times  a 
sublime  consciousness  of  a peculiar  mission.  When  in 
peril,  he  exclaims: — “ If  it  be  the  will  of  Heaven  to  pre- 
serve my  doctrine  for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  what  power 
can  my  enemies  have  over  me?  ” At  other  times,  confi- 
dent of  the  truth  of  his  teachings,  he  appeals,  not  to  the 
people  of  his  own  day,  but  to  the  judgment  of  sages  that 
are  to  appear  in  distant  ages. 

His  teaching  was  from  Heaven,  hot  it  was  not  imparted 
to  him  in  a supernatural  way.  “ How,”  be  exclaims, 
“ does  Heaven  speak, — what  is  the  language  it  addresses 
to  men?  The  seasons  follow  their  course,  and  all  things 
spring  into  life, — this  is  the  language  of  Heaven.”  In 
his  view,  it  was  the  province  of  the  sage  to  interpret  Na- 
ture, not  merely  as  she  lives  in  the  forms  of  matter,  but 
as  she  breathes  in  the  soul  of  man. 

This  conception  of  the  sheng  jcn,  or  sage,  had  begun 
to  take  shape  in  the  dawn  of  Chinese  civilization.  Con- 
fucius, who  did  more  than  any  other  to  fix  the  forms  of 
that  civilization  by  a wise  selection  of  the  best  traditions, 
seized  on  the  idea  as  one  of  essential  importance,  and 
gave  it  precision,  without  arrogating  the  character. 

His  grandson,  K’ung  Chieh,  half  a century  later,  gave 
the  world  a theory  of  ethics,  based,  like  that  of  Aristotle, 
on  the  assumption  that  good  is  a middle  term  between  two 
evils.  Unlike  the  Stagyrite,  he  gives  free  scope  to  a 
fervid  imagination,  and  draws  a glowing  picture  of  con- 
crete good  in  the  character  of  the  sheng  jcn,  or  perfect 
man.  The  passage  is  an  eloquent  apotheosis  of  wisdom 
and  virtue,  for  which  his  great  ancestor  confessedly 
served  as  a human  model. 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION 


245 


Not  only  has  posterity  permitted  Confucius  to  remain 
on  that  exalted  pedestal,  but  each  generation  has  con- 
tributed to  raise  him  higher. 

A few  extracts  from  this  treatise  will  serve  to  exhibit 
the  Sage  as  expounder  of  the  Will  of  Heaven : — 

“ None  but  the  most  sincere  is  able  to  exhaust  the  capa- 
bilities of  his  own  nature.  By  so  doing,  he  aids  the  work 
of  heaven  and  earth,  and  takes  his  place  as  third  among 
the  powers  of  the  universe.” 

“ He  who  possesses  this  perfect  sincerity  attains  to 
prophetic  foresight.  This  quality,  therefore,  partakes  of 
the  divine.” 

“ Great  is  the  Holy  Sage  (or  shhig  jcn ) ; all  the  books 
of  all  the  rites  wait  for  him  to  fulfill  them.” 

“ He  can  appeal  to  the  gods  above,  because  he  knows 
Heaven ; and  to  the  wise  of  coming  times,  because  he 
knows  men.” 

“ He  speaks,  and  none  hesitates  to  believe ; he  acts,  and 
none  fails  to  approve.” 

“ His  fame  overflows  the  boundaries  of  China,  and 
extends  to  barbarous  peoples.  Wherever  ship  or  chariot 
can  go,  wherever  sun  and  moon  give  light,  wherever 
frosts  and  dews  descend, — there  is  no  one  who  has  blood 
and  breath,  who  does  not  honor  and  love  such  a man. 
Therefore,  he  is  said  to  be  the  equal  of  Heaven.” 

This  description  of  the  ideally  perfect  man,  drawn  as 
it  was  from  the  teaching  and  example  of  Confucius, 
caused  him  to  be  accepted  in  that  character.  Mencius, 
the  St.  Paul  of  Confucianism,  its  last  and  greatest  apostle, 
confirmed  the  judgment  of  the  author  of  “ The  Mean.” 
His  words  are: — “From  the  time  that  human  life  ap- 
peared on  earth  down  to  this  day,  the  world  has  seen  no 
man  like  Confucius.”  His  estimate  of  China’s  greatest 
teacher  has  been  ratified  by  succeeding  ages. 


246 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  process  of  time,  speculative  thought  attained  a 
higher  development ; and,  in  the  theory  of  the  universe 
which  it  produced,  the  sheng  jcn  holds  a definite  place. 
Heaven,  earth,  and  man,  form  a triad  of  agents,  as  hinted 
already  in  the  “ Doctrine  of  the  Mean  ” ; — the  first  repre- 
senting self-acting  spirit;  the  second,  plastic  or  passive 
matter;  the  third,  man; — a child  born  of  their  union, — a 
microcosm  or  epitome  of  the  universe,  his  soul  reflecting 
the  pure  spirit  of  Heaven,  his  body  composed  of  the  gross 
elements  of  earth.  For  the  Sage  it  is  reserved  to  connect 
the  two  in  a perfect  union.  Accordingly  we  see,  in  all 
the  temples  of  Confucius,  a central  inscription  just  over 
the  shrine  of  the  spirit  tablet: — Yii  t‘icn  ti  wei  ts’an, — 
“ He  forms  a triad  with  heaven  and  earth.” 

The  conception  is  obviously  pantheistic.  In  the  person 
of  the  Sage,  the  dual  powers  find  their  harmony  com- 
pleted. He  receives  no  spoken  communication ; asks  no 
illuminating  influence ; but,  embodying  in  its  highest  de- 
gree the  spiritual  essence  of  both,  he  becomes  thereby  an 
infallible  expositor  of  the  universe, — a law-giver  to  the 
human  race.  It  is  said  of  him, — “ He  speaks,  and  his 
word  is  law  to  the  world ; he  acts,  and  his  conduct  is  an 
unerring  example.” 

It  is  in  this  light  that  the  Chinese,  without  exception, 
are  accustomed  to  look  on  the  last  of  their  Sages.  He  is 
not  a god,  but  a perfect  man ; not  a prophet  who  utters 
occasional  oracles,  but,  in  word  and  deed,  a constant 
manifestation  of  ideal  excellence.  Fie  does  not  speak  in 
the  name  of  a higher  power;  but,  if  that  power  were  con- 
ceived as  speaking,  it  could  add  nothing  to  the  authority 
of  the  Sage. 

How  near  this  conception  approaches  to  the  Hindu 
view  of  Buddha,  as  the  perfect  embodiment  of  intelli- 
gence and  virtue,  needs  not  to  be  pointed  out.  In  the 


CHINESE  IDEAS  OF  INSPIRATION  247 


Confucian  system,  however,  there  is  a vague  personality 
called  Heaven,  above  the  Sage;  while,  in  the  Buddhist, 
there  is  none. 

It  follows  that  everything  that  bears  the  seal  of  such 
an  authority  is  sacred  in  the  highest  degree.  The  verbal 
text  of  his  books  is  not  to  be  altered,  no  matter  what 
faults  may  be  detected  by  rational  criticism.  Thus,  in- 
complete and  pleonastic  expressions, — the  errors  of  an- 
cient copyists, — are  faithfully  reproduced,  much  as  our 
Hebrew  Bibles  reproduce  the  “ ayin  suspension,”  and 
other  errors  of  transcription.  This  superstitious  rever- 
ence for  the  letter  of  the  canon  symbolizes  and  fosters 
that  unprogressive  conservatism  which  has  become  the 
unenviable  distinction  of  the  Chinese  race. 

Confucius,  it  ought  to  be  said,  and  his  great  disciple 
Mencius,  lend  no  countenance  to  such  unreasoning  wor- 
ship of  antiquity.  The  latter  says  boldly, — “ It  were 
better  to  have  no  books  than  to  be  bound  to  believe  all 
that  our  books  contain,” — referring,  it  is  thought,  to  the 
Situ,  the  canonical  book  of  ancient  history.  And  Con- 
fucius lays  it  down,  as  the  first  duty  of  a ruler,  to  aim 
at  the  “ renovation  of  his  people.” 

In  conclusion,  it  would  hardly  be  pertinent  to  raise  the 
question  whether  the  views  of  inspiration,  which  we  have 
been  considering,  are  favorable  or  adverse  to  the  adop- 
tion of  Christianity.  The  great  Sage,  so  far  from  arro- 
gating definitive  completeness  for  his  own  system,  leads 
his  disciples  to  expect  the  appearance  of  sheng  jen  in 
coming  ages.  Nor  is  the  advent  of  such  Heaven-sent 
teachers  limited  to  China.  There  is,  therefore,  nothing  to 
prevent  a sound  Confucian  accepting  Christ  as  the  Light 
of  the  World,  without  abandoning  his  faith  in  Confucius 
as  a special  teacher  for  the  Chinese  people.  “ Confucius 
plus  Christ  ” is  a formula  to  which  he  has  no  insuper- 


248 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


able  objection  ; but  tbe  man,  who  approaches  him  with 
such  an  alternative  as  “ Christ  or  Confucius,”  is  not  likely 
to  meet  with  a patient  hearing. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  native  Christians  continue  to  be- 
lieve in  the  mission  of  Confucius,  much  as  converted 
Jews  do  in  that  of  Moses. 


XIV 


BUDDHISM  A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY 

THE  religion  which  above  all  others  has  a right  to 
claim  serious  study,  in  comparison  with  Chris- 
tianity, is  Buddhism.  It  has  been  brought  for- 
ward of  late  as  a rival  to  Christianity,  not  merely  by  its 
traditional  votaries,  but  by  poets  and  philosophers,* 
educated  in  the  schools  of  Christendom.  The  poet  pur- 
loined the  ornaments  of  the  daughters  of  Zion  to  deck 
an  Eastern  beauty, f and  the  philosopher  has  endeavored 
to  persuade  Western  thinkers  that  their  highest  wisdom 
is  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  the  gymnosophists  of  India. 

One  scarcely  knows  whether  the  gospel  would  be  more 
discredited  by  being  set  forth  as  plagiarizing  in  part  from 
the  traditions  of  India,  or  by  being  proven  to  be  a less 
effectual  remedy  for  human  woe  than  the  pessimism  of 
Sakyamuni. 

There  is  a lawsuit  now  pending  in  the  courts  of  Eng- 
land, in  which  a claimant  seeks  to  oust  the  present  occu- 
pant of  a great  estate  by  proving  that  he  belongs  to  an 
older  branch  of  the  family,  and  that  his  title  ante-dates 
the  other  by  more  than  a century. 

In  the  forum  of  the  world,  the  contest  for  priority  of 
title  to  the  traditions  referred  to  is  of  infinitely  higher 

* Notably  Arnold  and  Schoppenhaur. 

t Since  this  was  first  published  Sir  Edwin  Arnold  has  given  us 
a noble  Palinodia  in  his  “ Light  of  the  World.” 

249 


250 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


moment.  After  the  learned  investigations  of  Dr.  Kel- 
logg, it  can  scarcely  be  said  of  it  adhiic  sub  judice  lis  est ; 
and  yet  it  is  one  of  those  cases  in  which  defeat  is  never 
acknowledged, — in  which,  in  fact,  we  may  expect  to  see 
the  old  pretensions  advanced  again  and  again  with  as 
much  confidence  as  if  they  had  never  been  refuted. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  go  into  this  question  at  length, 
on  the  present  occasion ; but  I may  say,  in  passing,  that  a 
new  and  weighty  authority  has  come  forward  to  refute 
the  claims  of  Buddhism.  In  a paper  in  the  “ Nineteenth 
Century”  (July,  1888),  the  Bishop  of  Colombo  says: 
“ We  must  distinguish,”  in  reference  to  Buddhism, 
“ two  very  different  sources  of  information,  only  one  of 
which  I shall  speak  of  as  historical.  The  one  source  is 
the  Tripitaka,  or  threefold  collection  of  sacred  books, 
which  forms  the  canon  of  Southern  Buddhism ; these  I 
call  the  books  of  250  b.  c. 

“ The  other  source  is  the  ‘ Biographies  of  Buddha  ’ and 
the  Lalita  Vistara,  which  are  of  uncertain  date,  between 
the  first  and  sixth  centuries  (a.  d. ).  These  last  are  the 
sources  of  Arnold’s  ‘ Light  of  Asia.’ 

“ We  have  been  led  to  the  only  source  of  history, — the 
Pitakas.  The  resultant  biography  of  Gautama*  shows 
nothing  supernatural ; and  nothing  which,  in  those  days, 
was  strange.  The  life  of  Gautama  contains  nothing 
more  strange  than  does  the  life  of  Shakespeare.” 

The  Bishop  shows  conclusively  the  unhistorical  charac- 
ter of  much  of  that  material  which  Sir  Edwin  Arnold 
has  woven  into  his  beautiful  poem.  As  a poet,  he  had 
an  unquestionable  right  to  employ  it ; but  it  behooves  all 
serious  thinkers  to  beware  how  they  accept  poetry  in  place 
of  history. f 

* The  name  for  Buddha,  in  general  use  in  Ceylon  and  Burmah. 
t Three  Lectures  on  Buddhism. 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  251 


Dr.  E.  T.  Eitel,  who  has  made  a special  study  of  Bud- 
dhism, summarizes  his  conclusions  in  these  words : — 

“ There  is  not  a single  Buddhist  manuscript  that  can 
vie  in  antiquity  and  authority  with  the  oldest  codices  of 
the  Gospels.  The  most  ancient  Buddhist  classics  contain 
but  few  details  of  Buddha’s  life,  and  none  whatever  of 
those  above-mentioned  peculiarly  Christian  characteris- 
tics. Nearly  all  the  above-given  legends,  that  refer  to 
events  that  happened  many  centuries  before  Christ,  can- 
not be  proved  to  have  been  in  circulation  earlier  than  the 
fifth  or  sixth  century  after  Christ.” 

Dr.  Eitel  points  to  early  Nestorian  Missions  as  what 
he  calls  “ the  precise  source  ” of  these  “ apparently  Chris- 
tian elements.” 

That  Buddhism  borrowed  much  in  subsequent  ages 
is  incontestable,  and  that  Christianity  borrowed  some- 
thing is  highly  probable.  Professor  Max  Muller  has 
shown  that  Buddha  himself  has  been  canonized  as  a 
Christian  Saint,  ordered  to  be  worshipped  on  the  27th 
of  November,  under  the  title  of  St.  Josaphat.* 

The  fact  is  that  the  resemblances  between  the  two 
great  religions  of  the  East  and  West  lie  far  deeper  than 
the  external  habiliment  of  poetical  tradition,  or  the  super- 
ficial analogies  of  religious  orders  and  religious  ritual. 
They  are  traceable  in  the  general  development  and  prac- 
tical doctrines  of  both. 

Both  are  found  to  pursue  a course  exactly  the  reverse 
of  that  mapped  out  in  a celebrated  dictum  of  Auguste 
Comte;  their  initial  stage  was  not  far  removed  from 
positivism,  and  yet  both  evolve  a spiritual  universe ; one 
burst  the  bonds  of  Hindu  caste,  the  other  broke  down  the 
walls  of  Jewish  isolation,  and  each  stretched  forth  its 
hand  to  the  nations  with  the  offer  of  a new  evangel. 
* “ Contemporary  Review  ” for  July,  1870. 


252 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Beginning  as  wide  apart  in  spirit  as  in  geographical  situa- 
tion, they  have  gradually  approached  each  other,  so  that 
they  have  come,  in  the  course  of  ages,  to  occupy  the  same 
ground  in  both  senses,  and  each  to  lend  a tinge  to  the 
other. 

For  the  objects  of  our  present  inquiry,  it  matters  little 
how  inconsistent  the  Buddhism  of  one  country  or  of  one 
age  may  be  with  that  of  another ; what  we  have  to  do 
is  to  estimate  its  effects.  No  religion  has  ever  shown 
itself  so  plastic  as  that  of  Buddha,  not  only  chameleon- 
like, taking  its  hue  from  its  surroundings,  but  promul- 
gating at  different  times  doctrines  contradictory  and  self- 
destructive. Beginning  as  a philosophy  of  self-discipline, 
it  developed  into  a religious  cult.  At  the  outset  profess- 
ing atheism  pure  and  simple,  in  the  end  it  brought  forth 
a pantheon  of  gods;  and,  most  wonderful  of  all,  raised  a 
denier  of  God’s  existence  to  the  throne  of  the  Supreme. 
After  such  changes  in  doctrine,  it  is  hardly  surprising 
that  a system,  which  preferred  poverty  to  riches,  and 
deserts  to  cities,  should  in  later  times  seize  the  revenue 
of  States  and  place  its  mendicant  friars  on  the  throne 
of  kings.  The  controversialist,  who  has  to  confront  Bud- 
dhism as  an  opposing  force,  may  make  the  most  of  its 
contradictions  and  errors ; but  for  ourselves,  on  the  pres- 
ent occasion,  we  have  only  to  inquire  whether  or  not  Bud- 
dhism, under  any  or  all  of  its  phases,  as  seen  in  China, 
has  done  good  or  evil. 

At  the  present  it  may  be  an  obstruction,  but  that  does 
not  prove  that  its  past  influence  has  been  otherwise  than 
beneficent.  The  Western  farmer,  when  he  first  breaks 
up  his  prairie  lands,  finds  his  plough  impeded  at  every 
step  by  the  strong  roots  of  wild  grasses ; hut  he  knows 
that  it  was  those  grasses,  growing  up  year  after  year 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  253 


through  centuries,  that  accumulated  the  rich  loam  in 
which  he  plants  his  corn. 

The  mental  soil  of  China  is  composed  of  three  leading 
elements,  which  have  been  commingled  and  brought  into 
interaction  in  such  a way  as  to  present  to  the  superficial 
observer  a homogeneous  aspect.  These  are  the  three  re- 
ligions,— Confucian,  Taoist,  and  Buddhist. 

Let  us  find  what  elements  Buddhism  has  contributed, 
to  make  it  ready  for  the  higher  cultivation  of  our  Chris- 
tian epoch. 

The  fundamental  requisites  of  all  religious  teaching  are 
two,  viz.: — 

1.  — A belief  in  God;  i.  e., — in  some  effective  method 
of  divine  government. 

2.  — A belief  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul ; i.  e., — in  a 
future  state  of  being,  whose  condition  is  determined  by 
our  conduct  in  the  present  life. 

These  cardinal  doctrines  we  find  accepted  everywhere 
in  China.  There  are,  it  is  true,  those  who  deny  them ; 
but  such  are  Confucianists,  not  Buddhists; — and  I do  not 
hesitate  to  affirm  that,  for  the  general  prevalence  of  both, 
China  is  mainly  indebted  to  the  agency  of  Buddhism. 
When,  in  the  first  century  of  our  era,  its  missionaries 
arrived  from  India,  they  found  a Supreme  God  recog- 
nized in  the  books,  but  practically  withdrawn  from  the 
homage  of  the  masses,  because  he  was  considered  as  too 
exalted  to  be  approached  by  anyone  except  the  lord  of 
the  empire.  The  people  took  refuge  in  the  worship  of 
natural  objects  and  of  human  heroes ; not  one  of  all  their 
deities  taking  any  strong  hold  on  their  affections,  or  enter- 
ing deeply  into  their  spiritual  life. 

In  regard  to  the  hope  of  a future  existence,  the  state 
of  things  was  not  better.  The  worship  of  ancestors  main- 


254 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tained  a shadowy  faith  in  something  like  ghosts,  but  it 
seldom  amounted  to  a potent  conviction.  The  absence 
of  such  a conviction  showed  itself  in  the  eagerness  with 
which  men  laid  hold  on  the  faint  hope  held  out  by  Taoist 
alchemy, — that  some  medicine  might  be  discovered  which 
would  vanquish  death.  The  few  enthusiasts  seen  on 
mountain  tops,  seeking  for  the  elixir  vitae,  and  stretching 
their  hands  and  eyes  towards  heaven, — were  they  not 
rather  touching  proofs  of  a universal  want,  than  evi- 
dences of  any  well-grounded  faith  ? 

It  zvas  in  fact  the  deep  consciousness  of  a want  in  both 
respects  that  rendered  the  introduction  of  Buddhism  so 
easy.  It  found  an  “ aching  void  ” in  the  human  heart, 
and  it  filled  it  with  such  materials  as  it  possessed. 

Instead  of  their  materialistic  conceptions,  it  raised  the 
Chinese  to  a belief  in  the  powers  of  a spiritual  universe 
infinitely  more  grand  than  this  visible  world.  In  that 
universe,  Buddhas  and  divinities  of  the  next  grade, 
called  Bodisatwas,  held  sway,  not  limited  to  any  hill  or 
city,  but  extending  to  all  places  where  their  devout  wor- 
shippers called  for  succor.  Buddha,  though  in  theory 
already  passed  into  the  blessedness  of  an  unconscious 
Nirvana,  was  popularly  held  to  be  the  actual  lord  of  the 
universe.  Bodisatwas  were  believed  to  have  the  forces 
of  nature  at  command,  and  to  be  actively  engaged  in  the 
work  of  blessing  mankind. 

The  superiority  of  these  Buddhist  divinities  over  those 
which  they  displaced,  consists  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  they 
possess  a moral  character.  By  virtue,  they  have  risen  in 
the  scale  of  being  in  a progression,  bounded  only  by  that 
sublime  height  on  which  Buddha  sits  wrapped  in  solitary 
contemplation.  Their  human  kindness  rendered  them  at- 
tractive, and  the  most  popular  of  all  is  the  Goddess  of 
Mercy.  She  holds  in  her  arms  an  infant  child,  and 


BUDDHIST  MONUMENT 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  255 


stretches  a thousand  hands  to  help  the  needy ; what  won- 
der that  she  is  the  favorite  object  of  Chinese  devotion. 
She  is  called  briefly  P'u  Sa,  and,  in  most  parts  of  the 
• empire,  that  term  is  employed  to  express  the  idea  of  a 
vigilant  and  merciful  Providence.  Providence  is  also 
commonly  ascribed  to  Buddha.  The  “ blessing  ’’  and 
“ protection  ” of  Buddha  are  phrases  in  familiar  use. 
In  a set  of  verses,  to  which  I shall  have  occasion  to  refer 
again,  the  abbot  of  a monastery  in  the  Western  Hills 
ascribes  the  fruits  of  the  earth  to  the  goodness  of 
Buddha.* 

The  verses  read : — 

“ The  production  of  a grain  of  rice  is  as  great  a work  as  the  crea- 
tion of  a mountain. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  power  of  Buddha,  where  should  we 
have  found  our  food? 

If  we  sincerely  remember  how  near  to  us  is  Buddha,  then  we 
may  dare  to  accept  the  nourishment  that  heaven  and  earth 
afford.” 

Our  present  inquiry  relates  to  Buddhism  in  China ; but 
it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  indicate  that  a similar  trans- 
formation of  the  original  conception  of  Buddha  has  taken 
place  in  other  countries,  especially  in  those  that  belong  to 
the  Northern  School.  In  Japan,  Amitaba  is  endowed 
with  the  attributes  of  Preserver  and  Redeemer.  In  Mon- 
golia, the  same  is  true  of  Borhan  (a  name  which  I take 
to  be  derived  from  Buddha  and  Arhan)  ; and  missionary 
translators  have  not  hesitated  to  accept  it  as  a fitting  ex- 
pression for  God,  in  the  rendering  of  our  Holy  Scrip- 

* The  volume  from  which  I copied  these  and  other  stanzas  is  in 
manuscript.  It  was  lent  me  by  the  author. 


256 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tures.  In  Nepaul,  Adi-Buddha  is  adored  as  the  supreme 
and  living  god.  A hymn,  which  I translate  from  the 
French*  (which  in  turn  is  taken  from  an  English  trans- 
lation of  Hodgson),  describes  him  thus: — 

1.  — “ In  the  beginning  there  was  nothing ; all  was  emptiness, 

and  the  five  elements  had  no  existence. 

Then  Adi-Buddha  revealed  himself  under  the  form  of 

a flame  of  light. 

2.  — He  is  the  great  Buddha  who  exists  of  himself. 

3.  — All  things  that  exist  in  the  three  worlds  have  their  cause  in 

him;  he  it  is  who  sustains  their  being.  From  him,  and 

out  of  his  profound  meditation,  the  universe  has  sprung 

into  life. 

4.  — He  is  the  combination  of  all  perfections ; the  infinite  one, 

who  has  neither  bodily  members  nor  passions ! 

All  things  are  his  image,  yet  he  has  no  image. 

5.  — The  delight  of  Adi-Buddha  is  to  make  happy  all  sentient 

creatures. 

He  tenderly  loves  those  who  serve  him ; 

His  majesty  fills  the  heart  with  terror; 

He  is  the  consoler  of  those  who  suffer.” 

Who  will  deny  that  this  is  a noble  psalm  of  praise ; 
that  the  sublime  ascriptions  which  it  contains  are  worthy 
to  be  laid  as  an  offering  at  the  feet  of  Jehovah? 

May  we  not  say  that  a people  who  have  derived  these 
ideas  from  the  teachings  of  Buddhism  appear  to  be  in  a 
state  of  comparative  readiness  for  the  message  of  an 
apostle  of  the  true  faith,  proclaiming — “ Whom,  there- 
fore, ye  ignorantly  worship,  him  declare  I unto  you  ”? 

Let  us  see  if  the  same  kind  of  preparation  is  to  be  dis- 
covered in  the  notions  entertained  in  regard  to  the  soul. 

In  China,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  Buddhism,  there  ex- 
isted on  this  subject,  as  we  have  said,  a painful  sense  of 
deficiency. 

* Tour  du  Monde,  Voyage  au  Nepal,  1888. 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  257 


Buddhism  came  as  an  evangel  of  hope,  teaching  that 
immortality  is  man’s  inalienable  inheritance,  and  not  the 
inheritance  of  man  only,  but  of  every  sentient  creature ; 
that  all  are  connected  by  the  links  of  an  endless  chain, 
moving  onward  in  unceasing  procession,  either  on  an 
ascending  or  descending  scale ; that  the  reality  of  the  next 
stage  of  being  is  more  certain  than  the  existence  of  the 
material  objects  by  which  we  are  surrounded ; that  the 
soul  is  an  immaterial  essence,  which  the  transformations 
of  matter  have  no  power  to  destroy ; and  finally,  that  the 
weal  or  woe  of  the  future  life  depends  on  the  conduct 
of  each  individual  during  this  present  state  of  probation. 

How  thoroughly  this  teaching  has  permeated  the 
Chinese  mind  may  be  seen  in  the  following  passage  from 
Liu  Yen  Tsa  Tee,  one  of  the  most  popular  text-books  em- 
ployed in  the  schools  of  Peking.  “ The  glory  and  happi- 
ness of  the  present  life  are  fruits  that  spring  from  seeds 
planted  in  a former  state.  If  the  present  life  is  hungry, 
cold,  and  bitter,  the  fountain  of  evil  is  to  be  traced  to  the 
sins  of  a former  state  of  existence.” 

The  materializing  views  of  Taoism  are  condemned  (to 
quote  only  one  example)  in  the  following  verses  from 
another  book.* 

“Ye  who  study  the  doctrine  of  Tao, 

And  strive  to  prepare  the  elixir  of  immortality, — 

Do  you  not  reflect  that  the  elements  of  immortality  are  within 
you? 

Do  you  not  know  that  the  elixir  of  life  is  within  you? 

For  soul  and  spirit,  they  are  the  root  and  fountain.” 

In  the  same  book,  there  are  verses  which  represent  a 
princess  (who  became  the  goddess)  as  announcing  her 

* Kuan  Yin  Ching,  a metrical  biography  of  the  goddess  of 
mercy. 


258 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


resolution  to  adopt  a religious  life,  and  with  many  tears 
exhorting  her  parents  to  do  the  same.  She  says : — 

“ If  a man  live  to  a hundred  years,  his  life  is  as  a dream; 

Glory  and  wealth  pass  away  like  a flash  of  gunpowder. 

I beg  my  father  and  mother  to  give  themselves  to  works  of 
piety, 

To  worship  Buddha,  to  read  the  holy  books,  and  move  the  heart 
of  Heaven; 

To  store  up  good  works,  to  confirm  your  own  virtues. 

And  escape  from  a sea  of  bitterness, — a world  of  dust  and 
turmoil. 

Owing  to  your  good  deeds  in  a former  state,  you  now  possess 
the  sovereignty  of  hills  and  rivers. 

If,  standing  on  your  present  height,  you  still  strive  upward, 

Praying  the  gods  to  write  your  names  on  the  roll  of  the  purple 
mansion, 

You  may  come  to  enjoy  the  blessedness  of  Heaven,  and  rise 
above  the  estate  of  men.” 


I do  not,  for  my  present  purpose,  go  into  the  recondite 
lore  of  great  libraries,  but  rather  draw  my  proofs  from 
manuals  of  the  family  and  of  the  common  school,  in  order 
to  show  what  doctrines  are  actually  in  possession  of  the 
popular  mind.  That  they  teach  the  supreme  importance 
of  a life  to  come,  there  is  no  denying.  Their  best  views 
are  vitiated  by  mixture  with  the  errors  of  metempsychosis. 
But  is  not  this  so  far  a preparation  for  receiving  a better 
hope  from  Him  who  hath  abolished  death  and  “ brought 
life  and  immortality  to  light  through  the  gospel?” 

Let  us  next  inquire  into  its  influence  in  bringing  about 
those  states  of  mind  which  are  described  as  the  Christian 
graces.  For  want  of  time,  I refrain  from  going  into  an 
examination  of  the  Buddhist  decalogue,  or  in  any  other 
way  entering  into  a general  comparison  of  Buddhist  and 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  259 


Christian  ethics.  The  side  of  ethics,  with  which  we  have 
to  do  at  present,  is  that  which  looks  heavenward ; i.  e., — 
religion  in  its  practical  aspect. 

Our  Christian  ethics,  in  their  religious  bearings,  are 
beautifully  summarized  by  “ Faith,  Hope,  and  Charity.” 
Has  Buddhism  anything  answering  to  these?  If  it  has, 
it  differs  in  that  respect  from  all  other  pagan  religions. 
In  the  old  religions  of  Greece  and  Rome,  the  things  signi- 
fied were  so  utterly  unknown  that  the  three  words  ac- 
quired a new  signification  in  passing  into  Christian  use. 
As  for  the  early  religions  of  China,  they  have  nothing  to 
show  under  the  rubrics  of  Faith,  and  Hope,  though  Char- 
ity was  emphasized  by  Confucius.  Is  it  not,  then,  claim- 
ing for  Buddhism  a great  approximation  to  our  divine 
system  to  assert  that  it  possesses  all  three  ? 

Faith  keeps  in  view  the  realities  of  the  unseen  world, 
and  supplies  the  place  of  sight  and  of  reason  too,  to  no 
small  extent.  The  place  assigned  to  it  is,  as  with  us,  at 
the  head  of  the  list.  In  a publication  by  a learned  priest 
of  Ningpo,  Faith  is  called  “ the  mother  of  virtues.” 

Our  abbot  of  the  Western  Hills  gives  it  an  equally  ex- 
alted position ; and,  like  St.  James,  he  connects  it  with 
“works,”  as  proof  of  its  genuineness.  He  says: — “To 
be  a Buddhist,  faith  has  always  been  considered 'the  first 
requisite ; but  faith  without  works  is  vain.” 

Can  anything  show  more  clearly  than  this  antithesis 
that  the  word  is  employed  in  a sense  identical  with  its 
Christian  usage? 

From  this  peculiar  prominence  of  the  grace  of  faith, 
it  almost  follows  as  a matter  of  course  that  the  adherents 
of  the  faith  should  be  called  “ believers.”  We  are  not, 
therefore,  surprised  to  find  the  term  hsin  shih,  “ believers,” 
in  general  use.  Shan  nan  hsin  nil  “ honest  men  and  be- 


26o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


lieving  women,”  is  a frequent  phrase,  which  tells  its  own 
story  as  to  the  proportion  of  believers  in  the  two  sexes. 

Hope  is  a grace  which  Buddhism  makes  prominent, 
without  having  a word  for  it.  Of  the  emphasis  it  lays 
on  the  hope  of  immortality,  I have  already  spoken  in 
treating  of  that  cardinal  doctrine.  The  constant  endeav- 
our of  a devout  Buddhist,  is  to  secure  the  rewards  of  the 
life  to  come  by  working  and  suffering  in  this  present 
world?  In  Chinese  Buddhism,  that  which  kindles  hope 
and  quickens  effort  in  the  highest  degree,  is  the  prospect 
of  entrance  into  the  “ happy  land ; ” the  “ pure  or  sinless 
land;”  the  “paradise  of  the  West?”  This  is  the  Bud- 
dhist’s hope  of  heaven. 

On  the  place  of  charity  in  the  Buddhist  scheme,  I need 
not  dilate.  Love  to  being,  in  the  broadest  sense,  is  en- 
joined by  precept ; it  was  exemplified  in  the  life  of  the 
founder,  and  it  finds  expression  in  every  phase  of  Bud- 
dhist religious  life.  Compassion  is  the  form  which  it 
chiefly  takes.  The  loftier  form  of  adoring  love  for  divine 
perfection,  as  in  our  Christian  system,  is  less  frequent, 
but  not  wholly  wanting.  Is  it  not  charity  to  men  that  our 
abbot  expresses,  when  he  says — “ My  desire  is  to  pluck 
every  creature  that  is  endowed  with  feeling  out  of  this 
sea  of  misery?”  Is  it  not  something  very  like  love  to 
God,  when  he  says — “ In  your  walks,  meditate  on 
Buddha ; call  to  mind  his  refulgent  person ; at  every  step, 
pronounce  his  name,  and  beware  that  you  deceive  not 
your  own  heart  ? ” 

It  follows,  from  what  we  have  seen,  that  Buddhism 
must  have  made  an  immense  addition  to  the  religious  vo- 
cabulary of  the  Chinese  people.  For  the  jargon  of  its 
Sanskrit  prayers,  and  for  a multitude  of  theological  terms, 
imported  bodily  from  India,  I have  no  word  of  praise  or 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  261 


apology ; but,  within  the  domain  of  pure  Chinese,  it  is 
safe  to  affirm  that  Buddhism  has  enriched  the  language, 
as  it  has  enlarged  the  sphere  of  popular  thought. 

It  has  given  the  Chinese  such  ideas  as  they  possess  of 
heaven  and  hell ; and  of  spiritual  beings,  rising  in  a hier- 
archy above  man,  or  sinking  in  moral  turpitude  below 
man.  It  has  given  them  all  their  familiar  terms  relating 
to  sin,  to  good  works,  to  faith,  to  repentance;  and.  most 
important  of  all,  to  a righteous  retribution,  which  includes 
the  awards  of  a future  life. 

Not  one  of  these  words  or  phrases  conveys  to  the  Chi- 
nese the  exact  idea  required  by  the  teachings  of  Christian- 
ity ; yet  the  first  teachers  of  Christianity,  on  coming  to 
China,  seized  on  these  terms  as  so  much  material  made 
ready  to  their  hand,  sprinkled  them  with  holy  water,  and 
consecrated  them  to  a new  use.  Matteo  Ricci  soon  re- 
nounced the  Buddhist  garb ; but  no  missionary,  Papal  or 
Protestant,  has  ever  abandoned  the  Buddhist  terminology. 

Half  the  churches  in  Rome  are  built  of  stones  taken 
from  the  temples  of  Paganism ; and  some  of  them,  such 
as  the  Pantheon  and  the  Ara  Cceli,  continue  to  be  known 
by  their  old  names.  So  half  the  doctrines  of  Christianity 
are  introduced  to  the  Chinese  in  a dress  borrowed  from 
Buddhism.  It  could  not  be  otherwise ; and  this  fact, 
taken  alone,  appears  almost  decisive  in  favor  of  the  affirm- 
ative side  of  the  question  under  discussion. 

If  the  eloquent  Saurin  is  right  in  asserting  that  God's 
purpose  in  bringing  Judea  under  the  domination  of 
Greece  was,  by  the  introduction  of  the  Greek  language, 
to  provide  a more  perfect  vehicle  for  the  revelations  of 
the  new  dispensation,  is  it  going  too  far  to  suggest  that 
Buddhism  has  had  a similar  mission?  Has  it  not,  pre- 
pared a language  for  the  communication  of  divine  truth? 


262 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Has  it  not  also  prepared  the  mind  of  the  people  to  receive 
it,  by  importing  a stock  of  spiritual  ideas,  and  by  culti- 
vating their  spiritual  sense? 

But,  however  sympathetic  may  be  our  mental  attitude 
in  regard  to  it,  we  must  admit  that  its  mission  is  finished, 
and  that,  for  the  future,  the  highest  service  it  can  render 
will  be  to  supply  a native  stock  on  which  to  graft  the 
vine  of  Christ.  By  giving  the  Chinese  an  example  of  a 
foreign  creed  winning  its  way  and  holding  its  ground  in 
spite  of  opposition,  it  has  prepared  them  to  expect  a repe- 
tition of  the  phenomenon.  As  Buddhists  (and  though 
professing  to  be  Confucians,  they  are  nearly  all  more  or 
less  tinged  with  Buddhism)  they  are  taught  to  believe 
that  their  present  form  of  faith  is  not  final,  and  to  look 
for  a fuller  manifestation  in  an  age  of  higher  light.  Will 
not  this  prepare  them,  when  the  tide  sets  in  that  direction, 
to  accept  Christianity  as  the  fulfilment  of  their  expec- 
tation ? * 

Sir  Monier  Williams  states  the  negative  features  of  the 
Buddhist  creed  in  terms  not  less  forcible  and  explicit. 
“ Buddhism,”  he  says,  “ has  no  creator,  no  creation,  no 
original  germ  of  all  things,  no  soul  of  the  world,  no  per- 
sonal, no  impersonal,  no  supermundane,  no  antemundane 
principle.” 

Of  original  and  classic  Buddhism,  this  is  strictly  true; 
and  the  defects  of  the  root  affect  more  or  less  all  the 
branches.  Still  it  is  very  instructive  to  remark  how,  in 
the  Northern  Buddhism  with  which  I am  dealing,  man’s 

* Professor  Rhys  David  in  Buddhism  and  Christianity  makes 
the  following  statement: 

“ In  Buddhism,  we  have  an  ethical  system,  but  no  law-giver ; a 
world  without  a creator,  a salvation  without  eternal  life,  and  a 
sense  of  evil,  but  no  conception  of  pardon,  atonement,  reconcilia- 
tion, or  redemption.” 


A PREPARATION  FOR  CHRISTIANITY  263 


religious  instincts  triumph  over  the  obstacles  created  by 
an  atheistic  philosophy,  so  that  Buddhism  has  become 
pre-eminently  the  religious  discipline  of  Eastern  Asia.* 

* The  assumption  by  Buddhism  of  a distinctly  religious  charac- 
ter is  primarily  due  to  the  school  of  Mahayana,  which  Eitel  de- 
scribes as  “ a later  form  of  the  dogma, — one  of  the  three  phases 
of  its  development,  characterized  by  an  excess  of  transcendental 
speculation,  and  not  known  to  Southern  Buddhism.” 

The  Buddhists  of  Japan  are  beginning  to  agitate  the  question 
whether  the  Mahayana  rests  in  any  degree  on  the  authority  of 
Sakyamuni. 

How  near  the  Reformed  Buddhism  of  Japan  approaches  to 
Christianity  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  printed  state- 
ment given  me  by  a priest,  by  whom  it  was  drawn  up: 

“Our  sect  called  Shinshiu  ‘True  Doctrine’  teaches  the  doc- 
trine of  help  from  another. 

“ Now  what  is  this  help  from  another?  It  is  the  great  power 
of  Amita  Buddha.  Amita  means  ‘ boundless.’  Therefore  Amita 
is  the  chief  of  the  Buddhas.  Our  sect  pays  no  attention  to  the 
other  Buddhas,  but  putting  faith  in  Amita  expects  to  escape  from 
this  miserable  world  and  to  enter  Paradise  in  the  next  life.  From 
the  time  of  putting  faith  in  Buddha,  we  do  not  need  any  power 
of  self-help — but  need  only  to  keep  his  mercy  in  heart,  and  invoke 
his  name  in  order  to  remember  him. 

“ We  make  no  difference  between  priest  and  layman  as  concerns 
the  way  of  salvation.  The  priest  is  allowed  to  marry  and  to  eat 
flesh  and  fish — which  is  prohibited  to  the  members  of  the  other 
Buddhist  sects.” 


XV 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS  IN  CHINA 

r those  early  days  when  Moses  was  going  to  school 
to  the  priests  of  Memphis,  and  when  Cecrops  had 
not  yet  landed  on  the  shores  of  Attica,  the  civiliza- 
tion of  China  was  crystallized  into  permanent  shape,  and 
the  national  religion  consisted  of  three  elements:  I.  The 
worship  of  Shang  Ti,  the  Supreme  Ruler;  2.  The  worship 
of  powers  supposed  to  preside  over  the  principal  depart- 
ments of  material  nature ; and  3.  The  worship  of  deceased 
ancestors. 

The  earliest  recorded  instance  of  the  latter  dates  back 
to  a period  anterior  to  the  calling  of  Abraham;  when 
Shun,  the  son  of  a blind  peasant,  was  adopted  into  the 
family  of  the  Emperor  Yao  and  acknowledged  as  heir  to 
the  throne,  2300  b.  c. 

Of  the  ceremonial  employed  on  this  occasion,  we  have 
no  details ; the  statement  that  the  “ concluding  rites  ” were 
performed  in  the  temple  of  Wen  Tsu,  the  ancestor  of 
Yao,  is  all  that  the  historian  has  vouchsafed  to  communi- 
cate. Yet,  how  much  is  implied  in  this  laconic  record? 

It  implies,  on  the  part  of  Yao,  an  announcement  to  the 
spirits  of  his  forefathers  of  bis  purpose  to  effect  a change 
in  the  line  of  succession.  On  the  part  of  Shun,  it  implies 
a reverential  acceptance  of  Yao’s  ancestors  in  place  of  his 
own,  and  the  assumption  in  their  presence  of  vows  of 
fidelity  in  the  discharge  of  his  high  functions. 

264 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS  265 


When  the  Emperor  now  on  the  throne,  was  adopted  by 
an  Empress  Regent  as  the  son  of  his  uncle  Hsien  Feng,  a 
similar  ceremony  was  performed  by  proxy  in  the  temple 
of  the  deceased  sovereign.  On  that  occasion,  a fanatical 
censor,  Wu  K‘o  Tu,  protested  against  the  affiliation  to 
Hsien  Feng;  contended  that  it  was  doing  dishonor  to  the 
last  Emperor  T’ung  Chili,  to  leave  him  without  a son ; 
and,  in  order  to  give  emphasis  to  his  remonstrance,  he 
sealed  it  with  his  blood,  sacrificing  his  life  before  the 
tomb  of  the  latter  sovereign. 

This  occurrence,  illustrating  as  it  does  what  took  place 
4000  years  ago,  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  prove  that  in  the 
China  of  to-day  the  worship  of  ancestors  is  not  a dead 
form,  but  a living  faith. 

Not  only  is  the  adoption  of  an  heir  to  the  throne  thus 
formally  announced  to  the  ancestors  of  the  reigning  house  ; 
every  case  of  regular  succession  is  solemnly  notified  by  a 
similar  ceremonial. 

In  the  12th  century  before  our  era,  Wu  Wang  over- 
turned the  house  of  Shang,  and  founded  the  dynasty  of 
Chou.  In  the  indictment  which,  to  justify  his  rebellion, 
he  brings  against  the  degenerate  occupant  of  the  throne, 
he  begins  by  charging  him  with  neglecting  the  service  of 
Shang  Ti  and  subordinate  deities,  and  even  forgetting 
to  sacrifice  at  the  altars  of  his  own  ancestors. 

In  a second  manifesto,  he  refers  to  his  deceased  father 
Wen  Wang,  and  adds — “ If  I gain  the  victory,  it  will  not 
be  through  my  own  prowess,  but  through  the  merits  of 
my  father.  If  I am  beaten,  it  will  not  be  from  any  fault 
in  my  father,  but  solely  from  the  want  of  virtue  in  me.” 

He  warns  his  soldiers  that — “ if  they  are  brave,  they 
will  be  rewarded  publicly  in  the  temple  of  his  ancestors ; 
but  if  cowardly,  they  will  be  slain  at  the  altars  of  the 
earth-gods.” 


266 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Such  was  the  place  held  by  the  worship  of  ancestors 
at  the  dawn  of  history,  along  with  that  of  Shang  Ti  and 
a host  of  inferior  divinities.  At  the  present  day,  no  one 
can  visit  the  magnificent  monuments  of  the  Ming  Em- 
perors, or  witness  the  vast  sums  expended  on  the  mausolea 
of  the  reigning  House,  without  a profound  conviction  that 
the  cult  of  ancestors  has  lost  nothing  of  its  ancient  sanc- 
tity. 

In  1889  the  reigning  Emperor  and  the  Dowager  Em- 
press made  a solemn  pilgrimage  to  the  tombs  of  their 
fathers;  the  former  to  report  in  person  his  marriage  and 
full  accession  to  imperial  power,  the  latter  to  give  account 
of  her  exercise  of  delegated  authority  during  her  long 
regency.  What  stronger  proof  could  be  required  of  the 
important  position  which  the  worship  of  ancestors  still 
occupies  in  the  religion  of  the  State? 

It  is  not,  however,  restricted  to  the  ruling  classes.  It 
forms  the  leading  element  in  the  religion  of  the  people. 

It  is,  in  fact,  the  only  form  of  religion  which  the  gov- 
ernment takes  the  trouble  to  propagate  among  its  sub- 
jects. 

Every  household  has  somewhere  within  its  doors  a 
small  shrine,  in  which  are  deposited  the  tablets  of  ances- 
tors, and  of  all  deceased  members  of  the  family  who  have 
passed  the  age  of  infancy. 

Each  clan  has  its  ancestral  temple,  which  forms  a rally- 
ing point  for  all  who  belong  to  the  common  stock.  In 
such  temples,  as  in  the  smaller  shrines  of  the  household, 
the  objects  of  reverence  are  not  images,  but  tablets, — slips 
of  wood  inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  deceased,  to- 
gether with  the  dates  of  birth  and  death.  In  these  tablets, 
according  to  popular  belief,  dwell  the  spirits  of  the  dead. 
Before  them  ascends  the  smoke  of  daily  incense;  and, 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS  267 


twice  in  the  month,  offerings  of  fruits  and  other  eatables 
are  presented,  accompanied  by  solemn  prostrations. 

In  some  cases,  particularly  during  a period  of  mourn- 
ing, the  members  of  the  family  salute  the  dead,  morning 
and  evening,  as  they  do  the  living ; and  on  special  occa- 
sions, such  as  a marriage  or  a funeral,  there  are  religious 
services  of  a more  elaborate  character,  accompanied  some- 
times by  feasts  and  theatrical  shows. 

Besides  worship  in  presence  of  the  representative  tablet, 
periodical  rites  are  performed  at  the  family  cemetery. 
In  spring  and  autumn,  when  the  mildness  of  the  air  is 
such  as  to  invite  excursions,  city  families  are  wont  to 
choose  a day  for  visiting  the  resting  places  of  their  dead. 
Clearing  away  the  grass,  and  covering  the  tombs  with  a 
layer  of  fresh  earth,  they  present  offerings  and  perform 
acts  of  worship.  This  done,  they  pass  the  rest  of  the 
day  in  enjoying  the  scenery  of  the  country. 

RELATION  TO  THE  SAN  CHIAO,  OR  THREE  RELIGIONS. 

Such,  in  outline,  is  the  system  of  ancestral  worship.  It 
constitutes  the  very  heart  of  the  religion  of  China.  The 
Supreme  Ruler  is  too  august  to  be  approached  by  ordi- 
nary mortals.  As  to  other  divinities,  their  worship  is  in- 
cumbent only  on  priests  or  magistrates ; but  the  worship 
of  ancestors  is  obligatory  on  all.  They  are  the  penates 
of  every  household.  To  honor  them  is  religion ; to  neg- 
lect them  the  highest  impiety. 

Usages  of  this  kind  spring  as  naturally  as  the  grass 
from  the  graves  of  the  deceased ; and  in  ancient  times 
the  funeral  rites  of  the  Chinese  differed  little  from  those 
of  other  nations.  That  by  which  they  are  justly  dis- 
tinguished is  that,  instead  of  suffering  them  to  be  over- 


268 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


shadowed  by  polytheism,  they  alone  have  shaped  their 
offices  for  the  dead  into  an  all-pervading  and  potent  cult 
which  moulds  the  social  and  spiritual  life  of  every  indi- 
vidual in  the  Empire. 

Spontaneous  in  its  origin,  in  its  developed  form  it  is 
the  slow  growth  of  thirty  centuries.  It  was  practised  in 
the  Golden  Age  of  Chinese  history,  two  thousand  years 
before  the  Christian  era;  and  in  the  rites  of  Chou,  a thou- 
sand years  later,  we  find  it  reduced  to  a precise  and  com- 
plicated code ; but  it  was  not  so  stereotyped  as  to  be 
incapable  of  further  alteration.  It  was  disfigured  by 
grotesque  ceremonies,  the  reproduction  of  which  at 
the  present  day  would  be  regarded  as  hardly  less 
shocking  than  the  restoration  of  human  sacrifices 
— I allude  particularly  to  that  curious  arrangement 
by  which  a solemn  act  of  religion  was  converted 
into  a ridiculous  masquerade — young  children  being 
made  to  personate  their  ancestors,  and,  habited  in  ghostly 
costume,  receiving  the  homage  of  their  own  parents.  Nor 
was  it  then  clothed  with  the  imperious  authority  which  it 
now  exercises.  In  the  life  of  Confucius  we  find  recorded 
the  remarkable  fact  that  when  arrived  at  manhood  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  burial-place  of  his  father,  who  had  died 
when  he  was  an  infant,  and  it  was  not  until  the  death  of 
his  mother  that  he  took  pains  to  ascertain  it.  This  indi- 
cates a degree  of  laxity  which  would  not  be  possible  at 
the  present  day,  when  semi-annual  offerings  are  required 
to  be  made  at  the  tombs  of  ancestors. 

Yet  it  is  to  Confucius  more  than  to  any  other  man  that 
China  is  indebted  for  the  strictness  with  which  the  rites 
of  this  worship  are  now  universally  observed.  Making 
filial  piety  the  corner-stone  of  his  ethical  system,  and 
only  vaguely  recognizing  the  personality  of  the  supreme 
power,  whom  he  styles  T’ien,  or  Heaven,  he  was  led  to 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS  269 


seek  in  the  worship  of  ancestors  for  the  religious  sanctions 
required  to  confirm  it.  “ If,”  said  he,  “ funeral  rites  are 
performed  with  scrupulous  care,  and  remote  ancestors 
duly  recognized,  the  virtues  of  the  people  will  be  strength- 
ened.” This  is  a maxim  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of 
the  religious  polity  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

The  more  objectionable  features  in  ancestral  worship 
are  not  due  to  Confucius,  and  derive  no  sanction  from  his 
authority;  I mean  the  transformation  of  the  deceased 
into  tutelar  divinities;  and  the  absurd  doctrine  that  the 
destinies  of  the  family  are  determined  by  the  location  of 
the  family  tombs. 

The  first  of  these  springs  so  readily  from  the  human 
heart  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  look  for  its  origin  in  the 
teachings  of  any  particular  school.  It  is  touching  to  read 
on  a tombstone  that  a mourning  family,  having  laid  an 
aged  parent  in  his  last  resting-place,  beseech  his  spirit  to 
hover  over  them  as  a protecting  power.  But  the  Chinese 
are  not  so  taught  by  Confucius,  who,  when  interrogated 
as  to  the  survival  of  the  soul,  refused  to  assert  that  it  pos- 
sesses any  conscious  existence  after  the  death  of  the  body  ; 
and,  while  exhorting  to  sincerity  in  sacrifices,  went  no 
further  than  to  say,  “ Sacrifice  to  the  spirits  as  if  they 
were  present.” 

The  other  tenet  is  derived  from  feng-shui,  or  geomancy, 
the  debasing  offshoot  of  a degenerate  Taoism.  This  false 
science,  which  bears  to  geology  a relation  similar  to  that 
which  astrology  bears  to  astronomy,  assumes  the  existence 
of  certain  influences  connected  with  the  configuration  of 
the  surface  which  affect  the  destinies  of  the  inhabitants 
of  any  given  locality.  These  must  be  taken  account  of 
in  selecting  the  site  of  a dwelling-house,  a school,  a shop, 
or  even  a stable,  and  especially  a burial-place.  So  strong 
is  the  conviction  on  this  last  point  that  families  who  are 


lyo 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


overtaken  by  a series  of  misfortunes  are  often  persuaded 
to  exhume  the  bones  of  their  forefathers,  and  shift  them, 
perhaps  more  than  once,  to  a new  location,  in  hopes  of 
hitting  on  the  focus  of  auspicious  influences.  This  super- 
stition is  even  carried  into  the  domain  of  politics ; so  that 
the  government,  on  suppressing  a rebellious  cmeute,  has 
been  known  to  order  the  destruction  of  the  family  tombs 
of  the  rebel  chief,  in  order  to  strike  at  what  is  supposed 
to  be  the  fountain-head  of  the  disturbing  influence. 

Buddhism  has  exerted  a profound  influence  on  the 
worship  of  ancestors,  strengthening,  as  it  has  done,  the 
instinctive  faith  in  a future  state,  and  introducing  an 
elaborate  liturgy  for  the  repose  of  the  departed. 

RELATION  TO  SOCIAL  ORDER. 

“ In  China  filial  piety  is  the  bond  of  social  order.” 

The  Imperial  house  sets  the  example  in  what  it  regards 
as  the  highest  form  of  filial  duty.  Not  only  are  separate 
shrines  erected  for  the  ancestors  of  the  reigning  family ; 
the  Emperor,  according  to  immemorial  usage,  associates 
them  with  Shang  Ti  the  Supreme  Ruler,  in  the  sacrifices 
which,  as  high-priest  of  the  Empire,  he  makes  at  the 
Temple  of  Heaven. 

The  visitor  who  is  fortunate  enough  to  gain  access  to 
an  azure-colored  pagoda  on  the  north  of  the  principal 
altar  may  see  there  a tablet  inscribed  with  the  name  of 
Shang  Ti  occupying  the  central  place  of  honor,  while  the 
tablets  of  ten  generations  of  the  reigning  family  are 
ranged  on  the  right  and  left.  Three  of  these  never  set 
foot  in  China,  nor  in  any  proper  sense  can  they  be  said  to 
have  occupied  the  Imperial  throne. 

Two  of  them  reigned  in  Liaotung,  over  a single  prov- 
ince, and  one  was  the  chief  of  a roving  tribe  in  the  wilds 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS 


271 


of  Manchuria;  yet  on  the  occupation  of  China  by  their 
descendants,  they  were  all  canonized  or  raised  by  Im- 
perial decree  to  the  dignity  of  Emperor. 

This  tendency  of  the  stream  of  honor  to  flow  upwards 
is  peculiar  to  China.  There  alone  is  it  possible  for  a 
distinguished  son  to  lift  his  deceased  parents  out  of  ob- 
scurity, and  to  confer  on  their  names  the  reflected  lustre 
of  his  own  rank. 

It  is  not  easy  for  us  to  estimate  the  force  of  the  mo- 
tive which  is  thus  brought  to  bear  on  a generous  mind 
nurtured  under  the  influence  of  such  traditions.  Kuang 
tsung  yu  tsu,  “ Be  careful  to  reflect  glory  on  your  fore- 
fathers,” is  a hortatory  formula,  addressed  alike  to  the 
soldier  on  the  battle-field  and  the  student  in  the  halls 
of  learning. 

If,  as  President  Hayes  asserted  in  a speech  at  San 
Francisco,  “ those  who  show  the  greatest  respect  for  their 
ancestors  are  most  likely  to  be  distinguished  by  their  re- 
gard for  posterity,”  the  Chinese  ought  to  excel  all  men 
in  that  sentiment,  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  a 
State ; certain  it  is  that  their  worship  of  ancestors  fosters 
the  sentiment  in  a most  effectual  manner. 

The  man  who  worships  his  forefathers,  and  believes  in 
their  conscious  existence,  naturally  desires  to  leave  off- 
spring who  shall  keep  the  fires  burning  on  the  family 
altar,  and  regale  his  own  spirit  with  periodical  oblations. 
Mencius  accordingly  lays  it  down  as  a maxim  that  “ of 
the  three  offences  against  filial  piety,  the  greatest  is  to  be 
childless  ” — a dictum  which  has  contributed  not  a little 
to  promote  the  practice  of  early  marriage,  and  the  con- 
sequent enormous  expansion  of  the  population  of  China. 
Viewed  in  this  latter  aspect,  the  reflex  influence  of  ances- 
tral worship  may  be  considered  as  a doubtful  boon  ; but  as 
to  the  underlying  sentiment,  were  it  wisely  directed  to 


272 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


providing  for  the  welfare  of  coming  generations  as  well  as 
to  bringing  them  into  existence,  its  beneficial  effects 
would  be  of  inestimable  value. 

The  worship  of  ancestors  strengthens  the  ties  of  kin- 
ship, and  binds  together  those  family  and  tribal  groups 
on  which  the  government  so  much  relies  for  the  control 
of  its  individual  subjects.  The  family  temple  serves  for  a 
church,  theatre,  school-house,  council-room,  indeed  for 
all  the  varied  objects  required  by  the  exigencies  of  a vil- 
lage community.  Domains  attached  to  it  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  sacrifices  are  held  as  common  property ; 
and  glebe-lands  are  often  appended  which  are  devoted  to 
the  support  of  needy  members  of  the  widely  extended* 
connection.  I have  seen  a town  of  twenty-five  thousand 
people,  all  belonging  to  the  same  clan,  and  bearing  the 
same  family  name.  A conspicuous  edifice  near  the  centre 
bore  the  name  of  Shih  Tsu  Miao,  i.  e.  temple  of  our  first 
ancestor.  Here  the  divergent  branches  of  the  family  tree 
met  in  a common  root ; and  all  the  citizens,  under  the 
cloud  of  incense  arising  from  a common  sacrifice,  were 
led  to  feel  the  oneness  of  their  origin ; though  separated, 
it  might  be,  by  half  a millennium.  Such  a village  resem- 
bles the  growth  of  a banyan-tree — the  most  distant  column 
in  the  living  arcade,  though  resting  on  a root  of  its  own, 
still  maintains  a vital  connection  with  the  parent  stock. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  occasions  on  which 
formal  addresses  are  made  to  the  spirits  of  ancestors. 
When  a youth  dons  the  cap  of  manhood,  he  is  taken  to 
the  ancestral  temple,  where  his  father  invokes  for  him 
the  guardian  care  of  his  forefathers,  “ that  he  may  be  a 
complete  man,  and  not  fall  below  their  standard  of  ex- 
cellence.” The  rite  is  extremely  impressive,  and  it  would 
lose  nothing  of  its  solemnity,  if,  in  lieu  of  the  invocation 
of  the  dead,  the  blessing  of  the  living  God  were  invoked. 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS  273 

When  a son  or  daughter  is  betrothed,  the  parents  simply 
notify  their  ancestors,  much  as  they  do  their  living 
kindred,  but  without  asking  for  tutelar  care.  When  a 
youth  goes  to  fetch  home  his  bride,  the  father  “ reveren- 
tially announces  the  fact  to  his  ancestors,  with  offerings 
of  fruits  and  wine.”  The  same  is  done  in  case  of  a bride 
departing  for  her  new  home. 

In  the  marriage  ceremony,  the  bridegroom  presents  his 
wife  to  his  ancestors  as  a new  member  of  the  family,  and 
invokes  for  her  their  “ paternal  blessing.” 

In  none  of  the  forms  connected  with  funerals  is  there 
any  petition  for  blessing  or  protection.  The  language  is 
that  of  a simple  announcement,  accompanied  by  an  ex- 
pression of  profound  sorrow.  But  in  the  periodical  serv- 
ices at  the  family  cemetery,  this  objectionable  element 
shows  itself,  the  worshipper  says — “ We  have  come  to 
sweep  your  tombs  to  show  our  gratitude  for  your  pro- 
tecting care,  and  now  we  beseech  you  to  accept  our  offer- 
ings and  make  our  posterity  prosperous  and  happy.”  With 
the  alteration  of  a few  words,  these  so-called  prayers 
might  be  reduced  to  mere  expressions  of  natural  affection. 
He  who  would  object  to  them  after  such  retrenchment, 
would  condemn  Cowper’s  pathetic  address  to  his  mother’s 
picture? — 

“ My  mother,  when  I knew  that  thou  wast  dead, 

Say,  wast  thou  conscious  of  the  tears  I shed  ? 

Hovered  thy  spirit  o’er  thy  sorrowing  son, 

Wretch  even  then,  life’s  journey  just  begun  ?” 

In  Hernani,  that  noble  tragedy  of  Victor  Hugo,  one  of 
the  most  impressive  scenes  is  an  act  of  worship  at  the 
tomb  of  an  ancestor. 

Don  Carlos,  afterwards  Charles  V.,  on  the  eve  of  elec- 


27  4 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tion  to  the  throne  of  the  German  Empire,  enters  the  mau- 
soleum of  Charlemagne  at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  and,  throwing 
himself  on  his  knees  before  the  tomb  of  the  great  mon- 
arch, he  pours  out  this  prayer: — 

“ Pour  into  my  heart  something  of  thy  own  sublime 
spirit ; speak,  for  thy  son  is  waiting  to  hear.  Thou  dwell- 
est  in  light ; oh,  send  some  rays  upon  his  pathway.” 

This,  it  may  be  said,  is  poetry,  not  religion ; while  the 
worship  of  the  Chinese  is  religion,  with  very  little  poetry. 

Aside  from  its  social  and  economic  relations,  this  form 
of  worship  exerts  a religious  and  moral  influence  beyond 
any  other  system  of  doctrines  hitherto  known  to  the  Chi- 
nese Empire.  In  a sceptical  world,  and  through  ages  not 
favored  with  that  revelation  which  has  “ brought  life  and 
immortality  to  light,”  it  has  kept  alive  the  faith  in  a future 
life.  The  orthodox  son  of  Han  regards  himself  as  living 
and  acting  in  the  sight  of  his  ancestors.  He  refers  his 
conduct  to  their  supposed  judgment,  and  the  comfort  of 
his  dying  hour  is  largely  determined  by  the  view  he  takes 
of  the  kind  of  welcome  he  is  likely  to  receive  when  he 
meets  the  shades  of  his  forefathers. 

“ How  could  I look  my  ancestors  in  the  face  if  I should 
consent  to  such  a proposition  ? ” is  a reply  which  many 
an  officer  has  given  to  a temptation  to  betray  his  trust. 
A motive  which  has  such  power  to  deter  from  baseness 
may  also  be  potent  as  a stimulus  to  good ; indeed,  in  re- 
spect to  moral  efficacy  it  would  appear  to  be  only  second 
to  that  of  faith  in  the  presence  of  an  all-seeing  Deity. 
How  effective  it  must  be  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  a Chinese,  bent  on  wounding  his  adversary  in  the 
keenest  point,  curses,  not  the  obnoxious  individual,  but  his 
ancestors ; because  respect  for  them  is  the  deepest  of  all 
his  religious  sentiments. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ANCESTRAL  TEMPLE 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS 


275 


RELATION  TO  CHRISTIANITY. 

In  conclusion,  the  spectacle  of  a great  nation  with  its 
whole  population  gathered  round  the  altars  of  their  an- 
cestors, tracing  their  lineage  up  to  the  hundredth  genera- 
tion, and  recognizing  the  ties  of  kindred  to  the  hundredth 
degree,  is  one  that  partakes  of  the  sublime.  It  suggests, 
moreover,  two  questions  of  no  little  interest:  1.  May  there 
not  be  some  feature  in  the  Chinese  system  which  we  might 
with  advantage  engraft  on  our  Western  civilization?  2. 
In  propagating  Christianity  in  China,  what  attitude  ought 
missionaries  to  assume  towards  that  venerable  institution? 

If  it  be  objected  that  a sufficient  answer  to  both  is 
found  in  the  tendency  of  ancestral  worship  to  fetter  prog- 
ress by  pledging  men  to  the  imitation  of  the  past,  we 
reply  that  such  an  effect  is  by  no  means  necessary ; that 
Chinese  conservatism  is  due  to  other  causes,  and  that  men 
of  the  present  generation  may  gratefully  acknowledge 
their  obligations  to  the  past,  while  conscious  that  they 
themselves  constitute  the  highest  stage  in  the  skyward  col- 
umn of  our  growing  humanity.  The  Vrilya,  we  are  told 
in  the  instructive  romance  of  Lord  Lytton  “ the  Coming 
Race  ”,  with  all  their  advanced  ideas,  still  preserved  with 
reverence  the  portraits  of  their  early  ancestors  who  had 
not  yet  attained  the  human  shape. 

The  question  of  adopting  such  an  institution  is  quite 
distinct  from  that  of  uprooting  it  from  a soil  in  which  it 
has  been  prolific  of  blessings.  Is  it  merely  one  of  the 
many  phases  of  pagan  religion,  which,  however  they  may 
have  subserved  the  cause  of  morality  in  a twilight  age, 
must  be  regarded  as  purely  obstructive  in  the  light  of 
Christian  day,  or  may  we  not  recognize  in  it  some  ele- 
ment of  permanent  good,  worthy  to  survive  all  changes 


276 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


in  the  national  faith?  As  a matter  of  fact,  all  mission- 
ary bodies  have  taken  the  former  view — except  those 
Jesuits  who  first  introduced  Christianity  to  the  Chinese 
people.  Perceiving  unmistakable  evidence  that  filial  rev- 
erence had  grown  into  idolatrous  devotion,  and  memorial 
tablets  become  converted  into  objects  of  idolatrous  hom- 
age, they  have  declared  war  against  the  entire  system. 

It  is,  I confess,  a suspicious  circumstance  to  find  the 
Jesuits  tolerating  the  traditional  rites,  while  Dominican 
and  Franciscan,  Greek  and  Protestant,  have  all  concurred 
in  rejecting  them.  Yet  I cannot  bring  myself  to  feel  that 
the  latter  have  been  wholly  right,  or  the  former  altogether 
wrong.  Had  the  policy  of  the  Jesuits  been  sanctioned  by 
the  Popes,  the  adherents  of  the  Church  of  Rome  might 
have  been  spared  a century  of  persecution,  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  religion  of  India  might  have  been  supplanted 
by  that  of  Europe ; for  nothing  has  ever  aroused  such 
active  opposition  to  Christianity  as  the  discovery  that  it 
stands  in  irreconcilable  antagonism  to  the  worship  of  an- 
cestors. The  decision  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  commit- 
ting his  Church  to  this  position  reminds  us  by  its  effects 
of  the  unfortunate  reply  of  a Saxon  missionary  to  Radbod, 
the  King  of  Friesland.  The  King,  with  one  foot  in  the 
baptismal  font,  as  a . last  question,  asked  the  missionary 
whether  he  must  think  of  his  ancestors  as  in  heaven  or 
in  hell.  “ In  hell,”  was  the  reply.  “ Then  I shall  go  with 
my  fathers,”  exclaimed  the  King,  as  he  drew  back  and 
refused  the  Christian  rite.  Thousands  of  Chinese  on  the 
brink  of  a Christian  profession  have  been  held  back  by  a 
similar  motive. 

The  question,  I admit,  is  not  altogether  one  of  expedi- 
ency. Yet,  in  view  of  all  our  obligations  to  truth  and 
righteousness,  there  appears  to  me  to  be  no  necessity  for 
placing  them  in  this  cruel  dilemma.  The  idolatrous  ele- 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  ANCESTORS 


277 

ments  involved  in  ancestral  worship  are,  as  we  have  seen, 
excrescences,  not  of  the  essence  of  the  system.  Why  not 
prune  them  off  and  retain  all  that  is  good  and  beautiful 
in  the  institution?  A tablet  inscribed  with  a name  and 
a date  is  in  itself  a simple  memorial  not  more  dangerous 
than  the  urns  of  ashes  which  cremationists  are  supposed 
to  preserve  in  their  dwellings,  and  not  half  so  much  so  as 
pictures  and  statues;  why  should  the  native  convert  be 
required  to  surrender  or  destroy  it?  The  semi-annual 
visit  to  the  family  cemetery  is  a becoming  act  of  respect 
to  the  dead : why  should  that  be  forbidden  ? As  to  offer- 
ings of  meats  and  drinks,  why  should  they — or  why  should 
they  not: — be  replaced  by  bouquets  of  flowers,  or  the  peri- 
odical planting  of  flower-seeds  and  flowering  shrubs? 
Even  the  act  of  prostration  before  the  tomb  or  tablet  can 
hardly  be  regarded  as  objectionable  in  a country  where 
children  are  required  to  kneel  before  their  living  parents. 
Two  things  excite  my  poignant  grief  when  I look  back  to 
the  mistakes  of  the  past — one,  the  exclusion  of  a church 
member  for  complying  with  the  ordinary  marriage  cere- 
mony and  kneeling  before  a strip  of  paper  inscribed  with 
the  five  objects  of  veneration,  the  other  insisting  on 
the  surrender  of  ancestral  tablets  as  a proof  of  sincerity 
on  the  part  of  an  applicant  for  baptism.  I had  no  -right 
to  impose  such  a test  in  either  case. 

That  which  is  really  objectionable  is  geomancy  and  the 
invocation  of  departed  spirits.  The  simplest  ideas  of 
science  are  sufficient  to  dispel  the  one  form  of  supersti- 
tion, and  a very  small  amount  of  religious  knowledge  sup- 
plies an  effectual  antidote  to  the  other.  The  worship  of 
ancestors  would  thus  be  restored  to  the  state  in  which 
Confucius  left  it,  or  rather  to  that  in  which  he  himself 
practised  it — as  merely  a system  of  commemorative  rites. 

Whatever  party  takes  this  position  will  have  an  im- 


278 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


mense  advantage  in  the  competition  for  converts.  Mis- 
sionaries may  never  accept  it.  But  the  native  Church 
cannot  be  expected  to  follow  servilely  in  the  footsteps  of 
its  foreign  leaders.  When  the  higher  classes  come  to 
embrace  Christianity  in  great  numbers,  they  will  readily 
leave  behind  them  their  Buddhism  and  their  Taoism;  but 
the  worship  of  ancestors  they  will  never  consent  to 
abandon,  though  they  may  submit  to  some  such  modifi- 
cations as  those  which  I have  endeavored  to  indicate. 


BOOK  IV 
Education  in  China 


\ 


XV* 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING 

I.  Influence  on  national  character 

THE  interest  of  the  inquiry  on  which  we  are  about 
to  enter  is  based  on  the  assumption  that  differ- 
ences of  national  character  are  mainly  due  to 
the  influence  of  education.  This  we  conceive  to  be  true, 
except  in  extreme  cases,  such  as  those  of  the  inhabitants 
of  torrid  or  frigid  regions,  where  everything  succumbs 
to  the  tyranny  of  physical  forces.  In  such  situations 
climate  shapes  education,  as,  according  to  Montesquieu, 
it  determines  morals  and  dictates  laws.  But  in  milder 
latitudes  the  difference  of  physical  surroundings  is  an 

* This  chapter  was  first  published  in  1877  as  a pamphlet,  by 
the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education.  The  following  letter 
of  the  late  Mr.  Avery,  United  States  Minister  to  China,  may 
serve  to  explain  its  origin: 

"To  the  Commissioner  of  Education: 

“ Sir, — Before  my  departure  for  China,  I received  from  you 
a request  to  secure  for  use  by  your  Bureau  an  accurate  and  full 
statement  of  the  methods  of  education  in  China,  and  ‘ the  rela- 
tion of  the  methods  to  the  failure  of  their  civilization.’ 

“ On  my  arrival  at  Peking,  bearing  your  request  in  mind,  I 
was  confirmed  in  the  opinion  entertained  before,  that  to  no  one 
else  could  I apply  for  the  information  desired  with  so  much 
propriety  as  to  Dr.  W.  A.  P.  Martin,  our  fellow-countryman, 
president  of  the  Imperial  College  for  Western  Science  at  Pe- 
king, whose  long  residence  in  China,  scholarly  knowledge  of 

281 


282 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


almost  inappreciable  element  in  the  formation  of  charac- 
ter in  comparison  with  influences  of  an  intellectual  and 
moral  kind.  Much,  for  example,  is  said  about  the  in- 
spiration of  mountain  scenery — an  inspiration  felt  most 
sensibly,  if  not  most  effectively,  by  those  who  see  the 
mountains  least  frequently ; but,  as  John  Foster  remarks, 
the  character  of  a lad  brought  up  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps 
is  a thousandfold  more  affected  by  the  companions  with 
whom  he  associates  than  by  the  mountains  that  rear  their 
heads  above  his  dwelling. 

The  peculiar  character  of  the  Chinese — for  they  have 
a character  which  is  one  and  distinct — is  not  to  be  ac- 
counted for  by  their  residence  in  great  plains,  for  half 
the  empire  is  mountainous.  Neither  is  it  to  be  ascribed 
to  their  rice  diet,  as  rice  is  a luxury  in  which  few  of  the 
northern  population  are  able  to  indulge.  Still  less  is  it 
to  be  referred  to  the  influence  of  climate,  for  they  spread 
over  a broad  belt  in  their  own  country,  emigrate  in  all 
directions,  and  flourish  in  every  zone.  It  is  not  even  ex- 
plained by  the  unity  and  persistency  of  an  original  type, 
for  in  their  earlier  career  they  absorbed  and  assimilated 
several  other  races,  while  history  shows  that  at  different 
epochs  their  own  character  has  undergone  remarkable 

Chinese  literature,  and  familiar  acquaintance  with  native  methods 
of  education  must  be  well  known  to  you. 

“ Dr.  Martin,  at  my  solicitation,  agreed  to  furnish  a paper  on 
the  subject  you  indicated,  which  I have  just  received  from  his 
hands,  and  now  forward  to  you  through  the  courtesy  of  the 
State  Department.  I scarcely  need  add  that  you  will  find  it 
alike  interesting  and  valuable. 

“ I am,  sir, 

“ Your  obedient  servant, 

, “ Benj.  P.  Avery. 


“ Hon.  John  Eaton, 
Commissioner  of  Education.’ 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  283 


changes.  The  true  secret  of  this  phenomenon  is  the 
presence  of  an  agency  which,  under  our  own  eyes,  has 
shown  itself  sufficiently  powerful  to  transform  the  turbu- 
lent nomadic  Manchu  into  the  most  Chinese  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Middle  Kingdom.  The  general  name 
for  that  agency,  which  includes  a thousand  elements,  is 
education.  It  is  education  that  has  imparted  a uniform 
stamp  to  the  Chinese  under  every  variety  of  physical 
condition;  just  as  the  successive  sheets  of  paper  applied 
to  an  engraving  bring  away,  substantially,  the  same  im- 
pression, notwithstanding  differences  in  the  quality  of 
the  material. 

In  this  wide  sense  we  shall  not  attempt  to  treat  the 
subject,  though  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remark  that 
the  Chinese  themselves  employ  a word  which  answers  to 
education  with  a similar  latitude.  They  say,  for  instance, 
that  the  education  of  a child  begins  before  its  birth.  The 
women  of  ancient  times,  say  they,  in  every  movement  had 
regard  to  its  effect  on  the  character  of  their  offspring. 
This  they  denominate  chiao,  reminding  us  of  what  Goe- 
the tells  us  in  his  autobiography  of  certain  antecedents 
which  had  their  effect  in  imparting  to  him 

“ That  concord  of  harmonious  powers 
Which  forms  the  soul  of  happiness.” 

All  this,  whatever  its  value,  belongs  to  physical  discipline. 
We  shall  not  go  so  far  back  in  the  history  of  our  typical 
Chinese,  but.  confining  ourselves  strictly  to  the  depart- 
ment of  intellectual  influences,  take  him  at  the  time  when 
the  young  idea  first  begins  to  shoot,  and  trace  him 
through  the  several  stages  of  his  development  until  he 
emerges  a full-fledged  Academician.* 

* For  an  account  of  the  Imperial  Hanlin  Academy,  see 
chapter  III. 


284 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


II.  Home  education 

With  us  the  family  is  the  first  school.  Not  only  is  it 
here  that  we  make  the  most  important  of  our  linguistic 
acquirements,  but  with  parents  who  are  themselves  culti- 
vated there  is  generally  a persistent  effort  to  stimulate 
the  mental  growth  of  their  offspring,  to  develop  reason, 
form  taste,  and  invigorate  the  memory. 

In  many  instances  parental  vanity  applies  a spur  where 
the  curb  ought  to  be  employed,  and  a sickly  precocity  is 
the  result;  but  in  general  a judicious  stimulus  addressed 
to  the  mind  is  no  detriment  to  the  body,  and  it  is  doubt- 
less to  the  difference  of  domestic  training  rather  than  to 
race  that  we  are  to  ascribe  the  early  awaking  of  the  men- 
tal powers  of  European  children  as  compared  with  those 
of  China.  The  Chinese  have,  it  is  true,  their  stories  of 
infant  precocity — their  Barretiers  and  Chattertons.  They 
tell  of  Li  Mu,  who,  at  the  age  of  seven,  was  thought 
worthy  of  the  degree  of  Chin  Shih,  or  the  literary 
doctorate,  and  of  Hsie  Chin,  the  “ divine  child,” 
who,  at  the  age  of  ten,  composed  a volume  of  poems, 
still  in  use  as  a juvenile  text-book.  But  these  are  not 
merely  exceptions ; they  are  exceptions  of  rarer  occur- 
rence than  among  us. 

Chinese  children  do  not  get  their  hands  and  feet  as 
soon  as  ours,  because,  in  the  first  months  of  their  exist- 
ence, they  are  tightly  swathed  and  afterwards  overloaded 
with  cumbrous  garments.  The  reason  for  their  tardier 
mental  development  is  quite  analogous.  European  chil- 
dren exhibit  more  thought  at  five  than  Chinese  children 
at  twice  that  age.  This  is  not  a partial  judgment,  nor  is 
the  fact  to  be  accounted  for  by  a difference  of  race ; for 
in  mental  capacity  the  Chinese  are,  in  my  opinion,  not 
inferior  to  the  “ most  favored  nation.”  Deprive  our 
nurseries  of  those  speaking  pictures  that  say  so  much  to 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  285 


the  infant  eye;  of  infant  poems,  such  as  those  of  Watts 
and  Barbauld ; of  the  sweet  music  that  impresses  those 
poems  on  the  infant  mind ; more  than  all,  take  away  those 
Bible  stories  and  scraps  of  history  which  excite  a thirst 
for  the  books  that  contain  them,  and  what  a check  upon 
mental  growth,  what  a deduction  from  the  happiness  of 
childhood ! With  us  the  dawn  of  knowledge  precedes  the 
use  of  books,  as  the  rays  of  morning,  refracted  by  the 
atmosphere  and  glowing  with  rosy  hues,  anticipate  the 
rising  of  the  sun.  In  China  there  is  no  such  accommo- 
dating medium,  no  such  blushing  aurora.  The  language 
of  the  fireside  is  not  the  language  of  the  books. 

Mothers  and  nurses  are  not  taught  to  read ; nor  are 
fathers  less  inclined  than  with  us  to  leave  the  work  of 
instruction  to  be  begun  by  the  professional  teacher.  This 
they  are  the  more  disposed  to  do,  as  an  ancient  usage  * 
prohibits  a parent  being  the  instructor  of  his  own  chil- 
dren ; still  some  fathers,  yielding  to  better  instincts,  do 
take  a pride  in  teaching  their  infant  sons ; and  some 
mothers,  whose  exceptional  culture  makes  them  shine 
like  stars  in  the  night  of  female  ignorance,  have  imparted 
to  their  children  the  first  impulse  in  a literary  career. 

How  many  of  those  who  have  obtained  seats  on  the 
literary  Olympus  were  favored  with  such  early  advan- 
tages it  is  impossible  to  ascertain.  That  the  number  is 
considerable,  we  cannot  doubt.  We  remember  hearing  of 
two  scholars  in  Chekiang  who  were  not  only  taught  the 
mechanical  art  of  writing,  but  the  higher  art  of  compo- 
sition, by  an  educated  mother,  both  of  them  winning  the 
honors  of  the  Academy. 

As  another  instance  of  the  same  kind,  the  Memoirs  of 
the  Academy  embalm  the  memory'  of  such  a noble  mother 
along  with  the  name  of  her  illustrious  son ; and  the 

* “ They  exchanged  their  sons  for  education,”  says  an  old  book. 


286 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung,  with  vermilion  pencil,  celebrates 
the  talents  of  the  one  and  the  virtues  of  the  other. 

The  Emperor  says  of  Chien  Chen  Chen,  “ He  drew  his 
learning  from  a hidden  source,  a virtuous  mother  impart- 
ing to  him  her  classic  lore.”  In  the  prose  obituary  pre- 
fixed to  the  verses,  his  Majesty  says,  “ Chien’s  mother, 
Lady  Chen,  was  skilled  in  ornamental  writing.  In  his 
boyhood  it  was  she  who  inspired  and  directed  his  studies. 
He  had  a painting  which  represented  his  mother  holding 
a distaff  and  at  the  same  time  explaining  to  him  the 
classic  page.  I admired  it,  and  inscribed  on  it  a com- 
plimentary verse  ” — A graceful  tribute  from  an  exalted 
hand,  worth  more,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Chinese,  than 
all  the  marble  or  granite  that  might  be  heaped  upon  her 
sepulchre. 


III.  Commencement  of  school  life 

In  general,  however,  a Chinese  home  is  not  a hot-bed 
for  the  development  of  mind.  Nature  is  left  to  take  her 
own  time,  and  the  child  vegetates  until  he  completes 
his  seventh  or  eighth  year.  The  almanac  is  then  con- 
sulted, and  a lucky  day  chosen  for  inducting  the  lad  into 
a life  of  study.  Clad  in  festal  robe,  with  tasselled  cap, 
and  looking  a mandarin  in  small,  he  sets  out  for  the 
village  school,  his  face  beaming  with  the  happy  assur- 
ance that  all  the  stars  are  shedding  kindly  influence, 
and  his  friends  predicting  that  he  will  end  his  career 
in  the  Imperial  Academy.  On  entering  the  room,  he  per- 
forms two  acts  of  worship : the  first  is  to  prostrate  him- 
self before  a picture  of  the  Great  Sage,  who  is  venerated 
as  the  fountain  of  wisdom,  but  is  not  supposed  to  exercise 
over  his  votaries  anything  like  a tutelar  supervision.  The 
second  is  to  salute  with  the  same  forms,  and  almost  equal 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  287 


reverence,  the  teacher  who  is  to  guide  his  inexperienced 
feet  in  the  pathway  to  knowledge.  In  no  country  is  the 
office  of  teacher  more  revered.  Not  only  is  the  living 
instructor  saluted  with  forms  of  profoundest  respect, 
but  the  very  name  of  teacher,  taken  in  the  abstract,  is  an 
object  of  almost  idolatrous  homage.  On  certain  occa- 
sions it  is  inscribed  on  a tablet  in  connection  with  the 
characters  for  heaven,  earth,  prince,  and  parents,  as  one 
of  the  five  chief  objects  of  veneration,  and  worshipped 
with  solemn  rites.  This  is  a relic  of  the  primitive  period, 
when  books  were  few  and  the  student  dependent  for 
everything  on  the  oral  teaching  of  his  sapient  master. 
In  those  days,  in  Eastern  as  well  as  Western  Asia  and 
Greece,  schools  were  peripatetic,  or  (as  Jeremy  Taylor 
says  of  the  Church  in  his  time)  ambulatory.  Disciples 
were  wont  to  attend  their  master  by  day  and  night,  and 
follow  him  on  his  peregrinations  from  State  to  State,  in 
order  to  catch  and  treasure  up  his  most  casual  discourses. 

As  to  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  they  were  at  a great 
disadvantage  compared  with  modern  students,  whose 
libraries  contain  books  by  the  thousand,  while  their  living 
teachers  are  counted  by  the  score  Yet  the  student  life 
of  those  days  was  not  without  its  compensating  circum- 
stances. Practical  morality,  the  formation  of  character, 
was  the  great  object,  intellectual  discipline  being  deemed 
subordinate ; and  in  such  a state  of  society  physical  cul- 
ture was,  of  course,  not  neglected.  The  personal  char- 
acter of  the  teacher  made  a profound  impression  on  his 
pupils,  inspiring  them  with  ardor  in  the  pursuit  of  virtue ; 
while  the  necessity  of  learning  by  question  and  answer 
excited  a spirit  of  inquiry  and  favored  originality  of 
thought.  But  now  all  this  is  changed,  and  the  names  and 
forms  continue  without  the  reality. 

A man  who  never  had  a dozen  thoughts  in  all  his  life 


288 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


sits  in  the  seat  of  the  philosophers  and  receives  with 
solemn  ceremony  the  homage  of  his  disciples.  And  why 
not?  For  every  step  in  the  process  of  teaching  is  fixed 
by  unalterable  usage.  So  much  is  this  the  case  that  in 
describing  one  school  I describe  all,  and  in  tracing  the 
steps  of  one  student  I point  out  the  course  of  all;  for 
in  China  there  are  no  new  methods  or  short  roads. 

In  other  countries,  a teacher,  even  in  the  primary 
course,  finds  room  for  tact  and  originality.  In  those 
who  dislike  study  a love  of  it  is  to  be  inspired  by  making 
“ knowledge  pleasant  to  the  taste,”  and  the  dull  appre- 
hension is  to  be  awakened  by  striking  and  apt  illustra- 
tions ; while,  to  the  eager  and  industrious,  “ steps  to 
Parnassus  ” are,  if  not  made  easy,  at  least  to  be  pointed 
out  so  clearly  that  they  shall  waste  no  strength  in  climb- 
ing by  wrong  paths.  In  China  there  is  nothing  of  the 
kind.  The  land  of  uniformity,  all  processes  in  arts  and 
letters  are  as  much  fixed  by  universal  custom  as  is  the  cut 
of  their  garments  or  the  mode  of  wearing  their  hair. 
The  pupils  all  tread  the  path  trodden  by  their  ancestors 
of  a thousand  years  ago,  nor  has  it  grown  smoother 
by  the  attrition  of  so  many  feet. 

IV.  Stages  of  study 

The  undergraduate  course  may  be  divided  into  three 
stages,  in  each  of  which  there  are  two  leading  studies : 

In  the  first,  the  occupations  of  the  student  are  com- 
mitting to  memory  (not  reading)  the  canonical  books 
and  writing  an  infinitude  of  diversely  formed  characters 
as  a manual  exercise. 

In  the  second,  they  are  the  translation  of  his  text- 
books (i.  e.  reading),  and  lessons  in  composition. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  289 


In  the  third,  they  are  belles-lettres  and  the  composition 
of  essays. 

Nothing  could  be  more  dreary  than  the  labors  of  the 
first  stage.  The  pupil  comes  to  school,  as  one  of  his 
books  tells  him,  “ a rough  gem,  that  requires  grind- 
ing;” but  the  process  is  slow  and  painful.  His  books 
are  in  a dead  language,  for  in  every  part  of  the  Empire 
the  style  of  literary  composition  is  so  far  removed  from 
that  of  the  vernacular  speech  that  books,  when  read 
aloud,  are  unintelligible  even  to  the  ear  of  the  educated, 
and  the  sounds  of  their  characters  convey  absolutely  no 
meaning  to  the  mind  of  a beginner.  Nor,  as  a general 
thing,  is  any  effort  made  to  give  them  life  by  imparting 
glimpses  of  their  signification.  The  whole  of  this  first 
stage  is  a dead  lift  of  memory,  unalleviated  by  the 
exercise  of  any  other  faculty.  It  is  something  like 
what  we  should  have  in  our  Western  schools  if  our  youth 
were  restricted  to  the  study  of  Latin  as  their  sole  occu- 
pation, and  required  to  stow  away  in  their  memory  the 
contents  of  the  principal  classics  before  learning  a word 
of  their  meaning. 

The  whole  of  the  Four  Books  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  Five  Classics  are  usually  gone  through  in  this 
manner,  four  or  five  years  being  allotted  to  the  cheerless 
task.  During  all  this  time  the  mind  has  not  been  enriched 
by  a single  idea.  To  get  words  at  the  tongue’s  end  and 
characters  at  the  pencil’s  point  is  the  sole  object  of  this 
initial  discipline.  It  would  seem,  indeed,  as  if  the  wise 
ancients  who  devised  it  had  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as 
early  development,  and,  like  prudent  horticulturists,  re- 
sorted to  this  method  for  the  purpose  of  heaping  snow 
and  ice  around  the  roots  of  the  young  plant  to  guard 
against  its  premature  blossoming.  All  the  arrangements 


290 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  the  system  are  admirably  adapted  to  form  a safeguard 
against  precocity.  Even  the  stimulus  of  companionship 
in  study  is  usually  denied,  the  advantages  resulting  from 
the  formation  of  classes  being  as  little  appreciated  as 
those  of  other  labor-saving  machinery.  Each  pupil  reads 
and  writes  alone,  the  penalty  for  failure  being  so  many 
blows  with  the  ferule  or  kneeling  for  so  many  minutes 
on  the  rough  brick  pavement  which  serves  for  a floor. 

At  this  period  fear  is  the  strongest  motive  addressed  to 
the  mind  of  the  scholar ; nor  is  it  easy  to  say  how  large  a 
share  this  stem  discipline  has  in  giving  him  his  first 
lesson  in  political  duty — viz.,  that  of  unquestioning  sub- 
mission— and  in  rendering  him  cringing  and  pliant  to- 
wards official  superiors.  Those  sallies  of  innocent  humor 
and  venial  mischief  so  common  in  Western  schools  are 
rarely  witnessed  in  China. 

A practical  joke  in  which  the  scholars  indulged  at  the 
expense  of  their  teacher  I have  seen  represented  in  a 
picture,  but  never  in  real  life.  This  picture,  the  most 
graphic  I ever  saw  from  a Chinese  pencil,  adorns  the 
walls  of  a monastery  at  the  Western  Hills,  near  Peking. 
It  represents  a village  school,  the  master  asleep  in  his 
chair  and  the  pupils  playing  various  pranks,  the  least  of 
which,  if  the  tyrant  should  happen  to  awake,  would 
bring  down  his  terrible  baton.  But,  notwithstanding  the 
danger  to  which  they  expose  themselves,  two  of  the 
young  unterrified  stand  behind  the  throne,  threatening 
to  awake  the  sleeper  by  tickling  his  ear  with  the  tail  of  a 
scorpion. 

So  foreign,  indeed,  is  this  scene  to  the  habits  of 
Chinese  schoolboys  that  I feel  compelled  to  take  it  in  a 
mystic  rather  than  a literal  signification.  The  master 
is  reason,  the  boys  are  the  passions,  and  the  scorpion  con- 
science. If  passion  gets  at  the  ear  of  the  soul  while 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  291 


reason  sleeps,  the  stings  of  conscience  are  sure  to  follow 
— those 

“ Pangs  that  pay  joy’s  spendthrift  thrill 
With  bitter  usury.” 

Thus  understood,  it  conveys  a moral  alike  worthy  of 
Christian  or  Buddhist  ethics. 

Severity  is  accounted  the  first  virtue  in  a pedagogue ; 
and  its  opposite  is  not  kindness,  but  negligence.  In 
family  schools,  where  the  teacher  is  well  watched,  he  is 
reasonably  diligent  and  sufficiently  severe  to  satisfy  the 
most  exacting  of  his  patrons.  In  others,  and  particularly 
in  charity-schools,  the  portrait  of  Squeers  in  Nicholas 
Nickleby  would  be  no  caricature.  With  modifications 
and  improvements  in  the  curriculum,  a teacher  has  noth- 
ing to  do.  His  business  is  to  keep  the  mill  going,  and 
the  time-honored  argument  a posteriori  is  the  only  per- 
suasion he  cares  to  appeal  to. 

This  arctic  winter  of  monotonous  toil  once  passed,  a 
more  auspicious  season  dawns  on  the  youthful  under- 
standing. The  key  of  the  Cabala  which  he  has  been  so 
long  and  so  blindly  acquiring  is  put  into  his  hands.  He 
is  initiated  in  the  translation  and  exposition  of  those 
sacred  books  which  he  had  previously  stored  away  in  his 
memory,  as  if  apprehensive  lest  another  tyrant  of  Chin 
might  attempt  their  destruction.  The  light,  however, 
is  let  in  but  sparingly,  as  it  were,  through  chinks  and 
rifts  in  the  long  dark  passage.  A simple  character  here 
and  there  is  explained,  and  then,  it  may  be  after  the  lapse 
of  a year  or  two,  the  teacher  proceeds  to  the  explication 
of  entire  sentences.  Now  for  the  first  time  the  mind  of 
the  student  begins  to  take  in  the  thoughts  of  those  he 
has  been  taught  to  regard  as  the  oracles  of  wisdom.  His 
dormant  faculties  wake  into  sudden  life,  and,  as  it  would 


292 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


seem,  unfold  the  more  rapidly  in  consequence  of  their 
protracted  hibernation.  To  him  it  is  like 

“ The  glorious  hour  when  spring  goes  forth 
O’er  the  bleak  mountains  of  the  shadowy  north. 

And  with  one  radiant  glance,  one  magic  breath, 

Wakes  all  things  lovely  from  the  sleep  of  death.” 

The  value  of  this  exercise  can  hardly  be  overestimated. 
When  judiciously  employed,  it  does  for  the  Chinese  what 
translation  into  and  out  of  the  dead  languages  of  the 
West  does  for  us.  It  calls  into  play  memory,  judgment, 
taste,  and  gives  him  a command  of  his  own  vernacular 
which,  it  is  safe  to  assert,  he  would  never  acquire  in  any 
other  way.  Yet  even  here  I am  not  able  to  bestow  un- 
qualified commendation.  This  portion  of  the  course 
is  rendered  too  easy ; as  much  too  easy  as  the  preceding  is 
too  difficult.  Instead  of  requiring  a lad,  dictionary  in 
hand,  to  quarry  out  the  meaning  of  his  author,  the  teacher 
reads  the  lesson  for  him,  and  demands  of  him  nothing 
more  than  a faithful  reproduction  of  that  which  he  has 
received ; memory  again,  sheer  memory ! Desirable  as 
this  method  might  be  for  beginners,  when  continued,  as 
the  Chinese  do,  through  the  whole  course,  it  has  the 
inevitable  effect  of  impairing  independence  of  judgment 
and  fertility  of  invention — qualities  for  which  Chinese 
scholars  are  by  no  means  remarkable,  and  for  the  de- 
ficiency of  which  they  are,  no  doubt,  indebted  to  this  error 
of  schoolroom  discipline. 

Simultaneously  with  a translation  the  student  is  initi- 
ated in  the  art  of  composition — an  art  which,  in  any  lan- 
guage, yields  to  nothing  but  practice.  In  Chinese  it  is  be- 
set with  difficulties  of  a peculiar  kind.  In  the  majority  of 
cultivated  languages  the  syntax  is  governed  by  rules, 
while  inflections,  like  mortise  and  tenon,  facilitate  the 
structure  of  the  sentence. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  293 


Not  so  in  this  most  primitive  form  of  human  speech. 
Verbs  and  nouns  are  undistinguished  by  any  difference 
of  form,  the  verb  having  no  voice,  mood,  or  tense,  and 
the  noun  neither  gender,  number,  nor  case.  Collo- 
cation is  everything ; it  creates  the  parts  of  speech  and 
determines  the  signification  of  characters.  The  very 
simplicity  of  the  linguistic  structure  thus  proves  a source 
of  difficulty,  preventing  the  formation  of  any  such  sys- 
tems of  grammatical  rules  as  abound  in  most  inflected 
languages,  and  throwing  the  burden  of  acquisition  on 
the  imitative  faculty ; the  problem  being,  not  the  erection 
of  a fabric  from  parts  which  are  adjusted  and  marked, 
but  the  building  of  an  arch  with  cobble-stones. 

If  these  uniform,  unclassified  atoms  were  indifferent 
to  position,  the  labor  of  arrangement  would  be  nothing, 
and  style  impossible.  But  most  of  them  appear  to  be 
endowed  with  a kind  of  mysterious  polarity  which  con- 
trols their  collocation,  and  renders  them  incapable  of  com- 
panionship except  with  certain  characters,  the  choice  of 
which  would  seem  to  be  altogether  arbitrary.  The  origin 
of  this  peculiarity  is  not  difficult  to  discover.  In  this,  as 
in  other  things  among  the  Giinese,  usage  has  become 
law.  Combinations  which  were  accidental  or  optional 
with  the  model  writers  of  antiquity,  and  even  their  errors, 
have,  to  their  imitative  posterity,  become  the  jus  et  norma 
loquendi.  Free  to  move  upon  each  other  when  the  lan- 
guage was  young  and  in  a fluid  state,  its  elements  have 
now  become  crystallized  into  invariable  forms.  To 
master  this  pre-established  harmony  without  the  aid  of 
rules  is  the  fruit  of  practice  and  the  labor  of  years. 

The  first  step  in  composition  is  the  yoking  together 
of  double  characters.  The  second  is  the  reduplication  of 
these  binary  compounds  and  the  construction  of  parallels 
— an  idea  which  runs  so  completely  through  the  whole  of 


294 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Chinese  literature  that  the  mind  of  the  student  requires 
to  be  imbued  with  it  at  the  very  outset.  This  is  the  way 
he  begins : The  teacher  writes  “ Wind  blows,”  the  pupil 
adds  “ Rain  falls ; ” the  teacher  writes  “ Rivers  are  long,” 
the  pupil  adds  “ Seas  are  deep  ” or  “ Mountains  are 
high,”  etc. 

From  the  simple  subject  and  predicate,  which  in  their 
rude  grammar  they  describe  as  “ dead  ” and  “ living  ” 
characters,  the  teacher  conducts  his  pupil  to  more  com- 
plex forms,  in  which  qualifying  words  and  phrases  are 
introduced.  He  gives  as  a model  some  such  phrase  as 
“ The  Emperor’s  grace  is  vast  as  heaven  and  earth,”  and 
the  lad  matches  it  by  “ The  sovereign’s  favor  is  profound 
as  lake  and  sea.”  These  couplets  often  contain  two  prop- 
ositions in  each  member,  accompanied  by  all  the  usual 
modifying  terms ; and  so  exact  is  the  symmetry  required 
by  the  rules  of  the  art  that  not  only  must  noun,  verb, 
adjective,  and  particle  respond  to  each  other  with  scrupu- 
lous exactness,  but  the  very  tones  of  the  characters  are 
adjusted  to  each  other  with  the  precision  of  music. 

Begun  with  the  first  strokes  of  his  untaught  pencil, 
the  student,  whatever  his  proficiency,  never  gets  beyond 
the  construction  of  parallels.  When  he  becomes  a mem- 
ber of  the  Institute  or  a minister  of  the  Imperial  Cabinet, 
at  classic  festivals  and  social  entertainments,  the  composi- 
tion of  impromptu  couplets,  formed  on  the  old  model, 
constitutes  a favorite  pastime.  Reflecting  a poetic  image 
from  every  syllable,  or  concealing  the  keen  point  of  a 
cutting  epigram,  they  afford  a fine  vehicle  for  sallies  of 
wit ; and  poetical  contests  such  as  that  of  Meliboeus  and 
Menalcas  are  in  China  matters  of  daily  occurrence.  If 
a present  is  to  be  given,  on  the  occasion  of  a marriage, 
a birthday,  or  any  other  remarkable  occasion,  nothing 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  295 


is  deemed  so  elegant  or  acceptable  as  a pair  of  scrolls 
inscribed  with  a complimentary  distich. 

When  the  novice  is  sufficiently  exercised  in  the 
“ parallels  ” for  the  idea  of  symmetry  to  have  become  an 
instinct,  he  is  permitted  to  advance  to  other  species  of 
composition  which  afford  freer  scope  for  his  faculties. 
Such  are  the  shou  t'ich  in  which  a single  thought  is  ex- 
panded in  simple  language;  the  bin,  the  formal  dis- 
cussion of  a subject  more  or  less  extended,  and  epistles 
addressed  to  imaginary  persons  and  adapted  to  all  con- 
ceivable circumstances.  In  these  last,  the  forms  of  the 
“ complete  letter-writer  ” are  copied  with  too  much  ser- 
vility ; but  in  the  other  two,  substance  being  deemed  of 
more  consequence  than  form,  the  new-fledged  thought  is 
permitted  to  essay  its  powers  and  to  expatiate  with  but 
little  restraint. 

In  the  third  stage,  composition  is  the  leading  object, 
reading  being  wholly  subsidiary.  It  takes,  for  the  most 
part,  the  artificial  form  of  verse,  and  of  a kind  of  prose 
called  wen  cluing,  which  is,  if  possible,  still  more  arti- 
ficial. The  reading  required  embraces  mainly  rhetorical 
models  and  sundry  anthologies.  History  is  studied,  but 
only  that  of  China,  and  that  only  in  compends ; not  for 
its  lessons  of  wisdom,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  allusions 
with  which  it  enables  a writer  to  embellish  classic  essays. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  other  studies;  knowledge  and 
mental  discipline  are  at  a discount,  and  style  at  a pre- 
mium. The  goal  of  the  long  course,  the  flower  and  fruit 
of  the  whole  system,  is  the  wen  chang;  for  this  alone 
can  insure  success  in  the  public  examinations  for  the  civil 
service,  in  which  students  begin  to  adventure  soon  after 
entering  on  the  third  stage  of  their  preparatory  course. 

These  examinations  we  reserve  for  subsequent  consid- 


296  THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 

eration,  and  in  that  connection  we  shall  notice  the  wen 
chang  more  at  length.  We  may,  however,  remark  in 
passing  that  to  propose  such  an  end  as  the  permanent 
object  of  pursuit  must  of  necessity  have  the  effect  of 
rendering  education  superficial.  In  our  own  universities 
surface  is  aimed  at  rather  than  depth ; but  what,  we  may 
ask,  besides  an  empty  glitter,  would  remain  if  none  of 
our  students  aspired  to  anything  better  than  to  become 
popular  newspaper-writers?  Yet  successful  essayists 
and  penny-a-liners  require  as  a preparation  for  their 
functions  a substratum  of  solid  information.  They  have 
to  exert  themselves  to  keep  abreast  of  an  age  in  which 
great  facts  and  great  thoughts  vibrate  instantaneously 
throughout  a hemisphere.  But  the  idea  of  progressive 
knowledge  is  alien  to  the  nature  of  the  wen  chang.  A 
juster  parallel  for  the  intense  and  fruitless  concentra- 
tion of  energy  on  this  species  of  composition  is  the 
passion  for  Latin  verse  which  was  dominant  in  our  halls 
of  learning  until  dethroned  by  the  rise  of  modem  science. 

# 

V.  Grade  of  schools 

The  division  of  the  undergraduate  course  into  the 
three  stages  which  we  have  described  gives  rise  to  three 
classes  of  schools;  the  primary,  in  which  little  is  at- 
tended to  beyond  memoriter  recitation  and  imitative 
chirography ; the  middle,  in  which  the  canonical  books 
are  expounded ; and  the  classical,  in  which  composition 
is  the  leading  exercise.  Not  unfrequently  all  three  de- 
partments are  embraced  in  one  and  the  same  school ; and 
still  more  frequently  the  single  department  professed 
is  so  neglected  as  to  render  it  utterly  abortive  for  any 
useful  purpose.  This,  as  we  have  elsewhere  intimated,  is 
particularly  the  case  with  what  are  called  public  schools. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  297 


National  schools  there  are  none,  with  the  exception  of 
those  at  the  capital  for  the  education  of  the  Bannermen, 
originally  established  on  a liberal  scale,  but  now  so 
neglected  that  they  can  scarcely  be  reckoned  among 
existing  institutions. 

A further  exception  may  be  made  in  favor  of  schools 
opened  in  various  places  by  provincial  officers  for  special 
purposes ; but  it  is  still  true  that  China  has  nothing 
approaching  to  a system  of  common  schools  designed  to 
diffuse  among  the  masses  the  blessings  of  a popular  edu- 
cation. Indeed,  education  is  systematically  left  to 
private  enterprise  and  public  charity ; the  government 
contenting  itself  with  gathering  the  choicest  fruits  and 
encouraging  production  by  suitable  rewards.  A govern- 
ment that  does  this  cannot  be  accused  of  neglecting  the 
interests  of  education,  though  the  beneficial  influence  of 
such  patronage  seldom  penetrates  to  the  lower  strata  of 
society. 

Even  higher  institutions,  those  that  bear  the  name  of 
colleges,  are,  for  the  most  part,  left  to  shift  for  them- 
selves on  the  same  principle.  Such  colleges  differ  little 
from  schools  of  the  middle  and  higher  class,  except  in 
the  number  of  professors  and  students.  The  professors, 
however  numerous,  teach  nothing  but  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage, and  the  students,  however  long  they  may  remain 
in  the  institution,  study  nothing  but  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage. Colleges  in  the  modern  sense,  as  institutions  in 
which  the  several  sciences  are  taught  by  men  who  are 
specially  expert,  are,  as  yet,  almost  unknown.  But  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  government  will  soon  per- 
ceive the  necessity  of  supplying  its  people  with  the  means 
of  a higher,  broader  culture  than  they  can  derive  from 
the  grammar  and  rhetoric  of  their  own  language. 

In  establishing  and  contributing  to  the  support  of 


298 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


schools,  the  gentry  are  exceedingly  liberal ; but  they  are 
not  always  careful  to  see  that  their  schools  are  conducted 
in  an  efficient  manner.  In  China  nothing  flourishes 
without  the  stimulus  of  private  interest.  Accordingly, 
all  who  can  afford  to  do  so,  endeavour  to  employ  private 
instructors  for  their  own  families ; and  where  a single 
family  is  unable  to  meet  the  expense,  two  or  three  of 
the  same  clan  or  family  name  are  accustomed  to  club 
together  for  that  object. 

Efforts  for  the  promotion  of  education  are  specially 
encouraged  by  enlightened  magistrates.  Recently,  over 
three  hundred  new  schools  were  reported  as  opened  in 
one  department  of  the  Province  of  Canton  as  the  result 
of  official  influence,  but  not  at  government  expense. 
The  Emperor,  too,  has  a way  of  bringing  his  influence  to 
bear  on  this  object  without  drawing  a farthing  from 
his  exchequer.  I shall  mention  three  instances  by  way  of 
illustration. 

Last  year,  in  Shantung,  a man  of  literary  standing 
contributed  four  acres  of  ground  for  the  establishment 
of  a village  school.  The  governor  recommended  him 
to  the  notice  of  the  Emperor,  and  his  Majesty  conferred 
on  him  the  titular  rank  of  professor  in  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien, 
or  Confucian  College. 

Three  or  four  years  ago,  in  the  Province  of  Hupei,  a 
retired  officer  of  the  grade  of  Taotai,  or  Intendant  of  Cir- 
cuit, contributed  twenty  thousand  taels  for  the  endow- 
ment of  a college  at  Wu  Chang.  The  Viceroy  Li  Han 
Chang  reporting  to  the  throne  this  act  of  munificence, 
the  Chinese  Peabody  was  rewarded  by  the  privilege  of 
wearing  a red  button  instead  of  a blue  one,  and  inscribing 
on  his  card  the  title  of  Provincial  Judge. 

The  third  instance  is  that  of  a college  in  Kei  Lin  Fu, 
the  capital  of  Kuangsi.  Falling  into  decay  and  ruin 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  299 


during  the  long  years  of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  the  gentry, 
on  the  return  of  peace,  raised  contributions,  repaired  the 
building,  and  started  it  again  in  successful  operation.  The 
governor  solicits  on  behalf  of  these  public-spirited  citi- 
zens some  marks  of  the  Imperial  approbation;  and  his 
Majesty  sends  them  a laudatory  inscription  written  by 
the  elegant  pencils  of  the  Hanlin. 

But  private  effort,  however  stimulated,  is  utterly  inade- 
quate to  the  wants  of  the  public.  In  Western  countries 
the  enormous  exertions  of  religious  societies,  prompted 
as  they  are  by  pious  zeal  enhanced  by  sectarian  rivalry, 
have  always  fallen  short  of  the  educational  necessities  of 
the  masses.  It  is  well  understood  that  no  system  of 
schools  can  ever  succeed  in  reaching  all  classes  of  the 
people  unless  it  has  its  roots  in  the  national  revenue. 

In  China,  what  with  the  unavoidable  limitation  of 
private  effort  and  the  deplorable  inefficiency  of  charity- 
schools,  but  a small  fraction  of  the  youth  have  the  ad- 
vantages of  the  most  elementary  education  brought 
within  their  reach. 

I do  not  here  speak  of  the  almost  total  absence  of 
schools  for  girls,  for  against  these,  Chinese  are  prin- 
cipled. The  government,  having  no  demand  for  the 
services  of  women  in  official  posts,  makes  no  provision  for 
their  education  ;and  popular  opinion  regards  reading  and 
writing  as  dangerous  arts  in  female  hands.  If  a woman, 
however,  by  chance,  emerging  from  the  shaded  hemi- 
sphere to  which  social  prejudices  have  consigned  her 
(si  qua  fata  aspera  rumpat),  vindicates  for  herself  a po- 
sition among  historians,  poets,  or  scholars,  she  never  fails 
to  be  greeted  with  even  more  than  her  proper  share  of 
public  admiration.  Such  instances  induce  indulgent 
fathers  now  and  then  to  cultivate  the  talents  of  a clever 
daughter,  and  occasionally  neighborhood  schools  for  the 


3°o 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


benefit  of  girls  are  to  be  met  with ; but  the  Chinese  people 
have  yet  to  learn  that  the  best  provision  they  could  make 
for  the  primary  education  of  their  sons  would  be  to  edu- 
cate the  mothers,  and  that  the  education  of  the  mothers 
could  not  fail  to  improve  the  intellectual  character  of 
their  offspring.  But  even  for  the  more  favored  sex  the 
facilities  for  obtaining  an  education  are  sadly  deficient ; 
only  a small  percentage  of  the  youth  attend  school,  and, 
owing  to  the  absurd  method  which  we  have  described, 
few  of  them  advance  far  enough  to  be  initiated  into  the 
mysteries  of  ideography. 

On  this  subject  a false  impression  has  gone  abroad. 
We  hear  it  asserted  that  “ education  is  universal  in 
China ; even  coolies  are  taught  to  read  and  write.”  In  one 
sense  this  is  true,  but  not  as  we  understand  the  terms 
“ reading  and  writing.”  In  the  alphabetical  vernaculars 
of  the  West  the  ability  to  read  and  write  implies  the 
ability  to  express  one’s  thoughts  by  the  pen,  and  to  grasp 
the  thoughts  of  others  when  so  expressed.  In  Chinese, 
and  especially  in  the  classical  or  book  language,  it  im- 
plies nothing  of  the  sort.  A shopkeeper  may  be  able  to 
write  the  numbers  and  keep  accounts  without  being  able 
to  write  anything  else ; and  a lad  who  has  attended  school 
for  several  years  will  pronounce  the  characters  of  an 
ordinary  -book  with  faultless  precision,  yet  not  com- 
prehend the  meaning  of  a single  sentence.  Of  those 
who  can  read  understanding^  (and  nothing  else  ought 
to  be  called  reading),  the  proportion  is  greater  in  towns 
than  in  rural  districts.  But  striking  an  average,  it  does 
not,  according  to  my  observation,  exceed  one  in  twenty 
for  the  male  sex  and  one  in  ten  thousand  for  the  female 
— rather  a humiliating  exhibit  for  a country  which  has 
maintained  for  centuries  such  a magnificent  institution 
as  the  Hanlin  Academy. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  301 


With  all  due  allowance  for  the  want  of  statistical  ac- 
curacy where  no  statistics  are  obtainable,  compare  this 
with  the  educational  statistics  of  the  United  States  as 
given  in  the  census  of  1870.  Taking  the  country  as  a 
whole,  the  ratio  of  illiteracy  among  persons  over  ten 
years  of  age  is  1 in  6;  taking  the  Northern  States  alone, 
the  ratio  is  57  to  1,000,  or  about  1 in  18.* 

VI.  Government  agency 

To  some  it  may  be  a matter  of  surprise  that  popular 
education  is  left  to  take  care  of  itself  in  a country  where 
letters  are  held  sacred  and  their  inventor  enrolled  among 
the  gods ; to  others  it  may  appear  equally  strange  that 
mental  cultivation  is  so  extensively  diffused,  considering 
the  cumbrous  vehicle  employed  for  the  transmission  of 
thought  and  the  enormous  difficulty  of  getting  com- 
mand of  it.  Both  phenomena  find  their  solution  in  the 
fact  that  the  government  does  not  value  education  for  its 
own  sake,  but  regards  it  as  means  to  an  end.  The  great 
end  is  the  repose  of  the  State;  the  instruments  for  se- 
curing it  are  able  officers,  and  education  is  the  means  for 
preparing  them  for  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  This 
done,  an  adequate  supply  of  disciplined  agents  once  se- 
cured, the  education  of  the  people  ceases  to  be  an  object. 
The  repose  of  the  State,  one  of  the  ancient  philosophers 
tells  us,  might  be  assured  by  the  opposite  process : “ Fill 
the  people’s  bellies  and  empty  their  minds ; cause  that 
they  neither  know  nor  desire  anything,  and  you  have  the 
secret  of  a tranquil  government.”  Such  is  the  advice  of 
Laotze,  which  I am  inclined  to  take  as  an  utterance  of 
Socratic  irony  rather  than  Machiavelian  malice.  So  far 
from  subscribing  to  this  sentiment  in  its  literal  import, 
the  Chinese  government  holds  its  officers  responsible  for 

* Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education,  1871. 


302 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  instruction  of  its  subjects  in  all  matters  of  duty;  and 
in  Chinese  society  the  idea  of  instruction  as  the  one  thing 
needful  has  so  wrought  itself  into  the  forms  of  speech 
as  to  become  a wearisome  cant.  The  red  card  that  in- 
vites you  to  an  entertainment  solicits  “ instruction.” 
When  a friend  meets  you  he  apologizes  for  having  so 
long  absented  himself  from  your  “ instructions ; ” and  in 
familiar  conversation,  simple  statements  and  opinions 
are  often  received  as  “ precious  instruction  ” by  those 
who  do  not  by  any  means  accept  them.  It  is  more  to  the 
point  to  add  that  one  of  the  classical  books  denounces 
it  as  the  greatest  of  parental  faults  to  bring  up  a child 
without  instruction.  This  relates  to  the  moral  rather 
than  to  the  intellectual  side  of  education.  The  Chinese 
government  does,  nevertheless,  encourage  purely  intel- 
lectual culture ; and  it  does  so  in  a most  decided  and 
effectual  manner — viz.,  by  testing  attainments  and  re- 
warding exertion.  In  the  magnificence  of  the  scale  on 
which  it  does  this,  it  is  unapproached  by  any  other 
nation  of  the  earth. 

Lord  Mahon,  in  his  History  of  England,  speaking  of 
the  patronage  extended  to  learning  in  the  period  preced- 
ing Walpole,  observes  that  “ though  the  sovereign  was 
never  an  Augustus,  the  minister  was  always  a Maecenas. 
Newton  became  Master  of  the  Mint ; Locke  was  Com- 
missioner of  Appeals ; Steele  was  Commissioner  of 
Stamps ; Stepney,  Prior,  and  Gray  were  employed  in  lu- 
crative and  important  embassies ; Addison  was  Secretary 
of  State;  Tickell,  Secretary  in  Ireland.  Several  rich 
sinecures  were  bestowed  on  Congreve  and  Rowe,  on 
Hughes  and  Ambrose  Philips.”  And  he  goes  on  to  show 
how  the  illiberality  of  succeeding  reigns  was  atoned  for 
by  popular  favor,  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  enabling  the 
people  to  become  the  patron  of  genius  and  learning. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  303 

The  Chinese  practise  none  of  these  three  methods. 
The  Emperor,  less  arbitrary  than  monarchs  of  the  West, 
does  not  feel  at  liberty  to  reward  an  author  by  official 
appointments,  and  his  minister  has  no  power  to  do  so. 
The  inefficiency  of  popular  patronage  is  less  to  their 
credit ; authors  reap  much  honor  and  little  emolument 
from  their  works.  It  is  something  to  be  able  to  add  that 
all  three  are  merged  in  a regulated  State  patronage,  ac- 
cording to  which  the  reward  of  literary  merit  is  a law  of 
the  Empire  and  a right  of  the  people.  This  brings  us  to 
speak  of  the  examination  system.* 

Though  not  unknown  to  the  Occidental  public,  these 
examinations  are  not  properly  understood,  for  the  opinion 
has  been  gaining  ground  that  their  value  has  been  over- 
rated, and  that  they  are  to  be  held  responsible  for  all  the 
shortcomings  of  Chinese  intellectual  culture.  The  truth 
is  just  the  reverse.  These  shortcomings  (I  have  not  at- 
tempted to  disguise  them)  are  referable  to  other  causes, 
while  for  nearly  a thousand  years  this  system  of  literary 
competition  has  operated  as  a stimulating  and  conserva- 
tive agency,  to  which  are  due  not  only  the  merits  of  the 
national  education,  such  as  it  is,  but  its  very  existence. 

Coming  down  from  the  past,  with  the  accretions  of 
many  centuries,  it  has  expanded  into  a vast  branch  of  the 
administration,  and  its  machinery  has  become  as  com- 
plex as  its  proportions  are  enormous.  Its  ramifications 
extend  to  every  district  of  the  Empire ; and  it  commands 
the  services  of  district  magistrates,  prefects,  and  other 
civil  functionaries  up  to  governors  and  viceroys.  These 
are  all  auxiliary  to  the  regular  officers  of  the  literary 
corporation. 

In  each  district  there  are  two  resident  examiners  with 

* The  subject  is  here  touched  on  incidentally.  For  a fuller 
treatment  of  it  see  the  next  two  chapters. 


3°4 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  title  of  professor,  whose  duty  it  is  to  keep  a register 
of  all  competing  students,  and  to  exercise  them  from 
time  to  time  in  order  to  stimulate  their  efforts  and  keep 
them  in  preparation  for  the  higher  examinations  in  which 
degrees  are  conferred.  In  each  province  there  is  one 
chancellor  or  superintendent  of  instruction,  who  holds 
office  for  three  years,  and  is  required  to  visit  every  district 
and  hold  the  customary  examinations  within  that  time, 
conferring  the  first  degree  on  a certain  percentage  of  the 
candidates.  There  are,  moreover,  two  special  examiners 
for  each  province,  generally  members  of  the  Hanlin, 
deputed  from  the  capital  to  conduct  the  great  triennial 
examinations  and  confer  the  second  degree. 

The  regular  degrees  are  three : 

First,  Hsiu-ts‘ai,  or  “ Flower  of  talent.” 

Second,  Chii-jen,  or  “ Promoted  scholar.” 

Third,  Chin-shih,  or  “ Fit  for  office.” 

To  which  may  be  added  as  a fourth  degree  the  Han-lin, 
or  member  of  the  “ Forest  of  Pencils.”  The  first  of  these 
is  sometimes  compared  to  the  degree  of  B.A.,  conferred  by 
colleges  and  universities ; the  second  to  M.A. ; the  third  to 
D.C.L.  or  LL.D.  The  last  is  accurately  described  by 
membership  in  the  Imperial  Academy ; always  bearing 
in  mind  how  much  a Chinese  Academy  must  differ  from 
a similar  institution  in  the  West.  But  so  faint  is  the 
analogy  which  the  other  degrees  bear  to  the  literary'  de- 
grees of  Western  lands  that  the  interchange  of  terms  is 
sure  to  lead  to  misconceptions.  Chinese  degrees  rep- 
resent talent,  not  knowledge;  they  are  conferred  by  the 
State,  without  the  intervention  of  school  or  college ; they 
carry  with  them  the  privileges  of  official  rank ; and  they 
are  bestowed  on  no  more  than  a very  small  percentage 
of  those  who  engage  in  competition.  With  us,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  give  no  official  standing;  they  attest,  where 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  305 


they  mean  anything,  acquirements  rather  than  ability ; 
and  the  number  of  those  who  are  “ plucked  ” is  usually 
small  in  comparison  with  those  who  are  allowed  to 
“ pass.”  But,  after  all,  the  new-fledged  bachelor  of  an 
Occidental  college,  his  head  crammed  with  the  outlines 
of  universal  knowledge,  answers  quite  as  nearly  to  the 
sprightly  hsiu-ts'ai, 

“ Whose  soul  proud  science  never  taught  to  stray 
Far  as  the  solar  walk  or  Milky  Way,” 

as  does  a Western  general  to  the  chief  of  an  undisciplined 
horde  of  so-called  soldiers. 

The  following  Report  of  Pan  Sze  Lien,  Chancellor  of 
the  Province  of  Shantung,  though  somewhat  vague,  will 
give  us  an  idea  of  the  official  duties  of  the  chief  examiner 
and  the  spirit  in  which  he  professes  to  discharge  them : 

“ Your  Majesty’s  servant,”  says  the  chancellor,  “ has 
guarded  the  seal  of  office  with  the  utmost  vigilance.  In 
every  instance  where  frauds  were  detected,  he  has  handed 
the  offender  over  to  the  proper  authorities  for  punish- 
ment. In  re-examining  the  successful,  whenever  their 
handwriting  disagreed  with  that  of  their  previous  per- 
formances, he  has  at  once  expelled  them  from  the  hall, 
without  granting  a particle  of  indulgence.  He  every- 
where exhorted  the  students  to  aim  at  the  cultivation  of  a 
high  moral  character.  In  judging  of  the  merit  of  com- 
positions, he  followed  reason  and  the  established  rules. 
At  the  close  of  each  examination  he  addressed  the  stu- 
dents face  to  face,  exhorting  them  not  to  walk  in  ways  of 
vanity,  nor  to  concern  themselves  with  things  foreign 
to  their  vocation,  but  to  uphold  the  credit  of  scholarship 
and  to  seek  to  maintain  or  retrieve  the  literary  reputation 
of  their  several  districts.  Besides  these  occupations, 


3°6 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


your  servant,  in  passing  from  place  to  place,  observed 
that  the  snow  has  everywhere  exercised  a reviving  influ- 
ence ; the  young  wheat  is  beginning  to  shoot  up ; the 
people  are  perfectly  quiet  and  well  disposed ; the  price  of 
provisions  is  moderate ; and  those  who  suffered  from  the 
recent  floods  are  gradually  returning  to  their  forsaken 
homes.  For  literary  culture,  Hsin  Chou  stands  pre-emi- 
nent, while  Tsao  Chou  is  equally  so  in  military  matters.” 

This  is  the  whole  report,  with  the  exception  of  certain 
stereotyped  phrases,  employed  to  open  and  conclude  such 
documents,  and  a barren  catalogue  of  places  and  dates. 
It  contains  no  statistical  facts,  no  statement  of  the  number 
of  candidates,  nor  the  proportion  passed ; indeed,  no  in- 
formation of  any  kind,  except  that  conveyed  in  a chance 
allusion  in  the  closing  sentence. 

From  this  we  learn  that  the  chancellor  is  held  respon- 
sible for  examinations  in  the  military  art ; and  it  might  be 
inferred  that  he  reviews  the  troops  and  gauges  the  attain- 
ments of  the  cadets  in  military  history,  engineering, 
tactics,  etc. ; but  nothing  of  the  kind : he  sees  them  draw 
the  bow,  hurl  the  discus,  and  go  through  various  manoeu- 
vres with  spear  and  shield,  which  have  no  longer  a place 
in  civilized  warfare. 

The  first  degree  only  is  conferred  by  the  provincial 
diancellor,  and  the  happy  recipients,  fifteen  or  twenty  in 
each  department,  or  one  per  cent,  of  the  candidates,  are 
decorated  with  the  insignia  of  rank  and  admitted  to  the 
ground-floor  of  the  nine-storied  pagoda.  The  trial  for  the 
second  degree  is  held  in  the  capital  of  each  province,  by 
special  commissioners,  once  in  three  years.  It  consists 
of  three  sessions  of  three  days  each,  making  nine  days 
of  almost  continuous  exertion — a strain  to  the  mental  and 
physical  powers  to  which  the  infirm  and  aged  frequently 
succumb. 


SCHOOL  AND  FAMILY  TRAINING  307 


In  addition  to  composition  in  prose  and  verse,  the  can- 
didate is  required  to  show  his  acquaintance  with  history 
(the  history  of  China),  philosophy,  criticism,  and  various 
branches  of  archaeology'.  Again  one  per  cent,  are  decor- 
ated ; but  it  is  not  until  the  more  fortunate  among  them 
succeed  in  passing  the  metropolitan  triennial  that  the 
meed  of  civil  office  is  certainly  bestowed.  They  are  not, 
however,  assigned  to  their  respective  offices  until  they 
have  gone  through  two  special  examinations  within  the 
palace  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor.  On  this 
occasion  the  highest  on  the  list  is  honored  with  the  title 
of  chuang-yuan,  or  “ laureate  ” — a distinction  so  great 
that  our  Western  curriculum  has  nothing  to  compare 
with  it.  In  the  late  reign  it  was  not  thought  unbefitting 
for  the  daughter  of  a chuang-yuan  to  be  consort  of  the 
Son  of  Heaven. 

A score  of  the  best  admitted  to  membership  in  the 
Academy,  two  or  three  score  are  attached  to  it  as  pupils 
or  probationers,  and  the  rest  drafted  off  to  official  posts 
in  the  capital  or  in  the  provinces,  the  humblest  of  which 
is  supposed  to  compensate  the  occupant  for  a life  of 
penury  and  toil. 

In  conclusion,  the  civil-service  competitive  system  ap- 
pears destined  to  play  a conspicuous  part  in  carrying  for- 
ward an  intellectual  movement  the  incipient  stages  of 
which  are  already  visible.  It  has  cherished  the  national 
education,  such  as  it  is ; and  if  it  has  compelled  the  mind 
of  China  for  ages  past  to  grind  in  the  mill  of  blind  imita- 
tion, that  is  not  the  fault  of  the  system,  but  its  abuse. 

When  the  growing  influence  of  Western  science  ani- 
mates it  with  a new  spirit,  as  it  must  ere  long,  we  shall  see 
a million  or  more  of  patient  students  applying  them- 
selves to  scientific  studies  with  all  the  ardor  that  now 
characterizes  their  literary  competition. 


XVII 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS 

THE  reform  proposed  in  the  organization  of  our 
civil  service,  which  contemplates  the  introduc- 
tion of  a system  of  competitive  examinations, 
makes  an  inquiry  into  the  experience  of  other  nations 
timely.  England,  France,  and  Prussia  have  each  made 
use  of  competitive  examinations  in  some  branches 
of  their  public  service.  In  all  these  States  the  result 
has  been  uniform — a conviction  that  such  a system, 
so  far  as  it  can  be  employed,  affords  the  best 
method  of  ascertaining  the  qualifications  of  candidates 
for  government  employment.  But  in  these  countries  the 
experiment  is  of  recent  date  and  of  limited  application. 
We  must  look  farther  East  if  we  would  see  the  system 
working  on  a scale  sufficiently  large  and  through  a period 
sufficiently  extended  to  afford  us  a full  exhibition  of  its 
advantages  and  defects. 

It  is  in  China  that  its  merits  have  been  tested  in  the 
most  satisfactory  manner;  and  if  in  this  instance  we 
should  profit  by  their  experience,  it  would  not  be  the 
first  lesson  we  have  learned  from  the  Chinese,  nor  the 
last  they  are  capable  of  giving  us.  It  is  to  them  that  we 
are  indebted,  among  other  obligations,  for  the  mariner's 
compass,  for  gunpowder,  and  probably  also  for  a remote 
suggestion  of  the  art  of  printing.  These  arts  have 
been  of  the  first  importance  in  their  bearing  on  the  ad- 
vancement of  society — one  of  them  having  effected  a 

308 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  309 


complete  revolution  in  the  character  of  modern  warfare, 
while  the  others  have  imparted  a mighty  impulse  to  in- 
tellectual culture  and  commercial  enterprise.  Nor  is  it 
too  much  to  affirm  that,  if  we  should  adopt  the  Chinese 
method  of  testing  the  ability  of  candidates,  and  of  select- 
ing the  best  men  for  the  service  of  the  State,  the  change 
it  would  effect  in  our  civil  administration  would  be  not 
less  beneficial  than  those  that  have  been  brought  about 
by  the  discoveries  in  the  arts  to  which  I have  referred. 

The  bare  suggestion  may  perhaps  provoke  a smile ; but 
are  not  the  long  duration  of  the  Chinese  government,  and 
the  vast  population  to  which  it  has  served  to  secure  a fair 
measure  of  prosperity,  phenomena  that  challenge  ad- 
miration? Why  should  it  be  considered  derogatory  to 
our  civilization  to  copy  an  institution  which  is  confessedly 
the  masterpiece  in  that  skilful  mechanism— the  balance- 
wheel  that  regulates  the  working  of  that  wonderful 
machinery  ? 

In  the  arts  which  we  have  borrowed  from  the  Chinese 
we  have  not  been  servile  imitators.  In  every  case  we 
have  made  improvements  that  astonish  the  original  in- 
ventors. We  employ  movable  type,  apply  steam  and 
electricity  to  printing,  use  the  needle  as  a guide  over 
seas  which  no  junk  would  have  ventured  to  traverse,  and 
construct  artillery  such  as  the  inventors  of  gunpowder 
never  dreamed  of.  Would  it  be  otherwise  with  a trans- 
planted competitive  system?  Should  we  not  be  able  to 
purge  it  of  certain  defects  which  adhere  to  it  in  China,  and 
so  render  it  productive  of  better  results  than  it  yields  in 
its  native  climate?  I think,  therefore,  that  I shall  serve 
a better  purpose  than  the  simple  gratification  of  curiosity 
if  I devote  a brief  space  to  the  consideration  of  the  most 
admirable  institution  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

Its  primary  object  was  to  provide  men  of  ability  for 


310 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  service  of  the  State,  and,  whatever  else  it  may  have 
failed  to  accomplish,  it  is  impossible  to  deny  that  it  has 
fulfilled  its  specific  end  in  a remarkable  degree.  The 
mandarins  of  China  are  almost  without  exception  the 
choicest  specimens  of  the  educated  classes.  Alike  in  the 
capital  and  in  the  provinces,  it  is  the  mandarins  that 
take  the  lead  in  every  kind  of  literary  enterprise.  It 
is  to  them  the  Emperor  looks  to  instruct  as  well  as  to 
govern  his  people ; and  it  is  to  them  that  the  publishers 
look  for  additions  to  the  literature  of  the  nation — nine- 
tenths  of  the  new  books  being  written  by  mandarins. 
In  their  social  meetings,  their  conversation  abounds  in 
classical  allusions ; and  instead  of  after-dinner  speeches, 
they  are  accustomed  to  amuse  themselves  with  the  com- 
position of  impromptu  verses,  which  they  throw  off 
with  incredible  facility.  It  is  their  duty  to  encourage  the 
efforts  of  students,  to  preside  at  the  public  examinations, 
and  to  visit  the  public  schools — to  promote,  in  short,  by 
example  as  well  as  precept,  the  interests  of  education. 
Scarcely  anything  is  deemed  a deeper  disgrace  than  for  a 
magistrate  to  be  found  incompetent  for  this  department 
of  his  official  duties.  So  identified,  indeed,  are  the 
mandarins  with  all  that  constitutes  the  intellectual  life  of 
the  Chinese  people  that  foreigners  have  come  to  regard 
them  as  a favored  caste,  like  the  Brahmins  of  India,  or  as 
a distinct  order  enjoying  a monopoly  of  learning,  like  the 
priesthood  in  Egypt. 

Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth.  Those  stately 
officials,  for  whom  the  people  make  way  with  such  awe- 
struck deference,  as  they  pass  along  the  street  with  em- 
broidered robes  and  imposing  retinue,  are  not  possessors 
of  hereditary  rank,  neither  do  they  owe  their  elevation 
to  the  favor  of  their  sovereign,  nor  yet  to  the  suffrages 
of  their  fellow-subjects.  They  are  self-elected,  and  the 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  311 


people  regard  them  with  the  deeper  respect,  because  they 
know  that  they  have  earned  their  position  by  intellectual 
effort.  What  can  be  more  truly  democratic  than  (in  the 
words  of  Anson  Burlingame)  to  offer  to  all  “the  inspir- 
ation of  fair  opportunity?”  In  this  genuine  democracy 
China  stands  unapproached  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth ; for,  whatever  imperfections  may  attach  to  her 
social  organization  or  to  her  political  system,  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  she  has  devised  the  most  effectual 
method  for  encouraging  effort  and  rewarding  merit. 
Here  at  least  is  one  country  where  wealth  is  not  allowed 
to  raise  its  possessor  to  the  seat  of  power ; where  the  will 
even  of  an  emperor  cannot  bestow  its  offices  on  unedu- 
cated favorites ; and  where  the  caprice  of  the  multitude 
is  not  permitted  to  confer  the  honors  of  the  State  on 
incompetent  demagogues. 

The  institution  that  accomplishes  these  results  is  not 
an  innovation  on  the  traditional  policy  of  the  Empire.  It 
runs  back  in  its  essential  features  to  the  earliest  period  of 
recorded  history.  The  adherence  of  the  Chinese  to  it 
through  so  many  ages  well  illustrates  the  conservative 
element  in  the  national  character ; while  the  important 
changes  it  has  undergone  prove  that  this  people  is  not 
by  any  means  so  fettered  by  tradition  as  to  be  incapable  of 
Welcoming  improvements. 

The  germ  from  which  it  sprang  was  a maxim  of  the 
ancient  sages,  expressed  in  four  syllables — Chu  hsien  jen 
neng — “ Employ  the  able  and  promote  the  worthy ; ” and 
examinations  were  resorted  to  as  affording  the  best 
test  of  ability  and  worth.  Of  the  Great  Shun,  that  model 
emperor  of  remote  antiquity,  who  lived  about  B.C.  2200, 
it  is  recorded  that  he  examined  his  officers  every  third 
year,  and  after  these  examinations  either  gave  them  pro- 
motion or  dismissed  them  from  the  service.  On  what 


312 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


subjects  he  examined  them  at  a time  when  letters  were 
but  newly  invented,  and  when  books  had  as  yet  no  exist- 
ence, we  are  not  told ; neither  are  we  informed  whether 
he  subjected  candidates  to  any  test  previous  to  appoint- 
ment ; yet  the  mere  fact  of  such  a periodical  examination 
established  a precedent  which  has  continued  to  be  ob- 
served to  the  present  day.  Every  third  year  the  govern- 
ment holds  a great  examination  for  the  trial  of  candi- 
dates, and  every  fifth  year  makes  a formal  inquisition 
into  the  record  of  its  civil  functionaries.  The  latter  is  a 
poor  substitute  for  the  ordeal  of  public  criticism  to  which 
officials  are  exposed  in  a country  enjoying  a free  press; 
but  the  former,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  show,  is 
thorough  of  its  kind,  and  severely  impartial. 

More  than  a thousand  years  after  the  above  date,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  Chou  dynasty,  B.  c.  1 1 1 5,  the 
government  was  accustomed  to  examine  candidates  as 
well  as  officers ; and  this  time  we  are  not  left  in  doubt  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  examination.  The  Chinese  had  be- 
come a cultivated  people,  and  we  are  informed  that  all 
candidates  for  office  were  required  to  give  proof  of 
their  acquaintance  with  the  five  arts — music,  archery, 
horsemanship,  writing,  and  arithmetic ; and  to  be  thor- 
oughly versed  in  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  public  and 
social  life — an  accomplishment  that  ranked  as  a sixth 
art.  These  “ six  arts,”  expressed  in  the  concise  formula 
li,  yiieh,  she,  yii,  shu,  su,  comprehended  the  sum  total  of 
a liberal  education  at  the  period,  and  remind  us  of  the 
trivium  and  quadrivium  of  the  mediaeval  schools. 

Under  the  dynasty  of  Han,  after  the  lapse  of  another 
thousand  years,  we  find  the  range  of  subjects  for  the  civil- 
service  examinations  largely  extended.  The  Confucian 
Ethics  had  become  current,  and  a moral  standard  was  re- 
garded in  the  selection  of  the  competitors — District  mag- 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  313 

istrates  were  required  to  send  up  to  the  capital  such 
men  as  had  acquired  a reputation  for  hsiao  and  lien — - 
“ filial  piety  ” and  “ integrity  ” — the  Chinese  rightly  con- 
sidering that  the  faithful  performance  of  domestic  and 
social  duties  is  the  best  guarantee  for  fidelity  in  public 
life.  These  hsiao-licn,  “ filial  sons  and  honest  subjects,” 
whose  moral  character  had  been  sufficiently  attested, 
were  now  subjected  to  trial  in  respect  to  their  intellectual 
qualifications.  The  trial  was  twofold — first,  as  to  their 
skill  in  the  “ six  arts  ” already  mentioned ; secondly,  as 
to  their  familiarity  with  one  or  more  of  the  following 
subjects:  the  civil  law,  military  affairs,  agriculture,  the 
administration  of  the  revenue,  and  the  geography  of  the 
Empire  with  special  reference  to  the  state  of  the  water 
communications.  This  was  an  immense  advance  on  the 
meagre  requirements  of  the  more  ancient  dynasties. 

Passing  over  another  thousand  years,  we  come  to  the 
era  of  the  T'angs  and  the  Sungs,  when  we  find  the  stand- 
ard of  literary  attainment  greatly  elevated,  the  graduates 
arranged  in  three  classes,  and  officials  in  nine — a classi- 
fication which  is  still  retained. 

Arriving  at  the  close  of  the  fourth  millennium,  under 
the  sway  of  the  Mings  and  of  the  Ch’ings  of  the  present 
day,  we  find  the  simple  trials  instituted  by  Shun  ex- 
panded into  a colossal  system,  which  may  well  claim  to 
be  the  growth  of  four  thousand  years.  It  still  exhibits 
the  features  that  were  prominent  in  its  earlier  stages — 
the  “ six  arts,”  the  “ five  studies,”  and  the  “ three  de- 
grees ” remaining  as  records  of  its  progressive  develop- 
ment. But  the  “ six  arts  ” are  not  what  they  once  were ; 
and  the  admirers  of  antiquity  complain  that  examinations 
are  sadly  superficial  as  compared  with  those  of  the  olden 
time,  when  competitors  were  required  to  ride  a race,  to 
shoot  at  a target,  and  to  sing  songs  of  their  own  com- 


3 H 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


position  to  the  accompaniment  of  their  own  guitars. 
In  these  degenerate  days  examiners  are  satisfied  with 
odes  in  praise  of  music,  and  essays  on  the  archery  and 
horsemanship  of  the  ancients. 

Scholarship  is  a very  different  thing  now  from  what 
it  was  in  those  ruder  ages,  when  books  were  few,  and 
the  harp,  the  bow,  and  the  saddle  divided  the  student’s 
time  with  the  oral  instructions  of  some  famous  master. 
Each  century  has  added  to  the  weight  of  his  burden ; 
and  to  the  “ heir  of  all  the  ages  ” each  passing  generation 
has  bequeathed  a legacy  of  toil.  Doomed  to  live  among 
the  deposits  of  a buried  world,  and  contending  with  mil- 
lions of  competitors,  he  can  hardly  hope  for  success 
without  devoting  himself  to  a life  of  unremitting  study. 
True,  he  is  not  called  upon  to  extend  his  researches  be- 
yond the  limits  of  his  own  national  literature ; but  that  is 
all  but  infinite.  It  costs  him  at  the  outset  years  of  labor 
to  get  possession  of  the  key  that  unlocks  it ; for  the 
learned  language  is  totally  distinct  from  his  vernacular 
dialect,  and  justly  regarded  as  the  most  difficult  of  the 
languages  of  man.  Then  he  must  commit  to  memory 
the  whole  circle  of  the  recognized  classics,  and  make 
himself  familiar  with  the  best  writers  of  every  age  of  a 
country  which  is  no  less  prolific  in  books  than  in  men. 
No  doubt  his  course  of  study  is  too  purely  literary  and  too 
exclusively  Chinese,  but  it  is  not  superficial.  In  a popu- 
lar “ Student’s  Guide  ” we  lately  met  with  a course 
of  reading  drawn  up  for  thirty  years!  We  proposed 
putting  it  into  the  hands  of  a young  American  residing 
in  China,  who  had  asked  advice  as  to  what  he  should 
read.  “ Send  it,”  he  replied,  “ but  don’t  tell  my  mother.” 

But  it  is  time  to  take  a closer  view  of  these  exami- 
nations as  they  are  actually  conducted.  The  candidates 


FURNACE  FOR  BURNING  PAPER  IN  EXAMINATION  GROUNDS 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  315 


for  office — those  who  are  acknowledged  as  such  in  con- 
sequence of  sustaining  the  initial  trial — are  divided  into 
the  three  grades  of  hsiu-ts’ai,  chii-jen,  and  chin-shih — 
“ dowers  of  talent,”  “ promoted  scholars,”  and  those  who 
are  “ ready  for  office.”  The  trials  for  the  first  are  held 
in  the  chief  city  of  each  district  or  listen,  a territorial 
division  which  corresponds  to  our  county  or  to  an  Eng- 
lish shire.  They  are  conducted  by  a chancellor,  whose 
jurisdiction  extends  over  an  entire  province  containing,  it 
may  be,  sixty  or  seventy  such  districts,  each  of  which  he  is 
required  to  visit  once  a year,  and  each  of  which  is  pro- 
vided with  a resident  sub-chancellor,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
examine  the  scholars  in  the  interval,  and  to  have  them 
in  readiness  on  the  chancellor’s  arrival. 

About  two  thousand  competitors  enter  the  lists,  ranging 
in  age  from  the  precocious  youth  just  entering  his  teens 
up  to  the  venerable  grandsire  of  seventy  winters.  Shut 
up  for  a night  and  a day,  each  in  his  narrow  cell,  they 
produce  each  a poem  and  one  or  two  essays  on  themes 
assigned  by  the  chancellor,  and  then  return  to  their 
homes  to  await  the  bulletin  announcing  their  place  in 
the  scale  of  merit.  The  chancellor,  assisted  by  his  clerks, 
occupies  several  days  in  sifting  the  heap  of  manuscripts, 
from  which  he  picks  out  some  twenty  or  more  that  are 
distinguished  by  beauty  of  penmanship  and  grace  of 
diction.  The  authors  of  these  are  honored  with  the 
degree  of  “ Flower  of  Talent,”  and  are  entitled  to  wear 
the  decorations  of  the  lowest  grade  in  the  corporation  of 
mandarins. 

The  successful  student  wins  no  purse  of  gold  and  ob- 
tains no  office,  but  he  has  gained  a prize  which  he  deems 
a sufficient  compensation  for  years  of  patient  toil.  He  is 
the  best  of  a hundred  scholars,  exempted  from  liability 


316 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


to  corporal  punishment,  and  raised  above  the  vulgar 
herd.  The  social  consideration  to  which  he  is  now  enti- 
tled makes  it  a grand  day  for  him  and  his  family. 

Once  in  three  years  these  “ Flowers  of  Talent,”  these 
picked  men  of  the  districts,  repair  to  the  provincial 
capital  to  engage  in  competition  for  the  second  degree — 
that  of  Chii  Jen,  or  “ Promoted  Scholar.”  The  number 
of  competitors  amounts  to  ten  thousand,  more  or  less, 
and  of  these  only  one  in  every  hundred  can  be  admitted 
to  the  coveted  degree.  The  trial  is  conducted  by  special 
examiners  sent  down  from  Peking;  and  this  examination 
takes  a wider  range  than  the  preceding.  No  fewer  than 
three  sessions  of  nearly  three  days  each  are  occupied, 
instead  of  the  single  day  for  the  first  degree.  Com- 
positions in  prose  and  verse  are  required,  and  themes  are 
assigned  with  a special  view  to  testing  the  extent  of 
reading  and  depth  of  scholarship  of  the  candidates.  Pen- 
manship is  left  out  of  the  account — each  production, 
marked  with  a cipher,  being  copied  by  an  official  scribe, 
that  the  examiners  may  have  no  clew  to  its  author  and  no 
temptation  to  render  a biassed  judgment. 

The  victor  still  receives  neither  office  nor  emolument ; 
but  the  honor  he  achieves  is  scarcely  less  than  that  which 
was  won  by  the  victors  in  the  Olympic  games.  Again, 
he  is  one  of  a hundred,  each  of  whom  was  a picked  man ; 
and  as  a result  of  this  second  victory  he  goes  forth  an 
acknowledged  superior  among  ten  thousand  contending 
scholars.  He  adorns  his  cap  with  the  gilded  button  of 
a higher  grade,  erects  a pair  of  lofty  flag-staves  before 
the  gate  of  his  family  residence,  and  places  a tablet  over 
his  door  to  inform  those  who  pass  by  that  this  is  the  abode 
of  a literary  prize-man.  But  our  “ Promoted  Scholar  " 
is  not  yet  a mandarin  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term. 
The  distinction  already  attained  only  stimulates  his  de- 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  317 


sire  for  higher  honors — honors  which  bring  at  last  the 
solid  recompense  of  an  income — travelling  at  the  expense 
of  the  state. 

In  the  spring  of  the  following  year  he  proceeds  to 
Peking  to  seek  the  next  higher  degree,  attainment  of 
which  will  prove  a passport  to  office.  The  contest  is  still 
with  his  peers ; that  is,  with  other  “ Promoted  Scholars,” 
who,  like  himself,  have  come  up  from  all  the  provinces 
of  the  empire.  But  the  chances  are  this  time  more  in 
his  favor,  as  the  number  of  prizes  is  now  tripled ; and  if 
the  gods  are  propitious  his  fortune  is  made. 

Though  ordinarily  not  very  devout,  he  now  shows  him- 
self peculiarly  solicitous  to  secure  the  favor  of  the  divini- 
ties. He  burns  incense  and  gives  alms.  If  he  sees  a 
fish  floundering  on  the  hook,  he  pays  its  price  and  restores 
it  to  its  native  element.  He  picks  struggling  ants  out  of 
the  rivulet  made  by  a recent  shower,  distributes  moral 
tracts,  or,  better  still,  rescues  chance  bits  of  printed 
paper  from  being  trodden  in  the  mire  of  the  streets.*  If 
his  name  appears  among  the  favored  few,  he  not  only 
wins  himself  a place  in  the  front  ranks  of  the  lettered, 
but  he  plants  his  foot  securely  on  the  rounds  of  the 
official  ladder  by  which,  without  the  prestige  of  birth  or 
the  support  of  friends,  it  is  possible  to  rise  to  a seat  in 
the  Grand  Council  of  State  or  a place  in  the  Imperial 
Cabinet.  All  this  advancement  presents  itself  in  the  dis- 
tant prospect,  while  the  office  upon  which  he  immediately 
enters  is  one  of  respectability,  and  it  may  be  of  profit. 
It  is  generally  that  of  mayor  or  sub-mayor  of  a district 
city,  or  sub-chancellor  in  the  district  examinations — the 
vacant  posts  being  distributed  by  lot,  and  therefore  impar- 

* The  bearing  of  good  works  of  this  kind  on  the  result  of  the 
competition  is  copiously  illustrated  by  collections  of  anecdotes 
which  are  widely  circulated. 


3*8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tially,  among  those  who  have  proved  themselves  to  be 
“ ready  for  office.” 

Before  the  drawing  of  lots,  however,  for  the  post  of  a 
magistrate  among  the  people,  our  ambitious  student  has 
a chance  of  winning  the  more  distinguished  honor  of  a 
place  in  the  Imperial  Academy.  With  this  view,  the  two 
or  three  hundred  survivors  of  so  many  contests  appear 
in  the  palace,  where  themes  are  assigned  them  by  the 
Emperor  himself,  and  the  highest  honor  is  paid  to  the 
pursuit  of  letters  by  the  exercises  being  presided  over 
by  his  Majesty  in  person.  Penmanship  reappears  as  an 
element  in  determining  the  result,  and  a score  or  more 
of  those  whose  style  is  the  most  finished,  whose  scholar- 
ship the  ripest,  and  whose  handwriting  the  most  elegant, 
are  drafted  into  the  college  of  Hanlin,  the  “ forest  of 
pencils,”  a kind  of  Imperial  Institute  the  members  of 
which  are  recognized  as  standing  at  the  head  of  the 
literary  profession.  These  are  constituted  poets  and 
historians  to  the  Celestial  Court,  or  deputed  to  act  as 
chancellors  and  examiners  in  the  several  provinces.* 

But  the  diminishing  series  in  this  ascending  scale  has 
not  yet  reached  its  final  term.  The  long  succession  of 
contests  culminates  in  the  designation  by  the  Emperor 
of  some  individual  whom  he  regards  as  the  Chuang  Yuan, 
or  Model  Scholar  of  the  Empire — the  bright  consum- 
mate flower  of  the  season.  This  is  not  a common  annual 
like  the  senior  wranglership  of  Cambridge,  nor  the  pro- 
duct of  a private  garden  like  the  valedictory  orator  of  our 
American  colleges.  It  blooms  but  once  in  three  years, 
and  the  whole  Empire  yields  but  a single  blossom — a 
blossom  that  is  culled  by  the  hand  of  Majesty  and 
esteemed  among  the  brightest  ornaments  of  his  dominion. 

* For  details  concerning  the  Hanlin  Yuan,  see  the  next 
chapter. 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATION 


3*9 


Talk  of  academic  honors  such  as  are  bestowed  by  West- 
ern nations  in  comparison  with  those  which  this  Oriental 
Empire  heaps  on  her  scholar  laureate ! Provinces  con- 
tend for  the  shining  prize,  and  the  town  that  gives  the 
victor  birth  becomes  noted  forever.  Swift  heralds  bear 
the  tidings  of  his  triumph,  and  the  hearts  of  the  people 
leap  at  their  approach.  We  have  seen  them  enter  a 
humble  cottage,  and  amidst  the  flaunting  of  banners  and 
the  blare  of  trumpets  announce  to  its  startled  inmates 
that  one  of  their  relations  had  been  crowned  by  the  Em- 
peror as  the  laureate  of  the  year.  So  high  was  the  esti- 
mation in  which  the  people  held  the  success  of  their 
fellow-townsman  that  his  wife  was  requested  to  visit 
the  six  gates  of  the  city,  and  to  scatter  before  each  a 
handful  of  rice,  that  the  whole  population  might  share 
in  the  good-fortune  of  her  household.  A popular  tale, 
represents  a goddess  as  descending  from  heaven,  that  she 
might  give  birth  to  the  scholar  laureate  of  the  Empire. 
So  exalted  is  this  dignity  that  in  1872  the  daughter  of  a 
C Juicing  Yuan  was  deemed  sufficiently  noble  to  be  chosen 
for  Empress  Consort. 

All  this  has,  we  confess,  an  air  of  Oriental  display  and 
exaggeration.  It  suggests  rather  the  dust  and  sweat  of 
the  great  national  games  of  antiquity  than  the  mental 
toil  and  intellectual  triumphs  of  the  modern  world.  But 
it  is  obvious  that  a competition  which  excites  so  pro- 
foundly the  interest  of  a whole  nation  must  be  productive 
of  very  decided  results.  That  it  leads  to  the  selection  of 
the  best  talent  for  the  service  of  the  public  we  have 
already  seen;  but  beyond  this — its  primary  object — it 
exercises  a profound  influence  upon  the  education  of  the 
people  and  the  stability  of  the  government.  It  is  all,  in 
fact,  that  China  has  to  show  in  the  way  of  an  educational 
system.  She  has  few  colleges  and  no  universities  in  our 


320 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Western  sense,*  and  no  national  system  of  common- 
schools  ; yet  it  may  be  confidently  asserted  that  China 
gives  to  learning  a more  effective  patronage  than  she 
could  have  done  if  each  of  her  emperors  had  been  an 
Augustus  and  every  premier  a Maecenas.  She  says  to  all 
her  sons,  “ Prosecute  your  studies  by  such  means  as  you 
may  be  able  to  command,  whether  in  public  or  in  private ; 
and,  when  you  are  prepared,  present  yourselves  in  the 
examination-hall.  The  government  will  judge  of  your 
proficiency  and  reward  your  attainments.” 

Nothing  can  exceed  the  ardor  which  this  standing 
offer  infuses  into  the  minds  of  all  who  have  the  re- 
motest prospect  of  sharing  in  the  prizes.  They  study 
not  merely  while  they  have  teachers  to  incite  them  to 
diligence,  but  continue  their  studies  with  unabated  zeal 
long  after  they  have  left  the  schools ; they  study  in  soli- 
tude and  poverty;  they  study  amidst  the  cares  of  a 
family  and  the  turmoil  of  business ; and  the  shining 
goal  is  kept  steadily  in  view  until  the  eye  grows  dim 
with  age.  Some  of  the  aspirants  impose  on  themselves 
the  task  of  writing  a fresh  essay  every  day ; and  they  do 
not  hesitate  to  enter  the  lists  as  often  as  the  public  ex- 
aminations recur,  resolved,  if  they  fail,  to  continue  trying, 
believing  that  perseverance  has  power  to  command  suc- 
cess, and  encouraged  by  the  legend  of  the  man  who, 
needing  a sewing  needle,  made  one  by  grinding  a crow- 
bar on  a piece  of  granite. 

We  have  met  an  old  mandarin  who  related  with  evi- 
dent pride  how,  on  gaining  the  second  degree,  he  had  re- 
moved with  his  whole  family  to  Peking,  from  the  dis- 
tant province  of  Yunnan,  to  compete  for  the  third;  and 

* This  was  written  prior  to  the  opening  of  the  New  Univer- 
sity at  Peking;  and  the  North  University  at  Tientsin — both 
closed  suddenly,  but  not  hopelessly,  by  the  Boxer  uprising. 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  321 


how  at  each  triennial  contest  he  had  failed,  until,  after 
more  than  twenty  years  of  patient  waiting,  at  the  seventh 
trial,  and  at  the  mature  age  of  threescore  he  bore  off 
the  coveted  prize.  He  had  worn  his  honors  for  seven 
years,  and  was  then  mayor  of  the  city  of  Tientsin.  In  a 
list  now  on  our  table  of  ninety-nine  successful  com- 
petitors for  the  second  degree,  sixteen  are  over  forty 
years  of  age,  one  sixty-two,  and  one  eighty-three.  The 
average  age  of  the  whole  number  is  above  thirty ; and  for 
the  third  degree  the  average  is  of  course  proportionally 
higher. 

So  powerful  are  the  motives  addressed  to  them  that 
the  whole  body  of  scholars  who  once  enter  the  examina- 
tion-hall are  devoted  to  study  as  a life-long  occupation. 
We  thus  have  a class  of  men,  numbering  in  the  aggregate 
some  two  or  three  millions,  who  keep  their  faculties 
bright  by  constant  exercise,  and  whom  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  parallel  in  any  Western  country  for  readiness 
with  the  pen  and  retentiveness  of  memory.  If  these  men 
are  not  highly  educated,  it  is  the  fault  not  of  the  com- 
petitive system,  which  proves  its  power  to  stimulate  them 
to  such  prodigious  exertions,  but  of  the  false  standard  of 
intellectual  merit  established  in  China.  In  that  country 
letters  are  everything  and  science  nothing.  Men  occupy 
themselves  with  words  rather  than  with  things ; and  the 
powers  of  acquisition  are  more  cultivated  than  those  of 
invention. 

The  type  of  Chinese  education  is  not  that  of  our 
modern  schools ; but  when  compared  with  the  old  cur- 
riculum of  languages  and  philosophy  it  appears  by  no 
means  contemptible.  A single  paper,  intended  for  the  last 
day  of  the  examination  for  the  second  degree,  may  serve 
as  a specimen.  It  covers  five  subjects — criticism,  history, 
agriculture,  military  affairs,  and  finance.  There  are 


322 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


about  twenty  questions  on  each  subject,  and  while  they 
certainly  do  not  deal  with  it  in  a scientific  manner,  it  is 
something  in  their  favor  to  say  that  they  are  such  as 
cannot  be  answered  without  an  extensive  course  of  read- 
ing in  Chinese  literature.  One  question  under  each  of 
the  five  heads  is  all  that  our  space  will  allow  us  to 
introduce. 

1.  “ How  do  the  rival  schools  of  Wang  and  Ching 
differ  in  respect  to  the  exposition  of  the  meaning  and 
the  criticism  of  the  text  of  the  ‘ Book  of  Changes  ’ ? ” 

2.  “ The  great  historian  Sze  Ma  Ch’ien  prides  himself 
on  having  gathered  up  much  material  that  was  neglected 
by  other  writers.  What  are  the  sources  from  which  he 
derived  his  information  ? ” 

3.  “ From  the  earliest  times  great  attention  has  been 
given  to  the  improvement  of  agriculture.  Will  you  in- 
dicate the  arrangements  adopted  for  that  purpose  by  the 
several  dynasties  ? ” 

4.  “ The  art  of  war  arose  under  Huang  Ti,  forty- 
four  hundred  years  ago.  Different  dynasties  have  since 
that  time  adopted  different'  regulations  in  regard  to  the 
use  of  militia  or  standing  armies,  the  mode  of  rais- 
ing supplies  for  the  army,  etc.  Can  you  state  these 
briefly?  ” 

5.  “ Give  an  account  of  the  circulating  medium  under 
different  dynasties,  and  state  how  the  currency  of  the 
Sung  dynasty  corresponded  with  our  use  of  paper  money 
at  the  present  day.” 

In  another  paper,  issued  on  a similar  occasion,  as- 
tronomy takes  the  place  of  agriculture ; but  the  questions 
are  confined  to  such  allusions  to  the  subject  as  are  to 
be  met  with  in  the  circle  of  their  classical  literature,  and 
afford  but  little  scope  for  the  display  of  scientific  attain- 
ments. Still,  the  fact  that  a place  is  found  for  this 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  323 


class  of  subjects  is  full  of  hope.  It  indicates  that  the 
door,  if  not  fully  open,  is  at  least  sufficiently  ajar  to 
admit  the  introduction  of  our  Western  sciences  with 
all  their  progeny  of  arts,  a band  powerful  enough  to 
lift  the  Chinese  out  of  the  mists  of  their  mediaeval 
scholasticism,  and  to  bring  them  into  the  full  light  of 
modern  knowledge.  If  the  examiners  were  scientific 
men,  and  if  scientific  subjects  were  made  sufficiently 
prominent  in  these  higher  examinations,  millions  of 
aspiring  students  would  soon  become  as  earnest  in  the 
pursuit  of  modern  science  as  they  now  are  in  the  study 
of  their  ancient  classics.*  Thus  reformed  and  renovated 
by  the  injection  of  fresh  blood  into  the  old  arteries, 
this  noble  institution  would  be  worthy  of  its  dignity  as 
a great  national  university — a university,  not  like  those  of 
Oxford  and  Cambridge,  which  train  their  own  gradu- 
ates, but — to  compare  great  things  with  small — like  the 
University  of  London,  promoting  the  cause  of  learning 
by  examining  candidates  and  conferring  degrees.  The 
University  of  London  admits  to  its  initial  examination 
annually  about  fourteen  hundred  candidates,  and  passes 
one  half.  The  government  examinations  of  China  admit 

* As  a sample  of  the  practical  bearing  which  it  is  possible  to 
give  to  these  examination  exercises,  we  take  a few  questions 
from  another  paper : 

“ Fire-arms  began  with  the  use  of  rockets  in  the  Chou  dynasty 
(b.  c.  1122-256);  in  what  book  do  we  first  meei  with  the  word 
for  cannon?  What  is  the  difference  in  the  two  classes  of  en- 
gines to  which  it  is  applied  (applied  also  to  the  catapult)  ? Is 
the  defence  of  K‘ai  Feng  Fu  its  first  rec  rded  use:  Kublai 

Khan,  it  is  said,  obtained  cannon  of  a new  kind ; from  whom 
did  he  obtain  them?  The  Sungs  had  several  varieties  of  small 
cannon,  what  were  their  advantages?  When  the  Mings,  in  the 
reign  of  Yung  Lo,  invaded  Cochin-China,  they  obtained  a kind 
of  cannon  called  the  ‘ weapons  of  the  gods ; ’ can  you  give  an 
account  of  their  origin  ? ” 


324 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


about  two  million  candidates  every  year,  and  pass  only 
two  or  three  per  cent. 

The  political  bearings  of  this  competitive  system  are 
too  important  to  be  passed  over,  and  yet  too  numerous 
to  be  treated  in  detail.  Its  incidental  advantages  may  be 
comprehended  under  three  heads. 

1.  It  serves  the  State  as  a safety-valve,  providing  a 
career  for  those  ambitious  spirits  who  might  otherwise 
foment  disturbances  or  excite  revolutions.  While  in 
democratic  countries  the  ambitious  flatter  the  people,  and 
in  monarchies  fawn  on  the  great,  in  China,  instead  of 
resorting  to  dishonorable  arts  or  to  political  agitation, 
they  betake  themselves  to  quiet  study.  They  know  that 
their  mental  calibre  will  be  fairly  gauged,  and  that  if  they 
are  born  to  rule,  the  competitive  examinations  will  open 
to  them  a career.  The  competitive  system  has  not,  indeed, 
proved  sufficient  to  employ  all  the  forces  that  tend  to 
produce  intestine  commotion ; but  it  is  easy  to  perceive 
that  without  it  the  shocks  must  have  been  more  frequent 
and  serious. 

2.  It  operates  as  a counterpoise  to  the  power  of  an 
absolute  monarch.  Without  it  the  great  offices  would  be 
filled  by  hereditary  nobles,  and  the  minor  offices  be 
farmed  out  by  thousands  to  imperial  favorites*  With  it 
a man  of  talent  may  raise  himself  from  the  humblest  ranks 
to  the  dignity  of  viceroy  or  premier.  Chiang  Hsiang  pen 
wu  chung — “ The  general  and  the  prime-minister  are  not 
born  in  office  ” — is  a line  that  every  schoolboy  is  taught 
to  repeat.  Rising  from  the  people,  the  mandarins  under- 
stand the  feelings  and  wants  of  the  people,  though  it 
must  be  confessed  that  they  are  usually  avaricious  and 
oppressive  in  proportion  to  the  length  of  time  it  has 

* The  Manchus  in  order  to  maintain  their  power  have  re- 
served to  themselves  an  undue  proportion  of  official  posts. 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  325 


taken  them  to  reach  their  elevation.  Still,  they  have 
the  support  and  sympathy  of  the  people  to  a greater 
extent  than  they  could  have  if  they  were  creatures  of 
arbitrary  power.  The  system,  therefore,  introduces  a 
popular  element  into  the  government  that  acts  as  a 
check  on  the  prerogative  of  the  Emperor  as  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  officers,  and  serves  as  a kind  of  constitution 
to  his  subjects,  prescribing  tbe  conditions  on  which  they 
shall  obtain  a share  in  the  administration  of  the  power  of 
the  State. 

3.  It  gives  the  government  a hold  on  the  educated 
gentry,  and  binds  them  to  the  support  of  existing  insti- 
tutions. It  renders  the  educated  classes  eminently  con- 
servative, because  they  know  that  in  the  event  of  a 
revolution  civil  office  would  be  bestowed,  not  as  the 
reward  of  learning,  but  for  political  or  military  services. 
The  literati,  the  most  influential  portion  of  the  popula- 
tion, are  for  this  reason  also  the  most  loyal.  It  is  their 
support  that  has  upheld  the  reigning  house,  though  of  a 
foreign  race,  through  these  long  years  of  civil  commo- 
tion, while  to  the  “ rebels  ” it  has  been  a ground  of  re- 
proach and  a source  of  weakness  that  they  have  had  but 
few  literary  men  in  their  ranks. 

In  districts  where  the  people  have  distinguished  them- 
selves by  zeal  in  the  Imperial  cause,  the  only  recom- 
pense they  crave  is  a slight  addition  to  the  numbers  on 
the  competitive  prize-list.  Such  additions  the  govern- 
ment has  made  very  frequently  of  late  years,  in  consider- 
ation of  money  supplies.  It  has  also,  to  relieve  its  ex- 
hausted exchequer,  put  up  for  sale  the  decorations  of  the 
literary  orders,  and  issued  patents  admitting  contributors 
to  the  higher  examinations  without  passing  through  the 
lower  grades.  But  though  the  government  thus  debases 
the  coin,  it  guards  itself  jealously  against  the  issue  of  a 


326 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


spurious  currency.  Some  years  ago  Pei  Ching,  first 
president  of  the  Examining  Board  at  Peking,  was  put  to 
death  for  having  fraudulently  conferred  two  or  three  de- 
grees. The  fraud  was  limited  in  extent,  but  the  damage 
it  threatened  was  incalculable.  It  tended  to  shake  the 
confidence  of  the  people  in  the  administration  of  that 
branch  of  the  government  which  constituted  their  only 
avenue  to  honors  and  office.  Even  the  Emperor  cannot 
tamper  with  it  without  peril.  He  may  lower  its  demands, 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  a majority,  but  he 
could  not  set  it  aside  without  producing  a revolution,  for 
it  is  the  ballot  box  of  the  people,  the  grand  charter  of  their 
rights. 

Such  is  the  Chinese  competitive  system,  and  such  are 
some  of  its  advantages  and  defects.  May  it  not  be 
feasible  to  graft  something  of  a similar  character  on 
our  own  republican  institutions?  More. congenial  to  the 
spirit  of  our  free  government,  it  might  be  expected  to 
yield  better  fruits  in  this  country  than  in  China.  In 
British  India  it  works  admirably.  In  Great  Britain,  too, 
the  diplomatic  and  consular  services  have  been  placed  on 
a competitive  basis ; and  something  of  the  kind  must 
be  done  for  our  own  foreign  service  if  we  wish  our  influ- 
ence abroad  to  be  at  all  commensurate  with  our  great- 
ness and  prosperity  at  home.  When  will  our  government 
learn  that  a good  consul  is  worth  more  than  a man-of- 
war,  and  that  an  able  minister  is  of  more  value  than  a 
whole  fleet  of  iron-clads?  To  secure  good  consitls  and 
able  ministers  we  must  choose  them  from  a body  of  men 
who  have  been  picked  and  trained. 

In  effecting  these  reforms,  the  bill  of  Mr.  Jencke, 
of  Rhode  Island,*  might  serve  as  an  entering  wedge. 

* This  was  read  before  the  American  Oriental  Society  in  1868, 
and  published  in  the  North  American  Review  in  July,  1870. 


ROW  OF  CELLS  IN  EXAMINATION  GROUNDS 


CIVIL  SERVICE  EXAMINATIONS  327 


It  would  secure  the  acknowledgment  of  the  principle — 
certainly  not  alarmingly  revolutionary — that  places  should 
go  by  merit.  But  it  does  not  go  far  enough.  “ It  does 
not,”  he  says,  “ touch  places  which  are  to  be  filled  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  It  would  not  in  the 
least  interfere  with  the  scramble  for  office  which  is 
going  on  at  the  other  end  of  the  Avenue,  or  which  fills 
with  anxious  crowds  the  corridors  of  the  other  wing  of 
the  Capitol.  This  measure,  it  should  be  remembered, 
deals  only  with  the  inferior  officers,  whose  appointment  is 
made  by  the  President  alone,  or  by  the  heads  of 
departments.” 

But  what  danger  is  there  of  infringing  on  the  rights  of 
the  Senate?  Is  there  anything  that  would  aid  the  Senate 
so  much  in  giving  their  “ advice  and  consent  ” as  the 
knowledge  that  the  applicants  for  confirmation  had 
proved  their  competence  before  a Board  of  Examiners? 
And  would  not  the  knowledge  of  the  same  fact  lighten 
the  burdens  of  the  President,  and  relieve  him  of  much  of 
the  difficulty  which  he  now  experiences  in  the  selection  of 
qualified  men.  Such  an  arrangement  would  not  take 
away  the  power  of  executive  appointment,  but  regulate  its 
exercise.  Nor  would  it,  if  applied  to  elective  offices,  in- 
terfere with  the  people's  freedom  of  choice  further  than 
to  insure  that  the  candidates  should  be  men  of  suitable 
qualifications.  It  may  not  be  easy  to  prescribe  rules  for 
that  popular  sovereignty  which  follows  only  its  own 
sweet  will,  but  it  is  humiliating  to  reflect  that  our  “ man- 

Since  that  date  the  Civil  Service  Reform  has  taken  so  strong  a 
hold  on  the  public  mind  that  no  political  party  dares  to  disavow 
it.  It  is  applied  as  yet  on  a very  limited  scale,  but  its  scope  has 
been  greatly  extended  during  the  present  year  (1896),  and  there 
is  reason  to  anticipate  that  competitive  examinations  may 
eventually  become  as  important  a factor  in  our  political  system 
as  they  have  been  in  that  of  China. 


328 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


darins  ” are  far  from  being  the  most  intellectual  class 
of  the  community.* 

* The  following  example  of  our  American  methods  is  literally 
true — excepting  the  names  of  the  competitors : 

Two  men  met  at  Terra  Haute,  in  Indiana  (my  native  State) 
to  discuss  the  questions  of  the  day  before  a large  assembly,  and 
to  ask  their  fellow  citizens  for  a seat  in  the  State  Legislature. 
Tompkins,  who  spoke  first,  was  well  known  to  my  parents,  as 
a young  man  of  boundless  ambition  and  no  education — not  even 
that  of  a common  school.  Jacobs,  a graduate  of  Yale  College, 
did  not  fail  in  his  reply  to  expose  the  ignorance  of  his  rival. 
The  latter,  in  his  closing  speech,  confessed  that  he  had  never 
“ rubbed  his  back  against  a college  wall.”  “ I am  a self-made 
man,  and  I glory  in  it.  Franklin  was  a self-made  man,  so  are 
many  of  you,  my  fellow  citizens.  Are  we  for  that  reason  to  be 
sneered  at  by  a college  prig?  Let  him  bring  out  his  books  and 
I will  read  with  him  page  for  page  of  Latin  and  Greek,  and 
you  shall  be  our  judges.”  Jacobs  declining  the  contest  as  out 
of  place — coram  non  judice — the  populace  raised  a “ hurrah  for 
the  self-made  man  ” and  sent  him  to  the  Legislature.  Now 
which  is  the  more  civilized  mode  of  making  “ mandarins,”  this, 
or  that  of  the  Chinese? 


XVIII 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 

NEAR  the  foot  of  a bridge  that  spans  the  Imperial 
Canal  a few  rods  to  the  north  of  the  British 
Legation,  the  visitor  to  Peking  may  have  noticed 
the  entrance  to  a small  yamen.  Here  are  the  headquarters 
of  the  Hanlin  Academy,  one  of  the  pivots  of  the  Empire, 
and  the  very  centre  of  its  literary  activity. 

On  entering  the  enclosure,  nothing  meets  the  eye  of 
one  who  is  unable  to  read  the  inscriptions  that  would 
awaken  the  faintest  suspicion  of  the  importance  of  the 
place.  A succession  of  open  courts  with  broken  pave- 
ments, and  covered  with  rubbish ; five  low,  shed-like 
structures,  one  story  in  height,  that  have  the  appearance 
of  an  empty  barn ; these  flanked  by  a double  series  of 
humbler  buildings,  quite  inferior  to  the  stables  of  a well- 
conducted  farmstead — some  of  the  latter  in  ruins ; and 
dust  and  decay  everywhere — Such  is  the  aspect  presented 
by  the  chief  seat  of  an  institution  which  is  justly  regarded 
as  among  the  glories  of  the  Empire.  A glance,  however, 
at  the  inscriptions  on  the  walls — some  of  them  in  Imperial 
autograph — warns  the  visitor  that  he  is  not  treading  on 
common  ground. 

This  impression  is  confirmed  when,  arriving  at  the 
last  of  the  transverse  buildings,  it  is  found  to  be  locked, 
and  all  efforts  to  obtain  an  entrance  fruitless.  Its  yellow 
tiling  is  suggestive;  and  the  janitor,  proof  against  per- 
suasion, announces,  with  a mysterious  air,  that  this  is  a 


329 


33° 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


pavilion  sacred  to  the  use  of  the  Emperor.  There,  con- 
cealed from  vulgar  eyes,  stands  a throne,  on  which  his 
Majesty  sits  in  state  whenever  he  deigns  to  honor  the 
Academy  with  his  presence. 

Sundry  inscriptions  in  gilded  characters  record  the 
dates  and  circumstances  of  these  Imperial  visits,  which 
are  by  no  means  so  frequent  as  to  be  commonplace  occur- 
rences. A native  guide-book  to  the  “ lions  ” of  the 
capital,  devoting  eighteen  pages  to  the  Hanlin  Yuan, 
dwells  with  special  emphasis  on  the  imposing  ceremonial 
connected  with  a visit  of  Ch’ien  Lung  the  Magnificent  in 
the  first  year  of  the  cycle  which  occurred  after  the  com- 
mencement of  his  reign. 

From  this  authority  we  learn  that  the  rooms  of  the 
Academy,  having  fallen  into  a state  of  decay,  were  re- 
built by  order  of  the  Emperor,  and  rededicated,  with 
solemn  rites,  to  the  service  of  letters.  His  Majesty  ap- 
peared in  person  to  do  honor  to  the  occasion,  and  con- 
ferred on  the  two  presidents  the  favor  of  an  entertain- 
ment in  the  Imperial  pavilion.  Of  the  members  of  the 
Academy  not  fewer  than  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  were 
present.  “ Among  the  proudest  recollections  of  the  Hall 
of  Gems”  (the  Hanlin),  says  the  chronicler,  ‘‘for  a 
thousand  years  there  was  no  day  like  that.” 

The  Emperor  further  signalized  the  occasion  by  two 
conspicuous  gifts. 

The  first  was  a present  to  the  library  * of  a complete 
set  of  the  wonderful  encycloptedia  called  the  T’u  Shu  Chi 
Ch’eng.  Printed  in  the  reign  of  K’ang  Hsi  on  movable 
copper  types,  and  comprehending  a choice  selection  of 
the  most  valuable  works,  it  extends  to  six  thousand 

* This  library,  and  the  buildings  containing  it  were  set  on 
fire  by  Imperial  soldiers  in  June  1900,  in  the  hope  of  burning 
the  British  Legation. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


331 


volumes,  and  constitutes  of  itself  a library  of  no 
contemptible  magnitude. 

The  other  gift,  less  bulky,  but  more  precious,  was  an 
original  ode  from  the  Imperial  pencil.  Written  as  an  im- 
promptu effusion  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
Academicians,  it  bears  so  many  marks  of  premeditation 
that  no  one  could  have  been  imposed  on  by  the  artifice 
of  Imperial  vanity.  It  is  engraved  after  the  original  au- 
tograph on  a pair  of  marble  slabs,  from  which  we  have 
taken  a copy. 

In  their  native  dress  these  verses  are  worthy  of  their 
august  author,  who  was  a poet  of  no  mean  ability ; but 
in  the  process  of  translation  they  lose  as  much  as  a 
Chinese  does  in  exchanging  his  flowing  silks  for  the 
parsimonious  costume  of  the  West.  At  the  risk  of  pro- 
ducing a travesty  instead  of  a translation,  we  venture  to 
offer  a prose  version. 


ODE 

COMPOSED  BY  THE  EMPEROR  CH’lEN  LUNG  ON  VISITING  THE  HANLIN 
YUAN  IN  1744- 

On  this  auspicious  morning  the  recipients  of  celestial  favor, 

Rank  after  rank,  unite  in  singing  the  hymn  of  rededication. 

Thus  the  birds  renew  their  plumage,  and  the  eagle,  soaring 
heavenward,  symbolizes  the  rise  of  great  men. 

Those  here  who  chant  poems  and  expound  the  Book  of  Changes 
are  all  worthies  of  distinguished  merit. 

Their  light  concentres  on  the  embroidered  throne,  and  my  pen 
distils  its  flowery  characters, 

While  incense  in  spiral  wreaths  rises  from  the  burning  censer. 

Before  me  is  the  pure,  bright,  pearly  Hall ; 

Compared  with  this,  who  vaunts  the  genii  on  the  islands  of  the 
blest  ? 

A hundred  years  of  aesthetic  culture  culminate  in  the  jubilee  of 
this  day. 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


33* 

To  maintain  a state  of  prosperity,  we  must  cherish  fear,  and 
rejoice  with  trembling. 

In  your  new  poems,  therefore,  be  slow  to  extol  the  vastness  of 
the  Empire; 

Rather  by  faithful  advice  uphold  the  throne. 

I need  not  seek  that  ministers  like  Fu  Yiieh  shall  be  revealed 
to  me  in  dreams ; 

For  at  this  moment  I am  startled  to  find  myself  singing  the 
song  of  Yao  (in  the  midst  of  my  future  ministers). 

In  my  heart  I rejoice  that  ye  hundreds  of  officers  all  know  my 
mind, 

And  will  not  fan  my  pride  with  lofty  flattery. 

Happy  am  I to  enter  this  garden  of  letters, 

In  the  soft  radiance  of  Indian  summer; 

To  consecrate  the  day  to  the  honor  of  genius, 

And  to  gather  around  my  table  the  gems  of  learning; 

But  I blush  at  my  unworthiness  to  entertain  the  successors  of 
Fang  and  Tu. 

Why  should  Ma  and  Ch’iu  be  accounted  solitary  examples? 

Here  we  have  a new  edition  of  the  ancient  Shih  Chii  (library 
of  the  Flans). 

We  behold  anew  the  glorious  light  of  a literary  constellation. 
But  the  shadow  on  the  flowery  tiles  has  reached  the  number 
eight ; 

Drink  till  you  are  drunk ; three  times  pass  round  the  bowl. 
When  morning  sunlight  fell  on  the  pictured  screen, 

We  opened  the  Hanlin  with  a feast, 

The  members  assembling  in  official  robes. 

We  took  a glance  at  the  library — enough  to  load  five  carts  and 
fill  four  storehouses. 

We  visited  in  order  the  well  of  Liu  and  the  pavilion  of  Ko. 

We  watch  the  pencil  trace  the  gemmy  page. 

While  the  waters  of  Ying  Chao  (the  Pierian  Spring)  rise  to  the 
brim ; and  in  flowery  cups  we  dispense  the  fragrant  tea. 
Anciently  ministers  were  compared  to  boats  which  crossed  rivers; 
With  you  for  my  ministers  I would  dare  to  encounter  the  waves 
of  the  sea. 

From  this  effusion  of  Imperial  genius  we  torn  again 
to  the  august  body  in  whose  honor  it  was  written,  and  in- 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


333 


quire,  Where  are  the  apartments  in  which  those  learned 
scribes  labor  on  their  elegant  tasks?  Where  is  the  hall  in 
which  they  assemble  for  the  transaction  of  business? 
Where  the  library  supplied  by  Imperial  munificence  for 
the  choicest  scholars  of  the  Empire?  These  questions 
are  soon  answered,  but  not  in  a way  to  meet  the  expec- 
tations of  the  visitor.  The  composing-rooms  are  those 
ranges  of  low  narrow  chambers  on  either  hand  of  the 
entrance,  some  of  them  bearing  labels  which  indicate 
that  it  is  there  the  Imperial  will  puts  on  its  stately  robes ; 
but  they  are  empty,  and  neither  swept  nor  garnished. 

Those  of  the  members  who  have  special  functions  are 
employed  within  the  precincts  of  the  palace,  while  the 
large  class  known  as  probationers  prosecute  their  studies 
in  a separate  college  called  the  Shu  Ctiang  Kuan.  Com- 
mon hall,  or  assembly-room,  there  is  none.  The  society 
holds  no  business  meetings.  Its  organization  is  despotic ; 
the  work  of  the  members  being  mapped  out  by  the  di- 
rectory, which  consists  of  the  presidents  and  vice-presi- 
dents. In  an  out-of-the-way  comer,  you  are  shown  a 
suite  of  small  rooms,  which  serves  as  a vestry  for  these 
magnates,  where  they  drink  tea,  change  their  robes, 
and  post  up  their  records.  For  this  purpose  they  come 
together  nine  times  a month,  and  remain  in  session  about 
two  hours. 

As  for  the  other  members,  they  convene  only  on  feast- 
days  as  marked  in  the  rubrics  of  the  State,  and  then  it 
is  merely  for  the  performance  of  religious  rites  or  civil 
ceremonies.  The  ritual  for  both  (or  rather  the  calendar) 
is  conspicuously  posted  on  the  pillars  of  the  front  court, 
suggesting  that  the  sap  and  juice  of  the  Academy  have 
dried  up,  and  that  these  husks  of  ceremony  are  the 
residuum. 

So  far  as  this  locality  is  concerned,  this  is  true;  for 


334 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


though  the  Academy  exists,  as  we  shall  see,  in  undimin- 
ished vigor,  the  work  intended  to  be  done  here  is  trans- 
ferred to  other  places ; and  but  for  occasions  of  cere- 
mony these  halls  would  be  as  little  trodden  as  those  of 
the  academies  of  Nineveh  or  Babylon.  Of  the  cere- 
monies here  performed,  the  most  serious  is  the  worship 
of  Confucius,  before  whose  shrine  the  company  of  dis- 
ciples arranged  in  files,  near  or  remote,  according  to 
their  rank,  kneel  three  times  in  the  open  court,  and  nine 
times  bow  their  heads  to  the  earth.  A more  modern 
sage,  Han  Wen  Kung,  whose  chief  merit  was  an  elo- 
quent denunciation  of  Buddhism,  is  revered  as  the  cham- 
pion of  orthodoxy,  and  honored  with  one-third  this 
number  of  prostrations. 

Besides  the  temples  to  these  lights  of  literature,  there 
is  another  shrine  in  which  incense  is  perpetually  burning 
before  the  tablets  of  certain  Taoist  divinities,  among  them 
the  god  of  the  North  Star. 

The  juxtaposition  of  these  altars  illustrates  the  curious 
jumble  of  religious  ideas  which  prevails  even  among  the 
educated  classes.  If  Confucianism,  pure  and  simple,  calm 
and  philosophic,  were  to  be  found  anywhere,  where 
should  we  expect  to  meet  with  it  if  not  in  the  halls  of 
the  Hanlin  Yuan? 

As  to  the  library,  it  must  have  been  at  least  respectable 
in  the  palmy  days  of  Ch’ien  Lung — that  Emperor  having 
replenished  it,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a gift  of  six  thousand 
volumes.  Copies  of  a still  larger  collection  of  works, 
the  Sze  K’u  Ch’iian  Shu,  printed  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
same  reign,  were  deposited  there,  as  also  a manuscript 
copy  of  the  immense  collection  known  as  Yung  Lo  Ta 
Tien.  But  in  China,  libraries  are  poorly  preserved; 
books  have  no  proper  binding,  the  leaves  are  loosely 
stitched,  the  paper  flimsy  and  adapted  to  the  taste  of 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


335 


a variety  of  insects,  while  their  official  guardians  often 
commit  depredations  under  the  influence  of  an  appetite 
not  altogether  literary. 

Through  these  combined  influences,  the  Hanlin  library 
has  dwindled  almost  to  a vanishing-point.  Two  of  the 
book-rooms  being  within  the  sacred  enclosure  of  the 
Imperial  pavilion,  the  writer  was  not  permitted  to  see 
them.  The  greater  part  of  the  books  have  been  trans- 
ferred elsewhere ; and  the  condition  of  those  that  re- 
main may  be  inferred  from  that  of  the  only  book-room 
that  was  accessible.  Its  furniture  consisted  of  half  a 
dozen  cases,  some  locked,  some  open — the  latter  empty ; 
the  floor  was  strewn  with  fragments  of  paper,  and  the 
absence  of  footprints  in  the  thick  deposit  of  dust  suffi- 
ciently indicated  that  the  pathway  to  this  fountain  of 
knowledge  is  no  longer  frequented. 

But  things  in  China  are  not  to  be  estimated  by  or- 
dinary rules.  Here  the  decay  of  a building  is  no  indi- 
cation of  the  decadence  of  the  institution  which  it  rep- 
resents. The  public  buildings  of  the  Chinese  are,  for 
the  most  part,  mean  and  contemptible  in  comparison  with 
those  of  Western  nations ; but  it  would  not  be  less  erro- 
neous for  us  to  judge  their  civilization  by  the  state  of 
their  architecture  than  for  them,  as  they  are  prone  to  do, 
to  measure  ours  by  the  tape-line  of  our  tailor.  With 
them  architecture  is  not  a fine  art ; public  edifices  of  every 
class  are  constructed  on  a uniform  model ; and  even  in 
private  dwellings  there  is  no  such  thing  as  novelty  or 
variety  of  design.  The  original  idea  of  both  is  incapable 
of  much  development ; the  wooden  frame  and  limited 
height  giving  them  an  air  of  meanness ; while  the 
windowless  wall,  which  caution  or  custom  requires  to 
be  drawn  around  every  considerable  building,  excludes 
it  from  the  public  view,  and  consequently  diminishes,  if 


336 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


it  does  not  destroy,  the  desire  for  aesthetic  effect.  Ma- 
terialistic as  the  people  are  in  their  habits  of  thought, 
their  government,  based  on  ancient  maxims,  has  sought 
to  repress  rather  than  encourage  the  tendency  to  luxury 
in  this  direction.  The  genius  of  China  does  not  affect 
excellence  in  material  arts.  With  more  propriety  than 
ancient  Rome  she  might  apply  to  herself  the  lines  of 
the  Roman  poet : 

“ Excudent  alii  spirantia  mollius  aera 
. . . regere  imperio  populos  . . . 

Hae  tibi  erunt  artes;  pacisque  itnponere  morem.” 

For  not  only  is  the  Chinese  notoriously  backward  in 
all  those  accomplishments  in  which  the  Roman  excelled, 
but,  without  being  warlike,  he  has  equalled  the  Roman 
in  the  extent  of  his  conquests,  and  surpassed  him  in  the 
permanence  of  his  possessions.  With  him  the  art  of 
government  is  the  “ great  study ; ” and  all  else — science, 
literature,  religion — merely  subsidiary. 

For  six  hundred  years,  with  the  exception  of  a brief 
interval,  the  Hanlin  has  had  its  home  within  the  walls 
of  Peking,  witnessing  from  this  position  the  rise  of 
three  Imperial  dynasties  and  the  overthrow  of  two. 
Under  the  Mongols  it  stood,  not  on  its  present  site,  but  a 
little  to  the  west  of  the  present  drum-tower.  Kublai  and 
his  successors  testified  their  sense  of  its  importance  by 
installing  it  in  an  old  palace  of  the  Ch’in  Tartars.  Ao 
Yang  Ch’u,  a discontented  scholar  of  a later  age,  alluding 
to  the  contrast  presented  by  the  quarters  it  then  occupied, 
laments  in  verse 

“ The  splendid  abode  of  the  old  Hanlin, 

The  glittering  palace  of  the  Prince  of  Ch’in.” 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


337 


The  Ming  emperors  removed  it  to  its  present  position, 
appropriating  for  its  use  the  site  of  an  old  granary.  The 
Ch'ing  emperors  had  a palace  to  bestow  on  the  Mongolian 
lamas,  but  allowed  the  Haul  in  to  remain  in  its  contracted 
quarters,  erecting  at  the  same  time,  in  immediate  con- 
tiguity, a palace  for  one  of  their  princes.  This  is  now 
occupied  by  the  British  Legation,  whose  lofty  chimneys 
overlook  the  grounds  of  the  Academy,  and  so  menace  the 
feng-shui  (good  luck)  of  the  entire  literary  corporation. 
If  this  were  the  whole  of  its  history,  the  Hanlin  would 
still  enjoy  the  distinction  of  being  more  than  twice  as 
ancient  as  any  similar  institution  now  extant  in  the 
Western  world ; but  this  last  period — one  of  few  vicissi- 
tudes— covers  no  more  than  half  its  career.  Its  annals 
run  back  to  twice  six  hundred  years,  and  during  that 
long  period  it  has  shared  the  fortunes  and  followed  the 
footsteps  of  the  several  dynasties  which  have  contended 
for  the  mastery  of  the  Empire.  From  its  nature  and 
constitution  attached  to  the  court,  it  has  migrated  with 
the  court,  now  north,  now  south,  until  the  capital  became 
fixed  in  its  present  position.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  the  Academy  was  for  a few  years  at 
Nanking,  where  Hung  Wu  made  his  capital.  During 
the  period  of  the  Crusades  it  accompanied  the  court  of  the 
Southern  Sungs  as  they  retired  before  the  invading 
Tartars,  and  fixed  at  Hangchou  the  seat  of  their  semi- 
empire. For  two  centuries  previous  it  had  shed  its 
lustre  on  Pien  Liang  (Kai  Feng)  the  capital  of  the 
Northern  Sungs. 

During  the  five  short  dynasties  (907-960)  it  disap- 
pears amidst  the  confusion  of  perpetual  war,  though  even 
then  each  aspirant  for  “ The  Yellow  ” surrounded  him- 
self with  some  semblance  of  the  Hanlin,  as  a circum- 


338 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


stance  essential  to  Imperial  state ; but  its  earliest, 
brightest  and  longest  period  of  repose  was  the  reign  of 
the  T’angs,  from  627  to  904,  or  from  the  rise  of  Mahomet 
till  the  death  of  Alfred.  For  China  this  is  not  an  ancient 
date ; but  it  was  scarcely  possible  that  such  a body, 
with  such  objects,  should  come  into  existence  at  any 
earlier  epoch.  Under  the  more  ancient  dynasties  the 
range  of  literature  was  limited,  and  the  style  of  com- 
position rude.  It  is  not  till  the  long  reign  of  the  house  of 
Han  that  the  language  obtains  its  full  maturity ; but 
even  then  taste  was  little  cultivated — the  writers  of  that 
day  being,  as  the  native  critics  say,  more  studious  of 
matter  than  of  manner.  During  the  short-lived  dynasties 
that  followed  the  Han  and  Ch’in,  the  struggle  for  power 
allowed  no  breathing-time  for  the  revival  of  letters ; but 
when  the  Empire,  so  long  drenched  in  blood,  was  at 
length  united  under  the  sway  of  the  T'angs,  the  begin- 
ning of  the  new  era  of  peace  and  prosperity  was  marked 
by  an  outburst  of  literary  splendor. 

For  twenty  years  Kao  Tsu,  the  founder,  had  been  in- 
volved in  sanguinary  conflicts.  In  such  circumstances 
valor  was  virtue,  and  military  skill  comprised  all  that 
was  valued  in  learning.  In  the  work  of  domestic  con- 
quest, his  most  efficient  aid  was  his  second  son,  Shill  Min. 
Destined  to  complete  what  his  father  had  begun,  but 
with  a genius  more  comprehensive  and  a taste  more  re- 
fined, this  young  prince  was  to  Kao  Tsu  what  Alexander 
was  to  Philip,  or  Frederick  the  Great  to  the  rough  Fred- 
erick William.  Studying  the  poets  and  philosophers  by 
the  light  of  his  camp-fires,  lie  no  sooner  found  himself 
in  undisputed  possession  of  the  throne  than  he  addressed 
himself  to  the  promotion  of  learning.  In  this  he  was 
only  reverting  to  the  traditions  of  an  empire  which  from 
the  earliest  times  had  always  been  a worshipper  of  letters. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


339 


But  Tai  Tsung  (the  nanie  by  which  he  is  called  in 
history)  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  beaten  path  of  tra- 
dition ; he  issued  a decree  that  men  of  ability  should  be 
sought  out  and  brought  to  court  from  their  retired 
homes  and  secret  hiding-places.  Iiis  predecessors  had 
done  the  same ; but  Tai  Tsung  formed  them  into  a body 
under  tbe  name  of  Wen  Hsiieli  Kuan,  and  installed  them 
in  a portion  of  his  palace,  where,  the  historian  tells  us, 
he  was  accustomed,  in  the  intervals  of  business  and  late 
in  the  hours  of  the  night,  to  converse  with  these  learned 
doctors.  The  number  of  these  eminent  scholars  was 
eighteen,  in  allusion  possibly  (though  a Confucian  would 
repudiate  the  idea)  to  the  number  of  Arhans  or  disciples 
who  composed  the  inner  circle  of  the  family  of  Buddha — 
Buddhism  being  at  that  time  in  high  repute.  Among 
these  the  most  prominent  were  Fang  Yuan  Ling  and 
Tu  Ju  Hui,  who  were  afterwards  advanced  to  the  rank 
of  ministers  of  State.  We  have  already  seen  their  names 
in  the  Ode  of  Ch’ien  Lung,  where  they  are  alluded  to 
as  the  typical  ancestors  of  the  literary  brotherhood.  This 
was  the  germ  of  the  Hanlin  Yuan. 

Under  previous  reigns  letters  had  been  valued  solely  as 
an  aid  to  politics,  and  scholarship  as  a proof  of  qualifica- 
tion for  civil  employment.  But  from  this  time  letters 
began  to  assume  the  position  of  a final  cause,  and  civil 
employment  was  made  use  of  as  an  incentive  to  en- 
courage their  cultivation.  Previously  to  this  the  single 
exercise  of  answering  in  writing  a series  of  questions 
intended  to  gauge  the  erudition  and  test  the  acumen  of 
the  candidate  was  all  that  was  required  in  examinations 
for  the  civil  service;  but  from  this  epoch  taste  presided 
in  the  literary  arena,  and  compositions,  both  in  prose  and 
verse,  in  which  elegance  of  style  is  the  chief  aim,  be- 
came thenceforth  a leading  feature  in  the  curriculum. 


340 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


That  wonderful  net  which  catches  the  big  fish  for  the 
service  of  the  Emperor,  and  allows  the  smaller  ones  to 
slip  through,  was  during  this  dynasty  so  far  perfected 
that  in  the  lapse  of  a thousand  years  it  has  undergone 
no  very  important  change.  As  might  have  been  expected, 
the  epoch  of  the  Tangs  became  distinguished  above  all 
preceding  dynasties  as  the  age  of  poets.  Li  Tai  Pei — 
whose  brilliant  genius  was  believed  to  be  an  incarnation  of 
the  golden  light  of  the  planet  Venus — Tu  Fu,  Han  Yu, 
and  others  shed  lustre  on  its  opening  reigns.  Their  works 
have  become  the  acknowledged  model  of  poetic  composi- 
tion, from  which  no  modem  writer  dares  to  depart ; and, 
under  the  collective  title  of  the  poetry  of  T'ang,  they  have 
added  to  the  Imperial  crown  an  amaranthine  wreath  such 
as  no  other  dynasty  has  ever  worn.  Li  Tai  Pei  was 
admitted  to  the  Academy  by  Ming  Huang  or  Hun 
Tsung;  the  Emperor  on  that  occasion  giving  him  a feast 
and,  as  native  authors  say,  condescending  to  stir  the 
poet’s  soup  with  the  hand  that  bore  the  sceptre. 

It  is  not  a little  remarkable  that  the  art  of  printing 
made  its  appearance  almost  simultaneously  with  the 
formation  of  the  Academy  and  the  reorganization  of  the 
examination  system.  Originating  in  a common  impulse, 
all  three  interacted  on  each  other,  and  worked  together 
as  powerful  agencies  in  carrying  forward  the  common 
movement.  The  method  of  stamping  characters  on  silk 
or  paper  had  no  doubt  been  discovered  long  before ; 
but  it  was  under  this  dynasty  that  it  was  first  employed 
for  the  reproduction  of  books  on  a large  scale.  It  was 
not,  however,  so  employed  in  the  reign  of  Tai  Tsung. 
That  monarch,  resolving  to  found  a library  that  should 
surpass  in  extent  and  magnificence  anything  that  had  been 
known  in  the  past,  was  unable  to  imagine  a more  expe- 
ditious, or,  at  least,  a more  satisfactory,  method  of  pro- 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


34i 


ducing  books  than  the  slow  process  of  transcription. 
For  this  purpose  a host  of  pencils  would  be  required ; and 
Tai  Tsung,  in  the  interest  of  his  library,  made  a fresh 
levy  of  learned  men  who  were  elegant  scribes  as  well 
as  able  scholars.  To  these,  Hun  Tsung,  one  of  his  suc- 
cessors, added  another  body  of  scholars,  and  combining 
the  three  classes  into  one  society  called  it  by  the  name 
of  Hanlin,  or  the  “ Forest  of  Pencils  ” — about  a.  d.  740 — 
a designation  that  was  now  more  appropriate  than  it 
would  have  been  when  the  number  of  its  members  fell 
short  of  a score. 

When  the  printing-press  was  introduced  as  an  auxiliary 
in  the  manufacture  of  books,  it  relieved  the  Imperial 
scribes  of  a portion  of  their  labors,  but  it  did  not  super- 
sede them.  Released  from  the  drudgery  of  copying, 
they  were  free  to  devote  their  leisure  to  composition ; 
and  in  China  in  the  eighth  century,  as  in  Europe  in  the 
fifteenth,  the  art  of  printing  imparted  a powerful  stimu- 
lus to  the  intellectual  activity  of  the  age. 

Rising,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  halcyon  days  of  Tai 
Tsung,  the  Hanlin  Yuan  was  not  long  in  attaining  its 
full  development.  In  the  reign  of  Hun  Tsung  it  re- 
ceived the  name  by  which  it  is  now  known,  and  through 
twelve  centuries,  from  that  day  to  this,  it  has  under- 
gone no  essential  modification,  either  in  its  objects,  mem- 
bership, or  mode  of  operation ; if  we  except,  perhaps,  the 
changes  required  to  adapt  it  to  the  duplicate  official  sys- 
tem of  the  present  dynasty.  Its  constitution  and  func- 
tions, as  laid  down  in  the  Ta  Ch’ing  Hui  Tien,  or  Insti- 
tutes of  the  Empire,  are  as  follows : 

1.  There  shall  be  two  presidents — one  Manchu  and 
one  Chinese.  They  shall  superintend  the  composition 
of  dynastic  histories,  charts,  books,  Imperial  decrees,  and 
literary  matters  in  general. 


342 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


2.  The  vice-presidents  shall  be  of  two  classes ; namely, 
the  readers,  and  the  expositors  to  his  Majesty  the  Em- 
peror. In  each  class  there  shall  be  three  Manchus  and 
three  Chinese. 

3.  Besides  these,  the  regular  members  shall  consist  of 
three  classes — namely,  Hsiu  Chuan,  Pien  Hsiu,  and  Ch’ien 
Tao — in  all  of  which  the  number  is  not  limited.  These, 
together  with  the  vice-presidents,  shall  be  charged  with 
the  composition  and  compilation  of  books,  and  with 
daily  attendance  at  stated  times  on  the  classic  studies  of 
his  Majesty. 

4.  There  shall  be  a class  of  candidates  on  proba- 
tion, termed  Shu  Ch’i  Shill,  “ lucky  scholars,”  the  num- 
ber not  fixed.  These  shall  not  be  charged  with  any 
specific  duty,  but  shall  prosecute  their  studies  in  the 
schools  attached  to  the  Academy.  They  shall  study  both 
Manchu  and  Chinese.  Their  studies  shall  be  directed  by 
two  professors — one  Manchu  and  one  Chinese — assisted 
by  other  members  below  the  grade  of  readers  and  exposi- 
tors, who  shall  act  as  divisional  tutors.  At  the  expiration 
of  three  years  they  shall  be  tested  as  to  their  ability  in 
poetical  composition,  the  Emperor  in  person  deciding 
their  grades,  after  which  they  shall  be  admitted  to  an 
audience ; those  of  the  first  three  grades  being  received 
into  full  membership,  and  those  of  the  fourth  grade, 
which  comprises  the  remainder,  being  assigned  to  posts 
in  the  civil  service,  or  retained  for  another  three  years  to 
study  and  be  examined  with  the  next  class. 

5.  There  shall  be  two  recorders — one  Manchu  and  one 
Chinese.  These  shall  be  charged  with  the  sending  and 
receiving  of  documents. 

6.  There  shall  be  two  librarians — one  Manchu  and 
one  Chinese.  These  shall  be  charged  with  the  care  of  the 
books  and  charts. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


343 


7.  There  shall  be  four  proof-readers — two  Manchus 
and  two  Chinese.  These  shall  attend  to  the  revision  and 
collection  of  histories,  memorials,  and  other  literary 
compositions. 

8.  There  shall  be  forty-four  clerks — forty  Manchus 
and  four  from  the  Chinese  Banners.  These  shall  be 
employed  in  copying  and  translation. 

9.  The  expositors  at  the  classic  table  (of  the  Em- 
peror) shall  be  sixteen  in  number — eight  Manchus  and 
eight  Chinese.  The  Manchus  must  be  officers  who  have 
risen  from  the  third  rank  or  higher.  The  Chinese  also 
must  be  of  the  third  rank  or  higher,  having  risen  from 
the  Academy.  These  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Emperor 
on  the  recommendation  of  the  Academy.  The  classic 
feasts  shall  take  place  twice  a year — namely,  in  the  second 
and  the  eighth  month ; at  which  time  onfc  Manchu  and 
one  Chinese  shall  expound  the  Book  of  History,  and  one 
Manchu  and  one  Chinese  shall  expound  the  other  classics, 
to  be  selected  from  a list  prepared  by  the  Academy. 
The  subject  and  sense  of  the  passages  to  be  treated  on 
these  occasions  shall  in  all  cases  be  arranged  by  consul- 
tation with  the  presidents  of  the  Academy,  and  laid  before 
the  Emperor  for  his  approval.  When  the  Emperor 
visits  the  “ Palace  of  Literary  Glory,”  these  expositors, 
together  with  the  other  officers,  shall  perform  their  pros- 
trations at  the  foot  of  the  steps,  after  which  their  going 
in  and  out  shall  be  according  to  the  form  prescribed  in 
the  Code  of  Rites.  When  they  shall  have  finished  their 
expositions,  they  shall  respectfully  listen  to  the  discourses 
of  the  Emperor. 

10.  The  daily  expositors  shall  be  twenty-eight  Man- 
chus and  twelve  Chinese.  They  shall  be  above  the  grade 
of  Ch’ien  Tao  and  below  that  of  President,  and  may  dis- 
charge this  duty  without  resigning  their  original  offices. 


344 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


11.  Prayers  and  sacrificial  addresses  for  several  occa- 
sions shall  be  drawn  up  by  the  Hanlin  and  submitted  to 
the  Emperor  for  his  approval.  These  occasions  are  the 
following,  namely : at  the  Altar  of  Heaven ; the  Ancestral 
Temple;  the  Imperial  Cemeteries;  the  Altar  of  Agri- 
culture; sacrifices  to  mountains,  seas,  and  lakes,  and  to 
the  ancient  sage  Confucius. 

12.  The  Hanlin  shall  respectfully  prepare  honorary 
titles  for  the  dowager  empresses : they  shall  also  draw  up 
patents  of  dignity  for  the  chief  concubines  of  the  late 
emperor;  forms  of  investiture  for  new  empresses  and  the 
chief  concubines  of  new  emperors  ; patents  of  nobility  for 
princes,  dukes,  generals,  and  for  feudal  states ; together 
with  inscriptions  on  State  seals — all  of  which  shall  first 
be  submitted  for  the  Imperial  approbation. 

13.  The  Hanlin  shall  respectfully  propose  posthu- 
mous titles  for  deceased  emperors,  together  with  monu- 
mental inscriptions  and  sacrificial  addresses  for  those 
who  are  accorded  the  honor  of  a posthumous  title — all 
of  which  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Emperor  for  approval. 

14.  The  presidents  of  the  Hanlin  shall  be  cx  officio 
vice-presidents  of  the  Bureau  of  Contemporary  History, 
in  which  the  Hanlin  of  subordinate  grades  shall  assist  as 
compilers  and  composers,  reverentially  recording  the 
sacred  instructions  (of  the  Emperor). 

15.  Prescribes  the  order  of  attendance  for  the  Hanlin 
when  the  Emperor  appears  in  public  court. 

16.  Prescribes  the  number  and  quality  of  those  of  the 
Hanlin  who  shall  attend  his  Majesty  during  his  sojourn 
at  the  Yuan  Ming  Yuan  (Summer  Palace). 

17.  Provides  that  those  members  of  the  Hanlin  whose 
duty  it  is  to  accompany  his  Majesty  on  his  various 
journeys  beyond  the  capital  shall  be  recommended  by  the 
presidents  of  the  Academy. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


345 


1 8.  Provides  that,  when  the  Emperor  sends  a deputy 
to  sacrifice  to  Confucius,  certain  senior  members  of  the 
Academy  shall  make  offerings  to  the  twelve  chief 
disciples  of  the  Sage. 

19.  The  Hanlin,  in  conjunction  with  the  Board  of 
Rites,  shall  copy  out  and  publish  the  best  specimens 
of  the  essays  produced  in  the  provincial  and  metropolitan 
examinations. 

20.  Prescribes  the  form  to  be  used  in  reporting  or 
recommending  members  for  promotion,  and  provides  that 
when  an  examination  is  held  for  the  selection  of  Im- 
perial censors,  the  Pien  Hsiu  and  Ch’ien  Tao,  on  recom- 
mendation, may  be  admitted  as  candidates. 

21.  Regulates  examinations  for  the  admission  of  pro- 
bationary members. 

22.  Admits  probationers,  after  three  years  of  study, 
to  an  examination  for  places  in  the  Academy  or  official 
posts  elsewhere. 

23.  Provides  for  examinations  of  regular  members 
in  presence  of  the  Emperor,  at  uncertain  times,  in  order 
to  prevent  their  relapse  into  idleness. 

24.  Provides  for  the  promotion  of  members  who  are 
employed  as  instructors  or  probationers. 

Such  is  the  official  account  of  the  Hanlin  as  at  present 
constituted  ; but  what  information  does  it  convey  ? After 
all  we  have  done  in  the  way  of  explanation,  in  connec- 
tion with  a rather  free  translation,  it  still  remains  a con- 
fused mass  of  titles  and  ceremonies,  utterly  devoid  of 
any  principle  of  order ; and.  without  the  help  of  collateral 
information,  much  of  it  would  be  altogether  unintelligi- 
ble. Interrogate  it  as  to  the  number  of  members,  the 
qualifications  required  for  membership,  the  duration  of 
membership,  the  manner  of  obtaining  their  seats  (a  term 
which  must  be  used  metaphorically  of  an  association  in 


346 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


which  all  but  a few  are  expected  to  stand),  and  it  is 
silent  as  the  Sphinx.  Should  one,  with  a view  to  satis- 
fying curiogity  on  the  first  point,  attempt  to  reckon  up  the 
number  of  classes  or  divisions,  to  say  nothing  of  indi- 
viduals, the  number  being  in  some  cases  purposely  in- 
definite, he  would  certainly  fail  of  success.  Some  who 
are  enumerated  in  those  divisions  are  official  employes 
of  the  society,  but  not  members ; and  yet  there  is  nothing 
in  the  text  to  indicate  the  fact : e.  .g.,  the  proof-readers 
are  Hanlins,  the  copyists  and  translators  are  not ; the 
librarians  are  Haniin,  the  recorders  are  not.  We  shall 
endeavor  briefly  to  elucidate  these  several  points. 

Unlike  the  academies  of  Europe,  which  are  voluntary 
associations  for  the  advancement  of  learning  under  royal 
or  imperial  patronage,  the  Haniin  is  a body  of  civil  func- 
tionaries, a government  organ,  an  integral  part  of  the 
machinery  of  the  State ; its  mainspring,  as  that  of  every 
other  portion,  is  in  the  throne.  Its  members  do  not  seek 
admission  from  love  of  learning,  but  for  the  distinction 
it  confers,  and  especially  as  a passport  to  lucrative  em- 
ployment. They  are  consequently  in  a state  of  perpetual 
transition,  spending  from  six  to  ten  years  in  attendance 
at  the  Academy,  and  then  going  into  the  provinces  as 
triennial  examiners,  as  superintendents  of  education,  or 
even  in  civil  or  military  employments  which  have  no 
special  relation  to  letters.  In  all  these  situations  they 
proudly  retain  the  title  of  members  of  the  Imperial 
Academy;  and,  in  their  memorials  to  the  throne,  one  may 
sometimes  see  it  placed  above  that  of  provincial  treasurer 
or  judge. 

There  are,  moreover,  several  yamens  in  the  capital  that 
are  manned  almost  exclusively  from  the  members  of  the 
Haniin.  Of  these  the  principal  are  the  Chan  Shift  Fu  and 
the  Ch‘i  Chii  Ch‘u;  both  of  which  are,  in  fact,  nothing 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


347 


more  than  appendages  of  the  Academy.  The  former,  the 
name  of  which  affords  no  hint  of  its  functions,  appears  to 
bear  some  such  relation  to  the  heir-apparent  as  the 
Hanlin  does  to  the  Emperor.  The  beggarly  building  in 
which  its  official  meetings  are  held  may  be  seen  on  the 
banks  of  the  canal  opposite  to  the  British  Legation.* 
It  is,  nevertheless,  regarded  as  a highly  aristocratic  body, 
and  gives  employment  to  a score  or  so  of  Academicians. 
The  other,  which  may  be  described  as  the  Bureau  of 
Daily  Record,  employs  some  twenty  more  of  the  Hanlins 
in  the  capacity  of  Boswells  to  the  reigning  Emperor,  their 
duty  being  to  preserve  a minute  record  of  all  his  words 
and  actions. 

Among  the  Imperial  censors,  who  form  a distinct 
tribunal,  a majority  perhaps  are  taken  from  the  ranks  of 
the  Hanlin,  but  they  are  not  exclusively  so;  while  the 
higher  members  of  the  Hanlin,  without  being  connected 
with  the  censorate,  are  ex  officio  counsellors  to  his 
Majesty.  Of  those  whose  names  are  on  the  rolls  as  active 
members  of  the  Academy  in  regular  attendance  on  its 
meetings,  the  number  does  not  exceed  three  or  four 
score ; though  on  great  occasions,  such  as  the  advent 
of  an  emperor,  the  ex-members  who  are  within  reach  are 
called  in  and  swell  the  number  to  twice  or  thrice  that 
figure.  Besides  these  are  the  probationers  or  candidates, 
to  the  number  of  a hundred  or  more,  who  pursue  their 
studies  for  three  years  under  the  auspices  of  the  Acad- 
emy, and  then  stand  examination  for  membership.  If 
successful,  thev  take  their  places  with  the  rank  and  file 
of  the  Imperial  scribes ; otherwise,  they  are  assigned 
posts  in  the  civil  service,  such  as  those  of  sub-prefect, 
district  magistrate,  etc.,  carrying  with  them  in  every 
position  the  distinction  of  having  been  connected,  for 

* Used  as  a refuge  for  native  Christians  in  the  summer  of  1900. 


34« 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


however  brief  a time,  with  the  Imperial  Academy.  With- 
out counting  those  rejected  candidates,  whose  claim  to 
the  title  is  more  than  doubtful,  the  actual  and  passed 
members  probably  do  not  fall  short  of  five  hundred. 

The  qualifications  for  membership  are  two — natural 
talent  and  rare  acquisitions  in  all  the  departments  of 
Chinese  scholarship ; but  of  these  we  shall  treat  more  at 
length  hereafter.  The  new  members  are  not  admitted 
by  vote  of  the  association,  nor  appointed  by  the  will  of 
their  Imperial  master.  The  seats  in  this  Olympus  are  put 
up  to  competition,  and,  as  in  the  Hindu  mythology,  the 
gifted  aspirant,  though  without  name  or  influence,  and 
in  spite  of  opposition,  may  win  the  immortal  arnreet. 
None  enter  as  the  result  of  capricious  favor,  and  no  one 
is  excluded  in  consequence  of  unfounded  prejudice. 

The  Hanlin  Yuan  has  not,  therefore,  like  the  Institute 
of  France,  a long  list  of  illustrious  names  who  acquire 
additional  distinction  from  having  been  rejected  or  over- 
looked ; neither  does  it  suffer  from  lampoons  sucli  as 
that  which  a disappointed  poet  fixed  on  his  own  tomb- 
stone at  the  expense  of  the  French  Academy — 

“ Ci-git  Piron,  qui  ne  fut  rien, 

Pas  meme  academicien.” 

In  the  Chinese  Academy  the  newly  initiated  has  the  proud 
consciousness  that  he  owes  everything  to  himself,  and 
nothing  to  the  complaisance  of  his  associates  or  the 
patronage  of  his  superiors. 

Of  the  duties  of  the  Hanlin,  these  official  regulations 
afford  us  a better  idea — indicating  each  line  of  intel- 
lectual activity,  from  the  selection  of  fancy  names  for 
people  in  high  position  up  to  the  conducting  of  pro- 
vincial examinations  and  the  writing  of  national  histories; 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


349 


but  the  advancement  of  science  is  not  among  them.  They 
do  nothing  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  human  knowl- 
edge, simply  because  they  are  not  aware  that  after  the 
achievements  of  Confucius  and  the  ancient  sages  any 
new  world  remains  to  be  conquered.  The  former  Em- 
peror, by  special  decree,  referred  to  the  Academy  the 
responsibility  of  proposing  honorific  titles  for  the  em- 
presses regent.  The  result  was  the  pair  of  euphonious 
pendants,  K'ang  I and  Kang  Clung,  with  which  the 
Imperial  ladies  were  decorated  on  retiring  from  the 
regency ; and  we  are  left  to  imagine  the  anxious  deliber- 
ations, the  laborious  search  for  precedents,  the  minute 
comparison  of  the  historical  and  poetical  allusions  in- 
volved in  each  title,  before  the  learned  body  were  able  to 
arrive  at  a decision.  Since  that  date  the  surviving 
Dowager  has  been  honored  by  twelve  syllables  additional. 

The  composition  of  prayers  to  be  used  by  his  Majesty 
or  his  deputies  on  sundry  occasions,  and  the  writing  of 
inscriptions  for  the  temples  of  various  divinities,  in  ac- 
knowledgment of  services,  are  among  the  lighter  tasks  of 
the  Hanlin.  They  are  not,  however,  like  that  above 
referred  to,  of  rare  occurrence.  Ambitious  of  anything 
that  can  confer  distinction  on  their  respective  localities, 
the  people  of  numerous  districts  petition  the  throne  to 
honor  the  temple  where  they  worship  by  the  gift  of  an 
Imperial  inscription.  They  ascertain  that  some  time 
within  the  past  twenty  years  the  divinity  there  worshipped 
has  interfered  to  prevent  a swollen  river  from  bursting 
its  banks ; to  avert  a plague  of  locusts,  or  arrest  a pro- 
tracted drought ; or,  by  a nocturnal  display  of  spectral 
armies,  to  drive  away  a horde  of  rebels.  They  report  the 
facts  in  the  case  to  their  magistrates,  who  verify  them, 
and  forward  the  application  to  the  Emperor,  who  in  turn 
directs  the  members  of  the  Hanlin  to  write  the  desired 


350 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


inscription.  Cases  of  this  kind  abound  in  the  Peking 
Gazette ; one  of  those  best  known  to  foreigners  being  that 
of  Sze  T’ai  Wang  at  Tientsin,  whose  merit  in  checking, 
under  the  avatar  of  a serpent,  the  disastrous  floods  of 
1871  obtained  from  the  Emperor  the  honor  of  a com- 
memorative tablet  written  by  the  doctors  of  the  Hanlin. 

If  to  these  we  add  the  scrolls  and  tablets  written  by 
Imperial  decree  for  schools  and  charitable  institutions 
throughout  the  Empire,  we  must  confess  that  the  Hanlin 
Yuan  might  earn  for  itself  the  title  of  Academy  of 
Inscriptions  in  a sense  somewhat  different  from  that  in 
which  the  term  is  employed  in  the  Western  World.  In- 
deed, so  disproportionate  is  the  space  allotted  in  the  con- 
stitution to  these  petty  details,  that  the  reader,  judging 
from  that  document  alone,  would  be  liable  to  infer  that 
the  Academicians  were  seldom  burdened  with  any  more 
serious  employment.  But  let  him  go  into  one  of  the 
great  libraries  connected  with  the  court  (unhappily  not 
yet  accessible  to  the  foreign  student),  or  even  to  the 
great  book-stores  of  the  Chinese  city,  and  he  will  learn 
at  a glance  that  the  Hanlin  is  not  a mere  piece  of  Oriental 
pageantry.  Let  him  ask  for  the  “ Book  of  Odes ; ” the 
salesman  hands  him  an  Imperial  edition  in  twenty  vol- 
umes, with  notes  and  illustrations  by  the  doctors  of  the 
Hanlin.  If  he  inquire  for  the  “ Book  of  Rites,”  or  any 
of  the  thirteen  canonical  books,  the  work  is  shown  him 
in  the  same  elegant  type,  equally  voluminous  in  extent, 
and  executed  by  the  hands  of  the  same  inexhaustible 
editors.  Then  there  are  histories  without  number;  next 
to  the  classics  in  dignity,  and  far  exceeding  them  in 
extent. 

In  addition  to  work  of  this  kind,  which  is  constant  as 
the  stream  of  time,  the  Hanlin  supplies  writers  and  editors 
for  all  the  literary  enterprises  of  the  Emperor.  Some  of 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


35 1 


these  are  so  vast  that  it  is  safe  to  say  no  people  would 
undertake  them  but  those  who  erected  the  Great  Wall 
and  excavated  the  Grand  Canal ; nor  would  China  have 
had  the  courage  to  face  them  had  she  not  kept  on  foot 
as  a permanent  institution  a standing  army  of  learned 
writers. 

Two  of  these  colossal  enterprises  distinguish  the  bril- 
liant prime  of  the  present  dynasty ; while  a third,  of  pro- 
portions still  more  huge,  dates  back  to  the  second  reign 
of  the  Mings.  This  last  is  the  Yung  Lo  Ta  Tien,  a cyclo- 
paedic digest  of  the  Imperial  library,  which  at  that  time 
contained  300,000  volumes.  There  were  employed  in  the 
task  2169  clerks  and  copyists,  under  the  direction  of  a 
commission  consisting  of  three  presidents,  five  vice-presi- 
dents, and  twenty  sub-directors.  The  work,  when  com- 
pleted, contained  22.937  books,  or  about  half  that  number 
of  volumes.  It  was  never  printed  as  a whole,  and  two 
of  the  three  manuscript  copies,  together  with  about  a 
tenth  part  of  the  third,  were  destroyed  by  fire  in  the  con- 
vulsions that  attended  the  overthrow  of  the  Mings.* 

In  the  reign  of  K’ang  Hsi  (latter  part  of  the  seven- 
teenth century)  a similar  compilation  was  executed,  num- 
bering 6000  volumes  and  beautifully  printed  on  movable 
copper  types,  with  the  title  of  T’u  Shu  Chi  Ch’eng. 

About  a century  later,  under  Ch’ien  Lung,  a still  larger 
collection,  intended  to  supplement  the  former,  and  pre- 
serve all  that  was  most  valuable  in  the  extant  literature, 
was  printed  on  movable  wooden  types  with  the  title  of 
See  K'u  Ch’iian  Shu.  These  two  collections  reproduce  a 
great  part  of  the  preceding ; nevertheless  great  pains  have 
been  taken  to  copy  out  and  preserve  the  original  work. 
A commission  of  members  of  the  Hanlin  was  appointed 

* This  third  copy  was  almost  totally  destroyed  with  the  rest  of 
the  library,  June,  1900. 


352 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


for  this  purpose  by  Ch’ien  Lung,  and  a copy  of  the  work, 
it  is  said,  now  forms  a part  of  the  Hanlin  library.  In  this 
connection  we  may  mention  two  other  great  works  exe- 
cuted under  the  Mings,  which  have  been  reproduced  by 
the  present  dynasty  in  an  abridged  or  modified  form. 
While  the  codification  of  the  laws  found  in  Yung  Lo  a 
Chinese  Justinian,  it  found  its  Tribonians  among  the  doc- 
tors of  the  Academy.  The  “ Encyclopaedia  of  Philoso- 
phy,” compiled  by  the  Hanlin  under  Yung  Lo,  the  second 
of  the  Mings,  was  abridged  by  the  Hanlin,  under  K’ang 
Hsi,  the  second  of  the  Ch’ings.  A still  more  important 
labor  of  the  Hanlin,  performed  by  order  of  the  last- 
named  illustrious  ruler,  was  the  dictionary  which  bears  his 
name — a labor  more  in  keeping  with  its  character  as  a 
literary  corporation. 

Thiers  speaks  of  the  French  Academy  as  having  la 
mission  a rcgler  la  marche  de  la  langue.  It  did  this  by 
publishing  its  famous  dictionary ; and  about  the  same  time 
the  members  of  the  Hanlin  were  performing  a similar 
task  for  the  language  of  China,  by  preparation  of  the  great 
dictionary  of  K’ang  Hsi — a work  which  stands  much 
higher  as  an  authority  than  does  the  Dictionnaire  de  l’ 
Academic  Frangaise.  A small  work,  not  unworthy  of 
mention  in  connection  with  these  grave  labors,  is  the 
Sacred  Edict,  which  goes  under  the  name  of  K’ang  Hsi. 
It  is  not,  however,  the  composition  of  either  K’ang  Hsi  or 
Yung  Cheng,  but  purely  a production  of  Hanlin  pencils. 
In  the  Memoirs  of  the  Academy  we  find  a decree  assign- 
ing the  task  and  prescribing  the  mode  of  performance : 

“ ‘ Taking,’  says  the  Emperor,  ‘ the  sixteen  edicts  (or 
maxims  of  seven  words  each)  of  our  sacred  ancestor  sur- 
named  the  Benevolent  for  a basis,  we  desire  to  expand 
and  illustrate  their  meaning,  for  the  instruction  of  our 
soldiers  and  people.  Let  the  members  of  the  Hanlin 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


353 


compose  an  essay,  of  between  five  and  six  hundred  char- 
acters, on  each  text,  in  a plain  and  lucid  style,  shunning 
alike  the  errors  of  excessive  polish  and  rusticity.  Let 
the  same  text  be  given  to  eight  or  nine  persons,  each  of 
whom  will  prepare  a discourse,  and  hand  it  in  in  a 
sealed  envelope.’  ” 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  sixteen  elegant  discourses 
which  compose  the  body  of  that  work  are  selections 
from  over  a hundred — the  picked  performances  of  picked 
men. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  Manchu  dynasty,  the  Hanlin 
were  much  engaged  in  superintending  the  translation  of 
Chinese  works  into  Manchu,  a language  now  so  little 
understood  by  the  Tartars  of  Peking  that  those  volumi- 
nous versions  have  almost  ceased  to  be  of  any  practical 
value.  Under  the  present  reign  the  learned  doctors  have 
been  working  somewhat  in  a different  direction,  showing 
that  the  Chinese  are  not  so  incapable  of  innovation  as  is 
usually  supposed.  A minority  reign  naturally  suggested 
the  want  of  a royal  road  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge ; 
our  Hanlin  doctors  were  accordingly  directed  to  supply 
his  Majesty  with  copies  of  History  made  easy  and  the 
Classics  made  easy.  The  mode  of  making  easy  was  a 
careful  rendering  into  the  Mandarin  or  court  dialect — a 
style  which  these  admirable  doctors  disdain  as  much  as 
the  mediaeval  scholars  of  Europe  did  the  vernacular  of 
their  day.  May  we  not  hope  that  these  works,  after  edu- 
cating the  Emperor,  will,  like  those  prepared  by  the 
Jesuits  (for  the  Dauphin),  be  brought  to  the  light  for 
the  instruction  of  his  people? 

As  it  is  intended  here  to  indicate  the  variety  rather 
than  the  extent  of  the  literary  labors  of  the  Hanlin,  these 
remarks  would  be  incomplete  if  they  did  not  refer  to  their 
poetry.  They  are  all  poets ; each  a laureate,  devoting  his 


354 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


talents  to  the  glorification  of  his  Imperial  patron.  Swift 
said  of  an  English  laureate, 

“Young  must  torture  his  invention 
To  flatter  knaves,  or  lose  a pension.’’ 

In  China  the  office  is  not  held  on  such  a condition. 
Sage  emperors  have  been  known  to  strike  out  with  their 
own  pen  the  finest  compliments  offered  them  by  their 
official  bards.  Ch’ien  Lung,  as  we  have  seen,  felt  it 
necessary  to  warn  the  Hanlin  against  the  prevailing  vice 
of  poets  and  pensioners.  In  China  poetry  is  put  to  a 
better  purpose;  Imperial  decrees  and  official  proclama- 
tions are  often  expressed  in  verse,  for  the  same  reason 
that  induced  Solon  to  borrow  the  aid  of  verse  in  the  pro- 
mulgation of  his  laws.  Didactic  compositions  in  verse  are 
without  number,  and  for  the  most  part  as  dry  as 
Homer’s  catalogue  of  the  fleet.  A popular  cyclopaedia 
for  instance,  in  over  a score  of  volumes,  treats  of  all 
imaginable  subjects  in  a kind  of  irregular  verse  called  fu. 

Employed  as  scribes  and  editors,  it  would  be  too  much 
to  expect  that  the  Hanlin  should  distinguish  themselves 
for  originality.  It  is  a rare  thing  for  an  original  work 
to  spring  from  the  brain  of  an  Academician.  In  imita- 
tion of  Confucius,  they  might  inscribe  over  their  door, 
“ We  edit,  but  we  do  not  compose.” 

“ On  entering  this  hall,”  said  M.  Thiers,  on  taking  his 
seat  in  the  French  Academy,  “ I feel  the  proudest  recollec- 
tions of  our  national  history  awakening  within  me.  Here 
it  is  that  Corneille,  Bossuet,  Voltaire,  and  Montesquieu, 
one  after  another,  came  and  took  their  seats ; and  here 
more  recently  have  sat  Laplace  and  Cuvier.  . . . 

Three  great  men,  Laplace,  Lagrange,  and  Cuvier,  opened 
the  century ; a numerous  band  of  young  and  ardent  intel- 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


355 


lects  have  followed  in  their  wake.  Some  study  the  prime- 
val history  of  our  planet,  thereby  to  illustrate  the  history 
of  its  inhabitants ; others,  impelled  by  the  love  of  hu- 
manity, strive  to  subjugate  the  elements  in  order  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  man ; still  others  study  all 
ages  and  traverse  all  countries,  in  hopes  of  adding 
something  to  the  treasures  of  intellectual  and  moral 
philosophy.  . . . Standing  in  the  midst  of  you,  the 

faithful  and  constant  friends  of  science,  permit  me  to 
exclaim,  happy  are  those  that  take  part  in  the  noble  labors 
of  this  age  ! ” 

In  this  passage  we  have  a true  portraiture  of  the  spirit 
that  animates  the  peerage  of  the  Western  intellect ; they 
lead  the  age  in  every  path  of  improvement,  and  include  in 
their  number  those  whom  a viceroy  of  Egypt  felicitously 
described,  not  as  peers,  but  as  les  tetes  couronnees  de  la 
science.  How  different  from  the  drowsy  routine  which 
prevails  in  the  chief  tribunal  of  Chinese  learning.  Of  all 
this  the  Chinese  Academician  has  no  conception ; he  is 
an  anachronism,  his  country  is  an  anachronism,  as  far  in 
the  rear  of  the  world’s  great  march  as  were  the  people 
of  a secluded  valley,  mentioned  in  Chinese  literature,  who, 
finding  there  an  asylum  from  trouble  and  danger,  declined 
intercourse  with  the  rest  of  mankind,  and  after  the  lapse 
of  many  centuries  imagined  that  the  dynasty  of  Han  was 
still  upon  the  throne. 

It  is  doing  our  Hanlin  a species  of  injustice  to  compare 
him  with  the  Academicians,  or  even  with  the  commonalty 
of  the  West,  in  a scientific  point  of  view ; for  science  is 
just  the  thing  which  he  does  not  profess,  and  that  gen- 
eral information  which  is  regarded  as  indispensable  by 
the  average  intelligence  of  Christendom  is  to  the  Hanlin 
a foreign  currency,  which  has  no  recognized  value  in  the 
market  of  his  country ; nevertheless,  we  shall  proceed  to 


356 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


interrogate  him  as  to  his  information  on  a few  points, 
merely  for  the  sake  of  bringing  to  view  the  actual  con- 
dition of  the  educated  mind  of  China. 

In  history  he  can  recite  with  familiar  ease  the  dynastic 
records  of  his  own  country  for  thousands  of  years ; but 
he  never  heard  of  Alexander  or  Caesar  or  the  first 
Napoleon.  Of  the  third  Napoleon  he  may  have  learned 
something  from  a faint  echo  of  the  catastrophe  at  Sedan, 
certainly  not  from  the  missions  of  Burlingame  or  Ch’ung 
Hao — events  that  are  as  yet  too  recent  to  have  reached 
the  ears  of  these  students  of  antiquity,  who,  whatever 
their  faults,  are  not  chargeable  with  being  rerum  novarum 
avidi. 

In  geography  he  is  not  at  home  even  among  the  prov- 
inces of  China  proper,  and  becomes  quite  bewildered  when 
he  goes  to  the  north  of  the  Great  Wall.  Of  Columbus 
and  the  New  World  he  is  profoundly  ignorant,  not  know- 
ing in  what  part  of  the  globe  lies  the  America  of  which 
he  may  have  heard  as  one  among  the  Treaty  Powers. 
With  the  names  of  England  and  France  he  is  better 
acquainted,  as  they  have  left  their  record  in  open  ports 
and  ruined  palaces.  Russia  he  thinks  of  as  a semi-bar- 
barous  state,  somewhere  among  the  Mongolian  tribes, 
which  formerly  brought  tribute,  and  was  vanquished  in 
conflict — her  people  being  led  in  triumph  by  the  prowess 
of  K’ang  Hsi.* 

In  astronomy  he  maintains  the  dignity  of  our  native 
globe  as  the  centre  of  the  universe,  as  his  own  country  is 
the  middle  of  the  habitable  earth — a conviction  in  which 
he  is  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  those  learned  Jesuits 
who  persisted  in  teaching  the  Ptolemaic  system  three 
centuries  after  the  time  of  Copernicus.  Of  longitude 

* The  Siberian  garrison  of  Albazin  were  brought  to  Peking, 
where  their  descendants  still  reside. 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


357 


and  latitude  he  has  no  conception ; and  refuses  even  to 
admit  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth,  because  an  ancient 
tradition  asserts  that  “ heaven  is  round  and  the  earth 
square.”  To  him  the  stars  are  shining  characters  on  the 
book  of  fate,  and  eclipses  portents  of  approaching  calam- 
ity. 

In  zoology  he  believes  that  tigers  plunging  into  the  sea 
are  transformed  into  sharks,  and  that  sparrows  by  under- 
going the  same  baptism  are  converted  into  oysters  ; for  the 
latter  metamorphosis  is  gravely  asserted  in  canonical 
books,  and  the  former  is  a popular  notion  which  lie  cares 
not  to  question.  Arithmetic  he  scorns  as  belonging  to 
shopkeepers ; and  mechanics  he  disdains  on  account  of 
its  relation  to  machinery  and  implied  connection  with 
handicraft. 

Of  general  physics  he  nevertheless  holds  an  ill-defined 
theory,  which  has  for  its  basis  the  dual  forces  that  gen- 
erated the  universe,  and  the  five  elements  which  profess 
to  comprehend  the  components  of  all  material  forms,  but 
omit  the  atmosphere.  Of  the  nature  of  these  elements 
his  text-book  gives  the  following  luminous  exposition : 
namely,  that  “ the  nature  of  water  is  to  run  downward ; 
the  nature  of  fire  is  to  flame  upward ; the  nature  of  wood 
is  to  be  either  crooked  or  straight ; the  nature  of  metals 
is  to  be  pliable,  and  subject  to  change;  the  nature  of 
earth  is  to  serve  the  purposes  of  agriculture.”  * 

So  weighty  is  the  information  contained  in  these  sen- 
tences that  he  accepts  them  as  a special  revelation,  the 
bed-rock  of  human  knowledge,  beneath  which  it  would 
be  useless,  if  not  profane,  to  attempt  to  penetrate.  It 
never  occurs  to  our  philosopher  to  inquire  why  water 
flows  downward,  and  why  fire  ascends ; to  his  mind  both 
are  ultimate  facts.  On  this  foundation  human  sagacity 

* From  the  Hung  Fan  in  the  Shu  Citing. 


358 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


has  erected  the  pantheon  of  universal  science.  This  it 
has  done  by  connecting  the  five  elements  with  the  five 
planets,  the  five  senses,  the  five  musical  tones,  the  five 
colors,  and  the  five  great  mountain  ranges  of  the  earth ; 
the  quintal  classification  originating  in  the  remarkable 
observation  that  man  has  five  fingers  on  his  hand,  and 
setting  forth  the  harmony  of  nature  as  a connected  whole 
with  a beautiful  simplicity  that  one  seeks  for  in  vain  in 
the  Kosmos  of  Humboldt. 

This  system,  which  our  Hanlin  accepts,  though  he  does 
not  claim  the  merit  of  having  originated  it,  is  not  a mere 
fanciful  speculation ; it  is  a practical  doctrine  skilfully 
adapted  to  the  uses  of  human  life.  In  medicine  it  enables 
him  to  adapt  his  remedies  to  the  nature  of  the  disease. 
When  he  has  contracted  a fever  on  shipboard  or  in  a 
dwelling  that  has  a wooden  floor,  he  perceives  at  once  the 
origin  of  his  malady,  or  his  physician  informs  him  that 
“ wood  produces  fire ; ” earth  is  wanted  to  restore  the 
balance,  i.  e.  life  on  shore,  or  outdoor  exercise. 

In  the  conduct  of  affairs  it  enables  him  to  get  the  lucky 
stars  in  his  favor,  and,  through  the  learned  labors  of  the 
Board  of  Astronomy,  it  places  in  his  hands  a guide-book 
which  informs  him  when  he  should  commence  or  termi- 
nate an  enterprise,  when  he  may  safely  venture  abroad, 
and  when  it  would  be  prudent  to  remain  at  home.  It  en- 
ables him  to  calculate  futurity,  and  obtain  the  advantages 
of  a kind  of  scientia  media,  or  conditional  foreknowledge; 
to  know  how  to  arrange  a marriage  so  as  to  secure  felicity 
according  to  the  horoscope  of  the  parties ; and  ascertain 
where  to  locate  the  dwellings  of  the  living  or  the  resting- 
places  of  the  dead,  in  order  to  insure  to  their  families  the 
largest  amount  of  prosperity. 

These  occult  sciences  the  Hanlin  believes  implicitly, 
but  he  does  not  profess  to  understand  them — contented 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


359 


in  such  matters  to  be  guided  by  the  opinion  of  profes- 
sional experts.  A Sadducee  in  creed  and  an  epicure  in 
practice,  the  comforts  of  the  present  life  constitute  his 
highest  idea  of  happiness ; yet  he  never  thinks  of  devising 
any  new  expedient  for  promoting  the  physical  well-being 
of  his  people.  Like  some  of  the  philosophers  of  our 
Western  antiquity,  he  would  feel  degraded  by  occupa- 
tion with  anything  lower  than  politics  and  ethics,  or  less 
refined  than  poetry  and  rhetoric.  “ Seneca,”  says  Lord 
Macaulay,  “ labors  to  clear  Democritus  from  the  dis- 
graceful imputation  of  having  made  the  first  arch ; and 
Anacharsis  from  the  charge  of  having  contrived  the  pot- 
ter’s wheel."  No  such  apologist  is  required  for  our  doc- 
tors of  the  Hanlin,  inasmuch  as  no  such  impropriety  was 
ever  laid  to  their  charge. 

The  noble  motto  of  the  French  Institute,  Invenit  et  per- 
fect, is  utterly  alien  from  the  spirit  and  aims  of  the 
Academicians  of  China.  With  them  the  Golden  Age  is  in 
the  remote  past ; everything  for  the  good  of  human 
society  has  been  anticipated  by  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients. 

“ Omnia  jam  ferme  mortalibus  esse  parata.” 

Nothing  remains  for  them  to  do  but  to  walk  in  the  foot- 
steps of  their  remote  ancestors. 

Having  thus  subjected  our  Academician  to  an  exami- 
nation in  the  elements  of  a modern  education,  we  must 
again  caution  our  readers  against  taking  its  result  as  a 
gauge  of  mental  power  or  actual  culture.  In  knowledge, 
according  to  our  standard,  he  is  a child ; in  intellectual 
force,  a giant.  A veteran  athlete,  the  victor  of  a hundred 
conflicts,  his  memory  is  prodigious,  his  apprehension 
quick,  and  his  taste  in  literary  matters  exquisite. 

“ It  is  a dangerous  error,”  says  an  erudite  editor  of 


36° 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Sir  W.  Hamilton,  “ to  regard  the  cultivation  of  our  fac- 
ulties as  subordinate  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  in- 
stead of  knowledge  being  subordinate  to  the  cultivation 
of  our  faculties.  In  consequence  of  this  error,  those  sci- 
ences which  afford  a greater  number  of  more  certain  facts 
have  been  deemed  superior  in  utility  to  those  which  be- 
stow a higher  cultivation  on  the  higher  faculties  of  the 
mind.” 

The  peculiar  discipline  under  which  the  Hanlin  is  edu- 
cated, with  its  advantages  and  defects,  we  shall  indicate 
in  another  place.  Before  quitting  this  branch  of  the  sub- 
ject, we  may  remark,  however,  that  its  result  as  wit- 
nessed in  the  Hanlin  is  not,  as  generally  supposed,  a 
feeble,  superficial  polish  which  unfits  its  recipient  for  the 
duties  of  practical  life ; on  the  contrary,  membership  in 
the  Hanlin  is  avowedly  a preparation  for  the  discharge  of 
political  functions,  a stepping-stone  to  the  highest  offices 
in  the  State.  The  Academician  is  not  restricted  to  func- 
tions that  partake  of  a literary  character;  he  may  be  a 
viceroy  as  well  as  a provincial  examiner;  a diplomatic 
minister  as  well  as  a rnymester  of  the  court. 

In  glancing  over  the  long  catalogue  of  the  Academic 
Legion  of  Honor,  one  is  struck  by  the  large  proportion  of 
names  that  have  become  eminent  in  the  history  of  their 
country. 

We  have  had  occasion  more  than  once  in  the  preceding 
pages  to  refer  to  the  Memoirs  of  the  Academy.  These 
records,  unfortunately,  extend  back  no  further  than  the 
accession  of  the  present  dynasty,  in  1644;  and  they  termi- 
nate with  1801,  comprising  only  a little  more  than  one  and 
a half  of  the  twelve  centuries  of  the  society’s  existence. 
Published  under  Imperial  auspices  in  thirty-two  thin  vol- 
umes, they  are  so  divided  that  the  books  or  sections 
amount  to  the  cabalistic  number  sixty-four,  the  square  of 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


361 


the  number  of  the  original  diagrams  which  form  the 
basis  of  the  I Ching,  the  national  Book  of  Divination. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  us  on  opening  the  pages 
of  that  work  is  the  spirit  of  imperialism  with  which  they 
appear  to  be  saturated.  The  transactions  of  his  Majesty 
constitute  the  chief  subject ; the  performances  of  the  mem- 
bers are  mentioned  only  incidentally ; and  the  whole  asso- 
ciation is  exhibited  in  the  character  of  an  elaborate  sys- 
tem of  belts  and  satellites  purposely  adjusted  to  reflect 
the  splendor  of  a central  luminary.  Cast  your  eye  over 
the  table  of  contents  and  see  with  what  relief  this  idea 
stands  out  as  a controlling  principle  in  the  arrangement 
of  the  work. 

The  first  two  books  are  devoted  to  what  are  called 
Sheng  YU,  Holy  Edicts,  i.  e.  expressions  of  the  Imperial 
mind  in  regard  to  the  affairs  of  the  society  in  any  man- 
ner, however  informal.  Six  books  are  given  to  T’ien 
Chang,  or  Celestial  Rhetoric,  i.  e.  productions  of  the  ver- 
milion pencil  in  prose  and  verse.  Eight  books  record 
the  imposing  ceremonies  connected  with  Imperial  visits 
to  the  halls  of  the  Academy ; six  books  commemorate  the 
marks  of  Imperial  favor  bestowed  on  members  of  the 
Academy ; sixteen  of  the  remaining  forty-two  are  occu- 
pied with  a catalogue  of  those  members  who  have  been 
honored  with  appointments  to  serve  in  the  Imperial  pres- 
ence, or  with  special  commissions  of  other  kinds.  In  the 
residuary  twenty-six  we  should  expect  to  find  specimens 
of  the  proper  work  of  the  Academy,  and  so  we  do ; for 
no  less  than  three  books  are  taken  up  with  ceremonial 
tactics ; forms  to  be  observed  in  attendance  on  the  Em- 
peror on  sundry  occasions,  the  etiquette  of  official  inter- 
course, etc. ; these  things  occupying  a place  among  the 
serious  business  of  the  society.  Fourteen  are  filled  with 
specimens  of  prose  and  verse  from  the  pens  of  leading 


362  THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 

members,  and  one  is  assigned  to  a high-flown  description 
of  the  magnificence  of  the  academical  buildings;  the  rest 
contain  a meagre  catalogue  of  official  employments  and 
literary  labors. 

What  a picture  does  this  present — a picture  drawn  by 
themselves — of  the  highest  literary  corporation  in  the 
Empire!  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  enormous  toadyism 
with  which  they  are  inflated,  we  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that 
the  twenty-two  books  especially  devoted  to  the  Emperors 
are  by  far  the  most  readable  and  instructive  portion  of 
the  Memoirs.  They  throw  light  on  the  personal  character 
of  these  monarchs,  exhibit  the  nature  of  their  intercourse 
with  their  subjects,  and  illustrate  the  estimation  in  which 
polite  letters  are  held  in  the  view  of  the  government. 

The  first  chapter  opens  with  the  following: 

“ Shun  Chi,  the  founder  of  the  Imperial  family,  in  the 
tenth  year  of  his  reign,  visited  the  Inner  Hall  of  the  Acad- 
emy, for  the  purpose  of  inspecting  the  translation  of  the 
Five  Classics.  On  this  occasion,  his  Majesty  said,  * The 
virtues  of  Heaven  and  the  true  method  of  government 
are  all  recorded  in  the  Book  of  History ; its  principles  will 
remain  unalterable  for  ten  thousand  generations.’  ” 

The  translation  referred  to  was  into  the  Manchu  lan- 
guage; it  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  con- 
quering race  the  more  speedily  to  acquire  the  civilization 
of  the  conquered. 

The  young  sovereign,  then  only  sixteen  years  of  age, 
shows  by  this  brief  speech  how  thoroughly  he  had  become 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  Confucian  books.  The 
record  proceeds : 

“ In  the  fifth  moon  of  the  same  year,  his  Majesty  again 
visiting  the  Inner  Hall,  inquired  of  the  directors  why  the 
writers  had  ceased  from  their  work  so  early.  The  Chan- 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY  363 

cellor  Fan  replied,  ‘ This  is  the  summer  solstice ; we 
suspend  our  labors  a little  earlier  on  that  account.’ 

“ The  Emperor,  looking  round  on  his  attendant  officers, 
said,  ‘ To  take  advantage  of  some  peculiarity  of  the 
season  to  make  a holiday  is  natural ; but  if  you  wish  to 
enjoy  repose,  you  must  first  learn  to  labor;  you  must  aid 
in  settling  the  Empire  on  a secure  basis,  and  then  your 
days  of  rest  will  not  be  disturbed.  If  you  aim  only  at 
pleasure  without  restraining  your  desires,  placing  self  and 
family  first  and  the  Empire  second,  your  pleasure  will  be 
of  short  duration.  Behold,  for  example,  our  course  of 
conduct,  how  diligent  we  are  in  business,  how  anxiously 
we  strive  to  attain  perfection.  It  is  for  this  reason  we 
take  pleasure  in  hearing  the  discourses  of  these  learned 
men ; men  of  the  present  day  are  good  at  talking,  but 
they  are  not  so  good  at  acting.  Why  so?  Because  they 
have  no  settled  principles ; they  act  one  way  to-day  and 
another  to-morrow.  But  who  among  mortals  is  free 
from  faults?  If  one  correct  his  faults  when  he  knows 
them,  he  is  a good  man ; if,  on  the  contrary,  he  conceal 
his  faults  and  present  the  deceptive  aspect  of  virtue,  his 
errors  multiply  and  his  guilt  becomes  heavier.  If  we,  and 
you,  our  servants  are  diligent  in  managing  the  affairs  of 
state,  so  that  the  benefit  shall  reach  the  people,  Heaven 
will  certainly  vouchsafe  its  protection ; while  on  those 
who  do  evil  without  inward  examination  or  outward  re- 
form, Heaven  will  send  down  calamity.  ...  If  your 
actions  were  virtuous,  would  Heaven  afflict  you?  Ch’eng 
T’ang  was  a virtuous  ruler,  yet  he  did  not  spare  pains 
in  correcting  his  faults;  on  the  contrary,  Cheng  Te,  of 
the  Ming  dynasty,  had  his  heart  set  on  enjoyment,  and 
clung  to  his  own  vices,  while  he  was  perpetually  finding 
fault  with  the  shortcomings  of  his  ministers.  When 


364 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  prince  himself  refuses  to  reform,  the  reformation  of 
his  people  will  be  impossible,  however  virtuous  his  officers 
may  be.’  ” 

This  little  sermon,  excepting  the  preceding  brief 
encomium  on  the  sacred  books,  is  all  that  the  Academy 
has  thought  fit  to  preserve  of  the  discourses  of  Shun  Chi. 
His  son,  the  illustrious  K’ang  Hsi,  fills  a large  space  in  the 
Memoirs.  Here  are  a few  extracts,  by  way  of  specimens: 

“ The  Emperor  K’ang  Hsi,  in  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign 
(the  fifteenth  of  his  age),  said  to  the  officers  of  the  Board 
of  Rites,  ‘ If  one  would  learn  the  art  of  government,  he 
must  explore  the  classic  learning  of  the  ancients.  When- 
ever we  can  find  a day  of  leisure  from  affairs  of  state, 
we  spend  it  in  the  study  of  the  classics.  Reflecting  that 
what  is  called  Classic  Feast  and  Daily  Exposition  are 
important  usages,  wjiich  ought  to  be  revived,  you  are  re- 
quired to  examine  and  report  on  the  necessary 
regulations.’  ” 

In  his  twelfth  year,  his  Majesty  said  to  the  Academician 
Fu  Ta  Li,  “ To  cherish  an  inquiring  mind  is  the  secret  of 
progress  in  learning.  If  a lesson  be  regarded  as  an  empty 
form,  and  when  finished,  be  dismissed  from  the  thoughts, 
what  benefit  can  there  be  to  heart  or  life?  As  for  us, 
when  our  servants  (the  Hanlin)  are  through  with  their 
discourses,  we  always  reflect  deeply  on  the  subject- 
matter,  and  talk  over  with  others  any  new  ideas  we  may 
have  obtained ; our  single  aim  being  a luminous  per- 
ception of  the  truth.  The  intervals  of  business,  whether 
the  weather  be  hot  or  cold,  we  occupy  in  reading  and 
writing.” 

So  saying,  his  Majesty  exhibited  a specimen  of  his 
penmanship,  remarking  that  calligraphy  was  not  the 
study  of  a prince,  but  th'at  he  found  amusement  in  it. 

In  the  ninth  moon  of  the  same  year,  his  Majesty  said 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


365 


to  Hsiang  Tze  Lii,  “ The  precept  in  the  Ta  Hsiich, 
on  the  study  of  things,  is  very  comprehensive ; it  is  not 
to  be  limited  to  mathematical  inquiries  and  mechanical 
contrivances.” 

Again  he  said,  “ Heaven  and  earth,  past  and  present, 
are  governed  by  one  law.  Our  aim  should  be  to  give  our 
learning  the  widest  possible  range,  and  to  condense  it 
into  the  smallest  possible  compass.” 

In  the  fourteenth  year,  his  Majesty,  on  reading  a paper 
of  the  Hanlin,  and  finding  himself  compared  to  the 
Three  Kings  and  Two  Emperors  (of  ancient  times), 
condemned  the  expression  as  a piece  of  empty  flattery, 
and  ordered  it  to  be  changed. 

In  the  sixteenth  year,  his  Majesty  said,  “ Learning 
must  be  reduced  to  practice  in  order  to  be  beneficial. 
You  are  required  to  address  me  with  more  frankness,  con- 
cealing nothing,  in  order  to  aid  me  in  carrying  into  prac- 
tice the  principles  to  which  I have  attended.” 

In  the  nineteenth  year,  the  Emperor,  in  bestowing  on 
members  of  the  Hanlin,  specimens  of  his  autograph,  re- 
marked that  in  ancient  times  sovereign  and  subject  were 
at  liberty  to  criticise  each  other,  and  he  desired  them  to 
exercise  that  liberty  in  regard  to  his  handwriting,  which 
he  did  not  consider  as  a model. 

In  the  twenty-first  year,  in  criticising  certain  specimens 
of  ancient  chirography,  his  Majesty  pointed  to  one  from 
the  pen  of  Lu  Kung,  remarking,  “ In  the  firmness  and 
severity  of  these  strokes  I perceive  the  heroic  spirit  with 
which  the  writer  battled  with  misfortune.” 

In  the  twenty-second  year,  his  Majesty  ordered  that 
the  topics  chosen  for  the  letters  of  the  Classic  Feast 
should  not.  as  hitherto,  be  selected  solely  with  reference 
to  the  sovereign,  but  that  they  should  be  adapted  to  in- 
struct and  stimulate  the  officers  as  well. 


366 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  the  twenty-third  year,  his  Majesty  was  on  a journey, 
when,  the  boat  mooring  for  the  night,  he  continued  read- 
ing until  the  third  watch.  His  clerk — a member  of  the 
Hanlin — had  to  beg  his  Majesty  to  allow  himself  a little 
more  time  for  repose;  whereupon  his  Majesty  gave  a 
detailed  account  of  his  habits  of  study,  all  the  particulars 
of  which  are  here  faithfully  preserved. 

In  the  forty-third  year,  his  Majesty  said  to  the  High 
Chancellor  and  members  of  the  Academy,  “ From  early 
youth  I have  been  fond  of  the  ink-stone;  every  day  writ- 
ing a thousand  characters,  and  copying  with  care  the 
chirography  of  the  famous  scribes  of  antiquity.  This 
practice  I have  kept  up  for  more  than  thirty  years,  be- 
cause it  was  the  bent  of  my  nature.  In  the  Manchu  I also 
acquired  such  facility  that  I never  make  a mistake.  The 
endorsements  on  memorials  from  viceroys  and  governors, 
and  Imperial  placets,  are  all  written  with  my  own  hand, 
without  the  aid  of  a preliminary  draft.  Things  of  any 
importance,  though  months  and  years  may  elapse,  I never 
forget,  notwithstanding  the  endorsed  documents  are  on 
file  in  the  respective  offices,  and  not  even  a memorandum 
left  in  my  hands.” 

In  the  fiftieth  year,  his  Majesty  said  to  the  High 
Chancellors, 

“ In  former  generations  I observe  that,  on  occasion  of 
the  Classic  Feast,  the  sovereign  was  accustomed  to  listen 
in  respectful  silence,  without  uttering  a word.  By  that 
means  his  ignorance  was  not  exposed,  though  he  might 
not  comprehend  a word  of  the  discourse.  The  usage  was 
thus  a mere  name  without  the  substance. 

“ As  for  me,  I have  now  reigned  fifty  years  and  spent 
all  my  leisure  hours  in  diligent  study ; and  whenever 
the  draft  of  a discourse  was  sent  in,  I never  failed 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY 


3 67 


to  read  it  over.  If  by  chance  a word  or  sentence  appeared 
doubtful,  I always  discussed  it  with  my  literary  aids ; for 
the  Classic  Feast  is  an  important  institution,  and  not  by 
any  means  to  be  viewed  as  an  insignificant  ceremony.” 
Of  Yung  Cheng,  the  son  and  successor  of  K'ang  Hsi, 
the  Memoirs  have  preserved  but  a single  discourse,  and  of 
that  only  its  opening  sentence  is  worth  quoting.  His 
Majesty  said  to  the  members  of  the  Hanlin,  “ Literature 
is  your  business,  but  we  want  such  literature  as  will  serve 
to  regulate  the  age  and  reflect  glory  on  the  nation.  As 
for  sonnets  to  the  moon  and  the  clouds,  the  winds  and  the 
dews — of  what  use  are  they?  ” 

The  next  Emperor,  Ch'ien  Lung,  far  surpassed  his  pred- 
ecessors in  literary  taste  and  attainments ; and  his  reign 
being  long  (sixty  years),  his  communications  to  the 
Hanlin  are  more  than  proportionally  voluminous.  Space, 
however,  compels  us  to  make  our  extracts  in  the  inverse 
ratio.  Many  of  the  preceding  and  some  which  follow 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Academy,  save  that  they 
were  speeches  uttered  in  the  hearing  of  the  Hanlin,  and 
by  them  recorded.  This,  however,  is  to  the  point. 

In  the  second  year  his  Majesty  said  to  the  general 
directors,  “ Yesterday  we  examined  the  members  of  the 
Academy,  giving  them  for  a theme  the  sentence  ‘ It  is 
hard  to  be  a sovereign,  and  to  be  a subject  is  not  easy.’ 
Of  course  there  is  a difference  in  the  force  of  the  ex- 
pression ‘ hard  ’ and  ‘ not  easy,’  yet  not  one  of  them  per- 
ceived the  distinction.”  Here  follows  an  elaborate  expo- 
sition from  the  vermilion  pencil,  which  I must  forego,  at 
the  risk  of  leaving  my  readers  in  perpetual  darkness  as  to 
the  momentous  distinction.  It  is,  however,  but  just  to 
say  that  the  Emperor  intends  the  paper,  not  as  a scholastic 
exercise,  but  as  a political  lesson. 


368 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  the  fifth  year,  his  Majesty  says  he  has  remarked 
that  the  addresses  of  the  Hanlin  contain  a large  amount 
of  adulation,  and  a very  small  amount  of  instruction. 
He  accordingly  recommends  them  to  modify  their  style. 
Two  years  later  he  complains  that  “the  Hanlin  often 
make  a test  from  the  sacred  books  a stalking-horse  for 
irrelevant  matters ; e.  g.  Chou  Chang  Fa,  in  lecturing  on 
the  Book  of  Rites,  took  occasion  to  laud  the  magnificence 
of  our  sacrifice  at  the  Altar  of  Heaven  as  without  a 
parallel  a thousand  years.”  “ Before  the  sacrifice,”  he 
says, 

“ ‘ Heaven  gave  a good  omen  in  a fall  of  snow,  and 
during  its  performance  the  sun  shone  down  propitiously.’ 
Now  these  rites  were  not  of  my  institution ; moreover,  the 
soft  winds  and  gentle  sunshine  on  the  occasion  were 
purely  accidental ; for  at  that  very  time  the  Province  of 
Chiangnan  was  suffering  from  disastrous  floods  and  my 
mind  tormented  with  anxiety  on  that  account.  Let  Chow 
Chang  Fa  be  severely  reprimanded,  and  let  the  other 
Hanlin  take  warning.” 

Among  the  remaining  speeches  of  Ch’ien  Lung,  there 
are  three  that  do  him  credit  as  a vindicator  of  the  truth 
of  history.  In  one  of  them  he  rebukes  the  historiogra- 
phers for  describing  certain  descendants  of  the  Mings 
as  usurpers,  observing  that  they  came  honestly  by  their 
titles,  though  they  were  not  able  to  maintain  them.  In 
another  he  criticises  the  ignorance  and  wilful  perversions 
of  facts  exhibited  by  Chinese  historians  in  their  account 
of  the  three  preceding  Tartar  dynasties — namely,  the 
Liao,  Ch’in,  and  Yuan.  And  in  the  last  he  reproves  his 
own  writers  of  history  for  omitting  the  name  of  a meri- 
torious individual  who  had  fallen  into  disgrace. 

Among  the  communications  of  the  next  Emperor  Chia 
Ching  (the  Memoirs  close  with  the  fourth  year  of  his 


THE  IMPERIAL  ACADEMY  369 

reign),  I find  nothing  of  sufficient  interest  to  be  worth  the 
space  it  would  occupy. 

Thus  far  the  Emperors ; what  the  Hanlin  say  to  them 
in  conversation  or  formal  discourse  is  not  recorded.  But 
we  know  that  they  are  so  situated  as  to  exert  a more 
direct  influence  on  the  mind  of  their  master  than  subjects 
of  any  other  class.  They  are  the  instructors  of  his  youth, 
and  the  counsellors  of  his  maturer  years ; and  this,  the 
fixing  of  the  views  and  moulding  of  the  character  of  the 
autocrat  of  the  Empire,  we  may  fairly  regard  as  their 
most  exalted  function. 

But  if  they  influence  the  Emperor,  we  see  in  the  pre- 
ceding paragraphs  how  easy  it  is  for  the  Emperor  to 
influence  them.  Herein  is  our  hope  for  the  rehabilitation 
of  the  Academy.  Far  from  being  decayed  or  effete,  it 
contains  as  many  and  as  active  minds  as  at  any  previous 
period.  At  present  they  spend  much  of  their  time  in 
making  “ sonnets  to  the  moon ; ” but  if  the  Emperor 
were  so  disposed,  he  could  change  all  that  in  a moment. 
He  could  employ  the  Hanlin  in  translating  out  of  Eng- 
lish as  well  as  into  Manchu — in  studying  science  as  well 
as  letters. 

Nor  are  indications  wanting  that  this  change  in  the 
direction  of  their  mental  activity  is  likely  to  take  place. 
Some  years  ago  Prince  Kung  proposed  that  the  junior 
members  of  the  Hanlin  should  be  required  to  attend  the 
Tung  Wen  College,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  the  lan- 
guages and  sciences  of  Europe.  Wo  Jen,  a president  of 
the  Hanlin  and  teacher  of  the  Emperor,  presented  a 
counter-memorial,  and  the  measure  failed.  But  such  is 
the  march  of  events  that  the  same  measure,  possibly  in 
some  modified  form,  is  sure  to  be  revived,  and  destined  to 
be  finally  successful. 

When  that  time  arrives,  the  example  of  the  Academy 


370 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


will  have  great  weight  in  promoting  a radical  revolution 
in  the  character  of  the  national  education.* 

* After  the  war  with  Japan,  the  younger  academicians  organized 
a Reform  Club,  and  began  to  talk  about  the  need  of  a parliament. 
The  club  was  suppressed  by  decree,  but  most  of  its  members 
were  still  active  in  the  cause  of  educational  reform.  On  the 
opening  of  the  New  University  some  entered  as  students  of 
foreign  languages. 


XIX 


An  old  university  in  china 

IT  is  not,  perhaps,  generally  known  that  Peking  con- 
tains an  ancient  university ; for,  though  certain 
buildings  connected  with  it  have  been  frequently 
described,  the  institution  itself  has  been  but  little  noticed. 
It  gives,  indeed,  so  few  signs  of  life  that  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing it  should  be  overlooked.  And  yet  few  of  the  insti- 
tutions of  this  hoary  Empire  are  invested  with  a deeper 
interest,  as  venerable  relics  of  the  past,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  as  mournful  illustrations  of  the  degenerate  present. 

If  a local  situation  be  deemed  an  essential  element  of 
identity,  this  old  university  must  yield  the  palm  of  age 
to  many  in  Europe,  for  in  its  present  site  it  dates,  at  most, 
only  from  the  Yuan,  or  Mongol  dynasty,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  P>ut  as  an  imperial  institution, 
having  a fixed  organization  and  definite  objects,  it  carries 
its  history,  or  at  least  its  pedigree,  back  to  a period  far 
anterior  to  the  founding  of  the  Great  Wall. 

Among  the  Regulations  of  the  House  of  Chou,  which 
flourished  a thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era,  we 
meet  with  it  already  in  full-blown  vigor,  and  under  the 
identical  name  which  it  now  bears,  that  of  Kuo  Tze  Chien, 
or  “ School  for  the  Sons  of  the  Empire.”  It  was  in  its 
glory  before  the  light  of  science  dawned  on  Greece,  and 
when  Pythagoras  and  Plato  were  pumping  their  secrets 
from  the  priests  of  Heliopolis.  It  still  exists,  but  it  is 
only  an  embodiment  of  “ life  in  death : ” its  halls  are 
tombs,  and  its  officers  living  mummies. 

37i 


372 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


In  the  13th  Book  of  Chou  Li  we  find  the  functions  of 
the  heads  of  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien  laid  down  with  a good 
deal  of  minuteness. 

The  presidents  were  to  admonish  the  Emperor  of  that 
which  is  good  and  just,  and  to  instruct  the  Sons  of  the 
State  in  the  “ five  constant  virtues  ” and  the  “ three  prac- 
tical duties  ” — in  other  words,  to  give  a course  of  lectures 
on  moral  philisophy.  The  vice-presidents  were  to  reprove 
the  Emperor  for  his  faults  (i.  e.  to  perform  the  duty  of 
official  censors)  and  to  discipline  the  Sons  of  the  State  in 
sciences  and  arts — viz.,  in  arithmetic,  writing,  music, 
archery,  horsemanship,  and  ritual  ceremonies.  The  titles 
and  offices  of  the  subordinate  instructors  are  not  given  in 
detail,  but  we  are  able  to  infer  them  with  a good  degree 
of  certainty  from  what  we  know  of  the  organization  as  it 
now  exists. 

The  old  curriculum  is  religiously  adhered  to,  but  greater 
latitude  is  given,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  observe,  to 
the  term  “ Sons  of  the  State.”  In  the  days  of  Chou,  this 
meant  the  heir-apparent,  princes  of  the  blood,  and  chil- 
dren of  the  nobility.  Under  the  Ta  Ch’ing  dynasty  it 
signifies  men  of  defective  scholarship  throughout  the 
provinces,  who  purchase  literary  degrees,  and  more 
specifically  certain  indigent  students  of  Peking,  who  are 
aided  by  the  imperial  bounty. 

The  Kuo  Tze  Chien  is  located  in  the  northeastern  angle 
of  the  Tartar  city,  with  a temple  of  Confucius  attached, 
which  is  one  of  the  finest  in  the  Empire.  The  main  edifice 
(that  of  the  temple)  consists  of  a single  story  of  im- 
posing height,  with  a porcelain  roof  of  tent-like  curvature. 
It  shelters  no  object  of  veneration  beyond  simple  tablets 
of  wood  inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  sage  and  those 
of  his  most  illustrious  disciples.  It  contains  no  seats,  as 
all  comers  are  expected  to  stand  or  kneel  in  presence 


THE  IMPERIAL  LECTURE  ROOM,  OLD  UNIVERSITY  BUILDING 


PROSPECT  HILL  WHERE  THE  LAST  OF  THE  MINGS  HANGED  HIMSELF 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY 


373 


of  the  Great  Teacher.  Neither  does  it  boast  anything  in 
the  way  of  artistic  decoration,  nor  exhibit  any  trace  of 
that  neatness  and  taste  which  we  look  for  in  a sacred 
place.  Perhaps  its  vast  area  is  designedly  left  to  dust 
and  emptiness,  in  order  that  nothing  may  intervene  to 
disturb  the  mind  in  the  contemplation  of  a great  name 
which  receives  the  homage  of  a nation. 

Gilded  tablets,  erected  by  various  emperors — the  only 
ornamental  objects  that  meet  the  eye — record  the  praises 
of  Confucius;  one  pronounces  him  the  “culmination  of 
the  sages,”  another  describes  him  as  forming  a “ trinity 
with  Heaven  and  Earth,”  and  a third  declares  that  “ his 
holy  soul  was  sent  down  from  heaven.”  A grove  of 
cedars,  the  chosen  emblem  of  a fame  that  never  fades, 
occupies  a space  in  front  of  the  temple,  and  some  of  the 
trees  are  huge  with  the  growth  of  centuries. 

In  an  adjacent  block  or  square  stands  a pavilion  known 
as  the  “ Imperial  Lecture-room,”  because  it  is  incumbent 
on  each  occupant  of  the  Dragon  throne  to  go  there  at 
least  once  in  his  lifetime  to  hear  a discourse  on  the 
nature  and  responsibilities  of  his  office — thus  conform- 
ing to  the  letter  of  the  Chou  Li,  which  makes  it  the  duty 
of  the  officers  of  the  university  to  administer  reproof 
and  exhortation  to  their  sovereign,*  and  doing  homage 
to  the  university  by  going  in  person  to  receive  its 
instruction. 

A canal  spanned  by  marble  bridges  encircles  the 
pavilion,  and  arches  of  glittering  porcelain,  in  excellent 
repair,  adorn  the  grounds.  But  neither  these  nor  the 
pavilion  itself  constitutes  the  chief  attraction  of  the  place. 

Under  a long  corridor  which  encloses  the  entire  space 
may  be  seen  as  many  as  one  hundred  and  eighty-two 

* They  still  discharge  these  functions  in  writing,  their  me- 
morials frequently  appearing  in  the  pages  of  the  Peking  Gazette. 


374 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


columns  of  massive  granite,  each  inscribed  with  a portion 
of  the  canonical  books.  These  are  the  “ Stone  Classics  ” 
— the  entire  “ Thirteen,”  which  form  the  staple  of  a 
Chinese  education,  being  here  enshrined  in  a material 
supposed  to  be  imperishable.  Among  all  the  universities 
in  the  world,  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien  is  unique  in  the 
possession  of  such  a library. 

This  is  not,  indeed,  the  only  stone  library  extant — 
another  of  equal  extent  is  found  at  Hsi  An,*  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  T’angs.  But  that,  too,  was  the  property  of 
the  Kuo  Tze  Chien  ten  centuries  ago,  when  Hsi  An  was 
the  seat  of  empire.  The  “ School  for  the  Sons  of  the  Em- 
pire ” must  needs  follow  the  migrations  of  the  court ; and 
that  library,  costly  as  it  was,  being  too  heavy  for  trans- 
portation, it  was  thought  best  to  supply  its  place  by  the 
new  edition  which  we  have  been  describing. 

The  use  of  this  heavy  literature  is  a matter  for  specu- 
lation, a question  almost  as  difficult  of  solution  as  the 
design  of  the  pyramids.  Was  it  intended  to  supply  the 
world  with  a standard  text — a safe  channel  through 
which  the  streams  of  wisdom  might  be  transmitted  pure 
and  undefiled?  Or  were  their  sacred  books  engraved 
on  stone  to  secure  them  from  any  modern  madman,  who 
might  take  it  into  his  head  to  emulate  the  Tyrant  of  Ch’in, 
the  burner  of  the  books  and  builder  of  the  Great  Wall? 
If  the  former  was  the  object,  it  was  useless,  as  paper 
editions,  well  executed  and  carefully  preserved,  would 
have  answered  the  purpose  equally  well.  If  the  latter, 
it  was  absurd,  as  granite  though  fire-proof,  is  not  in- 
destructible ; and  long  before  these  columns  were  erected, 
the  discovery  of  the  art  of  printing  had  forever  placed 
the  depositories  of  wisdom  beyond  the  reach  of  the  bar- 

* The  city  to  which  the  Empress  Dowager  and  her  court  retired 
when  the  Allied  troops  captured  Pekin  in  1900. 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY 


375 


barian’s  torch.  It  is  characteristic  of  the  Chinese  to  ask 
for  no  better  reason  than  ancient  custom.  Their  fore- 
fathers engraved  these  classics  on  stone,  and  they  must 
do  the  same.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  original 
design,  the  true  light  in  which  to  regard  these  curious 
books  is  that  of  an  impressive  tribute  to  the  sources  of 
Chinese  civilization. 

1 may  mention  here  that  the  Rev.  Dr.  Williamson,  on 
a visit  to  Ilsi  An  saw  many  persons  engaged  in  taking 
“ rubbings  ” from  the  stone  classics  of  that  city ; and  he 
informs  us  that  complete  copies  were  sold  at  a very  high 
rate.  The  popularity  of  the  Hsi  An  tablets  is  accounted 
for  by  the  flavor  of  antiquity  which  they  possess,  and 
especially  by  the  style  of  the  engraving,  which  is  much 
admired — or,  more  properly,  the  calligraphy  which  it 
reproduces.  Those  of  Peking  are  not  at  all  patronized 
by  the  printers,  and  yet  if  textual  accuracy  were  the 
object,  they  ought,  as  a later  edition,  to  be  more  highly 
prized  than  the  others.  A native  cicerone  whom  I once 
questioned  as  to  the  object  of  these  stones  replied,  with  a 
naivete  quite  refreshing,  that  they  were  “ set  up  for  the 
amusement  of  visitors” — an  answer  which  1 should  have 
set  to  the  credit  of  his  ready  wit,  if  he  had  not  proceeded 
to  inform  me  that  neither  students  nor  editors  ever  come 
to  consult  the  text,  and  that  “ rubbings  ” are  never  taken. 

In  front  of  the  temple  stands  a forest  of  columns  of 
scarcely  inferior  interest.  They  are  three  hundred  and 
twenty  in  number,  and  contain  the  university  roll  of 
honor,  a complete  list  of  all  who  since  the  founding  of 
the  institution  have  attained  to  the  dignity  of  the  doc- 
torate. Allow  to  each  an  average  of  two  hundred  names, 
and  we  have  an  army  of  doctors  sixty  thousand  strong ! 
(By  the  doctorate  I mean  the  third  or  highest  degree.) 
All  these  received  their  investiture  at  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien 


376  THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 

and,  throwing  themselves  at  the  feet  of  its  president, 
enrolled  themselves  among  the  “ Sons  of  the  Empire.” 
They  were  not,  however — at  least  the  most  of  them  were 
not — in  any  proper  sense  alumni  of  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien, 
having  pursued  their  studies  in  private,  and  won  their 
honors  by  public  competition  in  the  halls  of  the  Civil- 
service  Examining  Board. 

This  granite  register  goes  back  for  six  hundred  years ; 
but  while  intended  to  stimulate  ambition  and  gratify 
pride,  it  reads  to  the  new  graduate  a lesson  of  humility — 
showing  him  how  remorselessly  time  consigns  all  human 
honors  to  oblivion.  The  columns  are  quite  exposed,  and 
those  that  are  more  than  a century  old  are  so  defaced  by 
the  weather  as  to  be  no  longer  legible. 

If  in  the  matter  of  conferring  degrees  the  Kuo  Tze 
Chien  “ beats  the  world,”  it  must  be  remembered  that  it 
enjoys  the  monopoly  of  the  Empire — so  far  as  the 
doctorate  is  concerned. 

Besides  these  departments,  intended  mainly  to  com- 
memorate the  past,  there  is  an  immense  area  occupied  by 
lecture-rooms,  examination-halls,  and  lodging-apart- 
ments. But  the  visitor  is  liable  to  imagine  that  these,  too, 
are  consecrated  to  a monumental  use — so  rarely  is  a stu- 
dent or  a professor  to  be  seen  among  them.  Ordinarily 
they  are  as  desolate  as  the  halls  of  Baalbec  or  Palmyra. 
In  fact,  this  great  school  for  the  “ Sons  of  the  Empire  ” 
has  long  ceased  to  be  a seat  of  instruction,  and  degener- 
ated into  a mere  appendage  of  the  civil-service  competi- 
tive examinations,  on  which  it  hangs  as  a dead  weight, 
corrupting  and  debasing  instead  of  advancing  the  stand- 
ard of  national  education. 

By  an  old  law,  made  for  the  purpose  of  enhancing  the 
importance  of  this  institution,  the  possession  of  a scholar- 
ship carries  with  it  the  privilege  of  wearing  decorations 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY 


377 


which  belong  to  the  first  degree,  and  of  entering  the  lists 
to  compete  for  the  second.  This  naturally  caused  such 
scholarships  to  be  eagerly  sought  for,  and  eventually  had 
the  effect  of  bringing  them  into  market  as  available  stock 
on  which  to  raise  funds  for  government  use.  A price 
was  placed  on  them,  and  like  the  papal  indulgences,  they 
were  vended  throughout  the  Empire. 

Never  so  high  as  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of  aspiring 
poverty,  their  price  has  now  descended  to  such  a figure 
as  to  convert  these  honors  into  objects  of  contempt.  In 
Peking  it  is  twenty-three  taels  (about  thirty  silver  dol- 
lars), but  in  the  provinces  they  can  be  had  for  half  that 
sum.  Not  long  ago  one  of  the  censors  expostulated 
with  his  Majesty  on  the  subject  of  these  sales.  He  ex- 
pressed in  strong  language  his  disgust  at  the  idea  of  clod- 
hoppers and  muleteers  appearing  with  the  insignia  of 
literary  rank,  and  denounced  in  no  measured  terms  the 
cheap  sale  of  ranks  and  offices  generally.  Still — and  the 
fact  is  not  a little  curious — it  was  not  the  principle  of 
selling  which  he  condemned,  but  that  reckless  degrada- 
tion of  prices  which  had  the  effect  of  spoiling  the  market. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  take  up  the  lamentation  of  this 
patriotic  censor,  or  to  show  how  the  opening  of  title  and 
office  brokeries  lowers  the  credit  and  saps  the  influence 
of  the  government.  Yet  this  traffic  has  a close  relation 
to  the  subject  in  hand;  for,  whatever  rank  or  title  may  be 
the  object  of  purchase,  a university  scholarship  must  of 
necessity  be  purchased  along  with  it,  as  the  root  on 
which  it  is  grafted.  Accordingly  the  flood-gates  of 
this  fountain  of  honors  are  kept  wide  open,  and  a very 
deluge  of  diplomas  issues  from  them.  A year  or  two  ago 
a hundred  thousand  were  sent  into  the  provinces  at  one 
time ! 

The  scholars  of  this  old  institution  accordingly  out- 


3 78 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


number  those  of  Oxford  or  Paris  in  their  palmiest  days. 
But  there  are  thousands  of  her  adopted  children  who 
have  never  seen  the  walls  of  Peking,  and  thousands  more 
within  the  precincts  of  the  capital  who  have  never  entered 
her  gates. 

Those  who  are  too  impatient  to  wait  the  slow  results  of 
competition  in  their  native  districts  are  accustomed  to 
seek  at  the  university  the  requisite  qualifications  for 
competing  for  the  higher  degrees.  These  qualifications 
are  not  difficult  of  attainment — the  payment  of  a trifling 
fee  and  submission  to  a formal  examination  being  all  that 
is  required. 

For  a few  weeks  previous  to  the  great  triennial  ex- 
aminations, the  lodging-houses  of  the  university  are  filled 
with  students  who  are  “ cramming  ” for  the  occasion.  At 
other  times  they  present  the  aspect  of  a deserted  village. 

After  the  accession  of  the  Manchu  Tartars  in  1644,  eight 
schools  or  colleges  were  established  for  the  benefit  of  the 
eight  tribes  or  banners  into  which  the  Tartars  of  Peking 
are  divided.  They  were  projected  on  a liberal  scale,  and 
affiliated  to  the  university,  their  special  object  being  to 
promote  among  the  rude  invaders  a knowledge  of  Chi- 
nese letters  and  civilization.  Each  was  provided  with  a 
staff  of  five  professors,  and  had  an  attendance  of  one 
hundred  and  five  pupils,  who  were  encouraged  by  a 
monthly  stipend  and  regarded  as  in  training  for  the  pub- 
lic service.  The  central  luminary  and  its  satellites  pre- 
sented at  that  time  a brilliant  and  imposing  spectacle. 

At  present,  however,  the  system  is  practically  aban- 
doned, the  college  buildings  have  fallen  to  ruin,  and  not 
one  of  them  is  open  for  the  instruction  of  youth.  Nothing 
remains  as  a reminiscence  of  the  past  but  a sham  exami- 
nation, which  is  held  from  time  to  time  to  enable  the 
professors  and  students  to  draw  their  pay.  Some  years 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY 


379 


ago  an  effort  was  made  to  resuscitate  these  government 
schools  by  requiring  attendance  once  in  three  days,  but 
such  an  outcry  was  raised  against  it  that  it  soon  fell 
through.  Those  who  cared  to  learn  could  learn  better  at 
home,  and  those  who  did  not  care  for  learning  would 
choose  to  dispense  with  their  pensions  rather  than  take 
the  trouble  of  attending  so  frequently.  So  the  students 
remain  at  home,  and  the  professors  enjoy  their  sine- 
cures, having  no  serious  duty  to  perform,  excepting  the 
worship  of  Confucius.  The  presidents  of  the  university 
are  even  designated  by  a title  which  signifies  libation- 
pourers,  indicating  that  this  empty  ceremony  is  regarded 
as  their  highest  function.  Twice  a month  (viz.,  at  the 
new  and  full  moon)  all  the  professors  are  required  to 
assemble  in  official  robes,  and  perform  nine  prostrations 
on  the  flag-stones,  at  a respectful  distance,  in  front  of  the 
temple. 

Even  this  duty  a pliable  conscience  enables  them  to  alle- 
viate by  performing  it  by  proxy.  One  member  of  each 
college  appears  for  the  rest,  and  after  the  ceremony 
inscribes  the  names  of  his  colleagues  in  a ledger  called 
the  “ Record  of  Diligence,”  in  evidence  that  they  were  all 
present. 

Negligent  and  perfunctory  as  they  are,  they  are  not 
much  to  be  blamed ; they  do  as  much  as  they  are  paid 
for.  Two  taels  per  month  ($1.50),  together  with  two 
suits  of  clothes  and  two  bushels  of  rice  per  annum,  and 
a fur  jacket  once  in  three  years — these  are  their  emolu- 
ments as  fixed  by  law.  Scant  as  the  money  allowance 
originally  was,  it  is  still  further  reduced  by  being  paid 
in  depreciated  currency,  and  actually  amounts  to  less  than 
one  dollar  per  month.  The  requisition  for  government 
rice  is  disposed  of  at  a similar  discount,  the  hungry  pro- 
fessor being  obliged  to  sell  it  to  a broker  instead  of 


380 


ThE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


drawing  directly  from  the  imperial  storehouses.  As  for 
the  clothing,  there  is  room  to  suspect  that  it  has  warmed 
other  shoulders  before  coming  into  his  possession.* 

Professorships,  however,  possess  a value  independent 
of  salary.  The  empty  title  carries  with  it  a social  dis- 
tinction ; and  the  completion  of  a three  years’  term  of 
nominal  service  renders  a professor  eligible  to  the  post 
of  district  magistrate.  These  places,  therefore,  do  not 
go  a-begging,  though  their  incumbents  sometimes  do. 

In  order  to  form  a just  idea  of  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien,  we 
must  study  its  constitution.  This  will  acquaint  us  with 
the  design  of  its  founders,  and  show  us  what  it  was  in 
its  prime,  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  dynasty,  or, 
for  that  matter,  at  the  beginning  of  any  other  dynasty 
that  has  ruled  China  for  the  last  three  thousand  years. 
We  find  it  in  the  Ta  Ch’ing  Hni  Tien,  the  collected  stat- 
utes of  the  reigning  dynasty ; and  it  looks  so  well  on 
paper  that  we  cannot  refrain  from  admiring  the  wisdom 
and  liberality  of  the  ancient  worthies  who  planned  it,  how- 
ever poorly  its  present  state  answers  to  their  original  con- 
ception. We  find  our  respect  for  the  Chinese  increasing 
as  we  recede  from  the  present ; and  in  China,  among  the 
dust  and  decay  of  her  antiquated  and  effete  institutions, 
one  may  be  excused  for  catching  the  common  infection, 
and  becoming  a worshipper  of  antiquity. 

Its  officers,  according  to  this  authority,  consist  of  a 
rector,  who  is  selected  from  among  the  chief  ministers  of 
the  State ; two  presidents  and  three  vice-presidents,  who 
have  the  grade  and  title  of  ta  jen,  or  “ great  man,”  and, 
together  with  the  rector,  constitute  the  governing  body ; 
two  po  shill,  or  directors  of  instruction  ; two  proctors  ; two 

* These  details  were  obtained  from  one  of  the  professors,  who 
added  to  his  income  by  serving  me  as  a scribe. 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY  381 

secretaries ; and  one  librarian ; these  are  general  officers. 
Then  come  the  officers  of  the  several  colleges. 

There  are  six  colleges  for  Chinese  students,  bearing  the 
names  of  “ Hall  for  the  Pursuit  of  Wisdom,”  “ Hall  of 
the  Sincere  Heart,”  “ Hall  of  True  Virtue,”  “ Hall  of 
Noble  Aspirations,”  “ Hall  of  Broad  Acquirements,”  and 
“ Hall  for  the  Guidance  of  Nature.”  Each  of  these  has 
two  regular  professors,  and  I know  not  how  many  assist- 
ants. There  are  eight  colleges  for  the  Manchu  Tartars, 
as  above  mentioned,  each  with  five  professors.  Lastly, 
there  is  a school  for  the  Russian  language,  and  a school 
for  mathematics  and  astronomy,  each  with  one  professor. 
To  these  we  add  six  clerks  and  translators,  and  we  have 
a total  of  seventy-one  persons,  constituting  what  we  may 
call  the  corporation  of  the  university. 

As  to  the  curriculum  of  studies,  its  literature  was  never 
expected  to  go  beyond  the  thirteen  classics  engraved  on 
the  stones  which  adorn  its  halls;  while  its  arts  and  sci- 
ences were  all  comprehended  in  the  familiar  “ Six,”  which 
from  the  days  of  Chou,  if  not  from  those  of  Yao  and 
Shun,  have  formed  the  trivium  and  quadrivium  of  the 
Chinese  people. 

It  would  be  doing  injustice  to  the  ancients  to  accuse 
them  of  limiting  the  scientfic  studies  of  the  Kuo  Tze 
Chien  by  their  narrow  formulae.  The  truth  is,  that,  little 
as  the  ancients  accomplished  in  this  line,  their  modem 
disciples  have  not  attempted  to  emulate  or  overtake  them. 
In  the  University  of  Grand  Cairo,  it  is  said,  no  science  that 
is  more  recent  than  the  twelfth  century  is  allowed  to  be 
taught.  In  that  of  China,  the  “ School  for  the  Sons  of 
the  Empire,”  no  science  whatever  is  taught. 

This  is  not,  however,  owing  to  any  restriction  in  the 
constitution  or  charter,  as  its  terms  afford  sufficient  scope 


382 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


for  expansion  if  the  officers  of  the  university  had  pos- 
sessed the  disposition  or  the  capacity  to  avail  themselves 
of  such  liberty.  It  is  there  said,  for  example,  “ As  to 
practical  arts,  such  as  the  art  of  war,  astronomy,  en- 
graving, music,  law,  and  the  like,  let  the  professors  lead 
their  students  to  the  original  sources  and  point  out  the 
defects  and  the  merits  of  each  author.” 

Is  there  any  ground  for  hope  that  this  ancient  school, 
once  an  ornament  to  the  Empire,  may  be  renovated,  re- 
modelled and  adapted  to  the  altered  circumstances  of  the 
age?  The  prospect,  we  think,  is  not  encouraging.  A 
traveller,  on  entering  the  city  of  Peking,  is  struck  by  the 
vast  extent  and  skilful  masonry  of  its  sewers ; but  he  is 
not  less  astonished  at  their  present  dilapidated  condition, 
reeking  with  filth  and  breeding  pestilence,  instead  of  min- 
istering to  the  health  of  the  city.  When  these  cloaca  are 
restored,  and  lively  streams  of  mountain  water  are  made 
to  course  through  all  their  veins  and  arteries,  then,  and 
not  till  then,  may  this  old  university  be  reconstructed  and 
perform  a part  in  the  renovation  of  the  Empire. 

Creation  is  sometimes  easier  than  reformation.  It  was 
a conviction  of  this  fact  that  led  the  more  enlightened 
among  the  Chinese  ministers  some  years  ago  to  favor 
the  establishment  of  a new  institution  for  the  cultivation 
of  foreign  science,  rather  than  attempt  to  introduce  it 
through  any  of  the  existing  channels,  such  as  the  Kuo 
Tze  Chien,  Astronomical  College,  or  Board  of  Works. 

Their  undertaking  met  with  strenuous  opposition  from 
a party  of  bigoted  conservatives,  headed  by  Wo  Jen,  a 
member  of  the  privy  council,  and  tutor  to  his  Majesty. 
Through  his  influence,  mainly,  the  educated  classes  were 
induced  to  stand  aloof,  professing  that  they  would  be 
better  employed  in  teaching  the  Western  barbarians  than 
in  learning  from  them.  Wo  Jen  scouted  the  idea  that  in 


AN  OLD  UNIVERSITY 


383 


so  vast  an  Empire  there  could  be  any  want  of  natives 
qualified  to  give  instruction  in  all  the  branches  proposed 
to  be  studied. 

The  Emperor  took  him  at  his  word,  and  told  him  to 
come  forward  with  his  men ; and  he  might  have  carte- 
blanche  for  the  establishment  of  a rival  school.  He 
declined  the  trial,  and  by  way  of  compromise  he  was 
appointed  rector  of  the  Kuo  Tze  Chien — the  “ School  for 
the  Sons  of  the  Empire.” 

After  my  return  to  Peking  in  1897,  Huang,  one  of  the 
Presidents,  exchanged  visits  with  me  and  expressed  an 
earnest  desire  that  something  might  be  done  to  place  the 
education  of  China  on  a new  footing,  but  he  held  out  no 
hope  for  the  renovation  of  the  “ Old  University.”  The 
creation  of  a New  University  in  the  following  year  was 
the  realization  of  a widefelt  and  long-cherished  desire. 


BOOK  V 

History 


XX 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY 

AMONG  the  various  departments  into  which  the 
literature  of  the  Chinese  is  divided,  that  which 
in  my  opinion  will  best  repay  the  attention  of 
European  scholars  is  their  History.  Yet  like  their  ven- 
erated classic,  the  Book  of  Changes,  of  which  they  affirm 
that  it  can  never  be  transported  beyond  the  seas,  there 
is  reason  to  fear  that  their  history  is  not  very  well 
adapted  for  exportation. 

In  its  native  form,  it  may  find  translators ; but  they 
will  not  find  readers.  Its  form  requires  to  be  trans- 
formed ; and  its  very  substance  to  undergo  a transubstan- 
tiation,  in  order  to  adapt  it  to  the  taste  of  our  Western 
public.  Beyond  a substratum  of  facts,  there  is  absolutely 
no  part  of  it  capable  of  surviving  a transfer  to  the  West- 
ern world. 

In  the  West,  the  Father  of  History,  or  some  of  his 
editors,  prefixed  the  names  of  the  Muses  to  the  several 
portions  of  his  immortal  work — indicating  that  the  idea 
of  beauty  presided  over  its  composition,  and  consecrating 
the  “ art  preservative  of  arts  ” to  the  patronage  of  all  the 
Sacred  Nine. 

In  China,  the  conception  of  history  is  that  of  a simple 
record ; not  that  of  a work  of  art. 

In  one  of  the  Taoist  legends,  an  old  man,  who  has 
tasted  the  elixir  of  immortality,  is  asked  to  tell  his  age. 
“ I count  it  not,”  he  replies,  “ by  years,  but  by  terrestrial 

387 


388 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


cataclysms.  As  often  as  a continent  sinks  into  the 
bosom  of  the  sea,  or  a new  world  emerges  from  the  ocean, 
I drop  a little  pebble  to  commemorate  the  occurrence. 
The  accumulation  of  pebbles  is  now  so  great  that  they 
fill  eleven  chambers  of  my  dwelling.”  Here  we  have  an 
embodiment  of  the  genius  of  Chinese  History — not  a 
Muse  stamping  on  it  the  impress  of  divine  beauty,  but 
shrivelled  age  like  that  of  Tithonus,  or  the  wandering 
Jew,  preserving  a monotonous  record  of  the  changes  that 
occur  in  the  course  of  an  endless  life. 

The  accumulation  of  counters  set  forth  in  this  legend 
is  an  expressive  emblem  of  the  vastness  of  China’s  his- 
toric treasure.  In  this  respect,  as  Hegel  has  remarked 
in  his  Philosophic  der  Geschichte,  there  is  a striking  con- 
trast between  the  two  great  empires  of  Asia — the  Chinese 
having  a historical  literature  more  voluminous  than  that 
of  any  other  nation  on  earth,  and  the  Hindus  none  at  all. 
The  explanation  of  this  phenomenon,  if  we  seek  for  one, 
will  be  found  in  the  fact  that  history  is  the  expression  of 
national  life — a tissue  resembling  that  of  a living  organ- 
ism knitting  the  past  and  present  into  a substantial  unity. 
Their  historical  literature,  accordingly,  more  than  any- 
thing else,  unless  it  be  their  educational  system,  affords  an 
index  of  the  greatness  of  the  Chinese  people.  With  them 
the  worship  of  ancestors  is  an  expression  of  their  sense  of 
solidarity ; and  history  a testament,  by  which  they  convey 
to  posterity  the  legacy  of  the  past. 

The  precautions  which  they  take  to  secure  and  to 
transmit  the  record  betoken  a proud  consciousness  that 
the  current  of  their  national  life  is  too  strong  to  be  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  shifting  sands  of  time.  That  record, 
though  it  extends  to  the  people,  starts  from  the  throne  as 
its  centre,  and  no  less  than  four  bureaus  or  colleges,  each 
presided  over  by  learned  members  of  the  Hanlin,  are 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  389 


charged  with  collecting  and  elaborating  materials  for  the 
history  of  each  reign  and  its  nearest  predecessors.  They 
are  the  Bureau  of  Daily  Record,  the  Bureau  of  Contem- 
porary History;  the  Bureau  of  Dynastic  History;  the 
Bureau  of  Military  History.  This  last,  as  its  name  im- 
plies, occupies  itself  with  wars  foreign  or  domestic. 
The  Bureau  of  Daily  Record  has  its  representatives  al- 
ways at  the  side  of  His  Imperial  Majesty.  Whether  in 
his  palace  or  on  a journey,  or  in  so-called  retirement, 
he  can  no  more  escape  the  eye  of  these  official  spies  than 
Horace’s  trooper  could  outrun  the  tormentor  that  mounted 
behind  him. 

Here  is  a paragraph  from  the  instructions  to  the  officers 
of  this  bureau.  In  respect  to  laborious  minuteness  it  may 
be  taken  as  a sample  of  the  working  of  all  these  colleges : 

“ They  (the  scribes)  are  to  take  note  of  the  down- 
sitting and  up-rising  of  His  Majesty;  and  to  keep  a record 
of  every  word  or  action.  They  are  to  attend  His  Majesty 
when  he  holds  court  and  gives  audience;  when  he  visits 
the  Altar  of  Heaven,  the  Temple  of  Ancestors ; when  he 
holds  a Feast  of  the  Classics,  or  plows  the  Sacred  Field ; 
when  he  inspects  the  schools,  or  reviews  the  troops ; 
when  he  bestows  entertainments,  celebrates  a military 
triumph,  or  decides  the  fate  of  criminals.  They  must 
follow  the  Emperor  in  his  hunting  excursions  ; and  during 
his  sojourn  at  his  country  palace.  They  will  hear  the 
Imperial  voice  with  reverence  and  note  its  utterances  with 
care ; appending  to  every  entry  the  date  and  the  name  of 
the  writer.  At  the  end  of  every  month  these  records 
shall  be  sealed  up  and  deposited  in  a desk ; and  at  the 
close  of  the  year  they  shall  be  transferred  to  the  custody 
of  the  Privy  Council. 

The  Emperor’s  public  acts  and  public  documents  con- 
stitute the  province  of  the  Shih  Lu  Kuan , the  Bureau 


390 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  Contemporary  History.  The  Kuo  Shih  Kuan,  or 
Bureau  of  Dynastic  History,  occupies  itself  with  the 
archives  of  the  ruling  house,  and  the  biographies  of 
those  who  are  supposed  to  have  shed  lustre  on  its  reign. 

These  tribunals  form  an  essential  part  of  the  machinery 
of  government,  supplying  a check  on  the  extravagance  of 
irresponsible  power  where  no  other  would  be  available — 
the  dread  of  being  held  up  to  the  execration  of  posterity 
operating  quite  as  effectually  as  the  remonstrances  of  a 
board  of  censors.  The  censors  are  still  called  by  a title 
“ Yii  Shih”  which  means  official  historian;  and,  though 
no  longer  employed  in  the  production  of  history,  they  are 
wont  to  draw  their  weightiest  arguments  from  the  history' 
of  the  past,  and  to  make  their  most  solemn  appeals  to 
the  history  of  the  future. 

In  the  palmy  days  of  Chou,  when  the  institutions  of  the 
empire  were  in  their  infancy,  a prince  proposed  to  make 
an  excursion  which  had  for  its  object  nothing  better  nor 
worse  than  his  own  amusement.  One  of  the  censors, 
after  vainly  employing  other  arguments  to  dissuade  him 
from  his  undertaking,  solemnly  admonished  him  that  all 
his  movements  were  matters  of  history.  The  poor  prince, 
startled  at  the  thought  that  to  him  there  could  be  nothing 
trivial — that  his  every  act  was  exposed  to  the  “ fierce 
light  that  beats  upon  a throne  ” — heaved  a sigh  of  regret, 
and  desisted  from  his  innocent  purpose, — that  of  fishing 
on  a neighboring  lake. 

In  those  days  the  historian  was  as  stern  and  inflexible 
as  the  Roman  Censor  morum.  In  the  sixth  century  be- 
fore our  era,  there  lived  in  Shantung  a General,  or  Maire 
du  Palais,  named  Ts’ui  Wu  Tze.  Herod-like,  he  took 
possession  of  the  wife  of  another;  his  sovereign  in  turn 
deprived  him  of  the  fascinating  beauty.  The  General  in 
revenge  killed  the  Prince ; and,  when  the  Court  Chronicler 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  391 


put  on  record  this  chapter  of  infamies,  the  General  put 
him  to  death,  and  tore  the  leaf  from  the  Archives  of 
State.  A brother  of  the  historian  renewed  the  record, 
and  suffered  death  for  doing  so.  A leaf  was  again  tom 
out,  and  a third  brother  presented  himself,  pen  in  hand, 
to  repeat  the  tale  and  seal  it  with  his  blood.  The  tyrant, 
touched  by  his  martyr-like  boldness,  spared  his  life,  and 
submitted  to  the  stigma.  The  incident  is  handed  down  as 
a proof  of  the  unflinching  fidelity  of  ancient  historians, 
and  by  consequence  of  the  trustworthiness  of  their 
narratives. 

In  later  times,  the  chroniclers  were  not  so  fearless. 
One,  Ch’en  Lin,  a man  of  talent,  being  reproached  by 
Ts'ao  Ts‘ao  for  drawing  his  portrait  in  rather  sombre 
colors,  replied,  while  he  trembled  for  his  life — “ Your 
Highness  will  forgive  me.  I was  then  detained  in  the 
camp  of  your  enemy,  where  I had  no  more  freedom  of 
choice  than  the  arrow  shot  from  his  cross-bow.” 

Thackeray  says  of  his  pen : 

“ It  never  writ  a flattery, 

Nor  signed  the  page  that  registered  a lie.” 

With  Chinese  historians,  fear  and  flattery  are  influences 
which,  more  than  any  others,  are  liable  to  deflect  their 
needle  from  the  pole.  To  guard  against  these  two 
sources  of  error,  the  notes  of  every  day  are  dropped  into 
an  iron  chest,  which  is  not  to  be  opened  until  after  the 
death  of  the  reigning  prince.  Yet  this  provision  is  not 
always  effectual ; flattery  which,  addressed  to  the  living, 
would  be  deemed  gross  and  disgusting,  falls  like  music 
on  the  ears  of  their  mourning  relatives.  Hence  it  was 
that  Octavia  paid  Virgil  so  magnificently  for  his  lines  on 
the  dead  Marcellus ; hence  too,  at  the  close  of  the  last 
reign,  the  Empress  mother  welcomed  with  delight  a pane- 


392 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


gyric  on  the  late  Emperor,  which  made  a debauched  weak- 
ling appear  as  a star  of  the  first  magnitude.  Was  not 
the  Roman  Senate  accustomed,  by  solemn  vote,  to  raise 
deceased  emperors  to  the  skies,  whenever  their  relations 
succeeded  to  the  throne?  The  writers  of  China  are 
neither  more  nor  less  truthful  than  the  Romans ; and  now 
and  then  we  meet  among  them  with  an  instance  of  fidelity 
worthy  of  Rome’s  best  days:  e.  g.,  Wu  K‘o  Tu,  a Censor 
(his  Chinese  title  means  historian),  some  years  ago  pro- 
tested against  the  affiliation  of  the  present  Emperor  to 
Hsien  Feng  as  an  arrangement  that  leaves  his  predecessor 
without  the  solace  of  a son  to  sacrifice  to  his  manes.  In 
order  to  give  more  weight  to  his  remonstrance  he  com- 
mitted suicide  at  the  tomb  of  the  sovereign  whose  cause 
he  was  seeking  to  serve.  Does  not  this  modern  instance 
almost  suffice  to  render  credible  the  story  of  the  martyr 
Chroniclers  of  whom  we  have  spoken? 

Incedis  per  ignes 

Suppositos  cineri  doloso; 

said  Horace  to  Pollio,  when  the  latter  was  proposing  to 
write  the  history  of  the  then  recent  revolution.  Nobody 
knows  better  than  the  Chinese  the  treacherous  thinness 
of  the  crust  that  overlies  the  lava  of  a dynastic  eruption. 
With  a view  to  guarding  against  the  perverting  influence 
of  fear  and  favour,  they  accordingly  wait  until  the  last 
scion  of  an  imperial  house  has  ceased  to  reign  before 
compiling,  or  rather  before  publishing,  the  history  of  a 
dynasty.  The  history  of  the  Mings  was  not  published 
until  after  the  accession  of  the  Manchus ; and  the  com- 
mission charged  with  its  preparation,  devoted  no  less 
than  forty-six  years  to  the  task.  Official  histories  are 
always  corrected  by  collation  with  private  memoirs, 
which  only  wait  the  sunset  of  a dynasty  to  come  forth  in 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  393 


countless  numbers  and  shed  their  glow-worm  light  on  the 
events  of  the  period. 

In  addition  to  these  ordinary  arrangements,  there  exists 
an  extraordinary  provision  for  purifying  the  stream  of 
history.  It  consists  in  the  appearance,  at  long  intervals, 
of  sages  with  a divine  commission  to  revise  the  annals  of 
preceding  centuries,  and  to  post  up  the  doom’s-day  book 
of  the  empire.  Four  have  appeared  already,  viz. : — 
Confucius,  in  the  6th  century,  b.  c.  ; 

Sze  Ma  Ch’ien,  in  the  2nd  century,  b.  c.  ; 

Sze  Ma  Kuang,  in  the  nth  century,  a.  d.  ; 

Chu  Futze,  a century  later. 

For  the  advent  of  the  fifth,  the  world  is  now  on  tiptoe. 

Each  revision  reduces,  of  course,  the  quantity  of  ma- 
terial ; hut,  after  all  their  sifting,  there  still  remains  an 
enormous  irreducible  mass,  in  which  the  dead  past  is 
buried  rather  than  illustrated. 

The  historical  works  of  the  first  of  these  great  editors, 
as  expounded  by  his  disciples,  extend  to  60  books,  or 
about  20  volumes.  Those  of  the  second,  to  130  books. 
Those  of  the  third  reach  the  portentous  figure  of  360. 
And  those  of  the  last,  though  professing  to  be  an  abridg- 
ment, amount  to  55  books. 

The  twenty-four  dynastic  histories,  taken  together, 
foot  up  the  tremendous  total  of  3,266  books,  or  1,633 
separate  volumes. 

This  is  sufficiently  appalling,  but  what  shall  we  say  of 
the  mountains  of  undigested  ores  that  have  not  been  sub- 
jected to  the  fires  of  the  smelting  furnace?  It  may  help 
us  to  form  an  idea  of  the  extent  of  these  crude  treasures 
to  mention  that  the  history  of  the  last  short  reign  of  only 
thirteen  years  is  spread  over  no  fewer  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  volumes.  Then  there  are  collateral  histories  for 
that  period,  which  are  also  official,  such  as  that  of  the 


394 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Taiping  rebellion  in  21 1 volumes;  that  of  the  Nienfei 
rebellion  in  160  volumes;  and  those  of  the  three  several 
Mohammedan  rebellions  of  Kashgar,  Kansu,  and  Yunnan, 
not  yet  finished,  but  certainly  far  more  voluminous.  If 
the  preceding  reigns  were  only  half  as  prolific  in  histori- 
cal writings,  the  productions  of  the  present  dynasty  would 
alone  more  than  suffice  to  fill  the  library  of  the  sea-side 
genius,  to  say  nothing  of  the  twenty-four  preceding 
dynasties. 

Nor  is  this  all.  To  complete  the  Catalogue,  we  have 
still  to  add  topographical  histories  without  number.  Each 
of  the  nineteen  old  Provinces  has  its  official  history  com- 
piled by  a commission  presided  over  by  officers  of  the 
Hanlin.  Each  department  or  prefecture  has  likewise  its 
proper  history ; and  this  gives  us  200  more — not  volumes, 
but  works ; while,  descending  to  cities  of  the  third  order, 
we  must  reckon  a history  of  from  ten  to  twenty  volumes 
for  each  of  nearly  two  thousand  districts.  The  sum  total 
makes  a quantity  so  vast  that  the  mind  can  no  more  grasp 
it  than  it  can  conceive  the  distances  to  the  fixed  stars. 
We  seek  in  vain  for  a unit  of  measure.  If  the  manu- 
scripts of  the  Alexandrian  library  kept  the  fires  of  the 
Caliph  Omar  blazing  for  three  months,  how  long  might 
the  histories  of  China  supply  them  with  fuel!  Tamer- 
lane was  in  the  habit  of  building  pyramids  of  the  skulls  of 
his  enemies.  How  high  a pyramid,  we  may  ask,  might 
be  constructed  out  of  these  dry  bones  of  past  ages? 

In  the  presence  of  these  enormous  accumulations,  the 
question  arises  what  estimate  are  we  to  form  of  their 
value? 

Of  their  value  to  the  Chinese  there  is  no  question. 
Their  existence  is  proof  of  the  esteem  in  which  they  are 
held ; and  the  manner  in  which  every  species  of  com- 
position bristles  with  historical  allusions  bears  witness  to 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  395 


the  influence  they  have  exerted  on  the  mind  of  the  Chi- 
nese. But  are  these  venerable  remains  of  any  value  to 
us?  If  so,  in  what  way  may  they  be  made  to  contribute 
to  the  literary  wealth  of  the  Western  world? 

In  forming  an  estimate,  we  must  not  forget  that  our 
standard  of  value  in  the  criticism  of  such  works  differs 
as  widely  from  that  of  the  Chinese  as  a golden  sovereign 
does  from  the  cheap  productions  of  the  native  mint.  Ours 
was  coined  and  stamped  for  us  by  no  meaner  hand  than 
that  of  Lord  Bacon,  who  defines  history  as  “ Philosophy 
teaching  by  example.”  It  is  philosophy,  not  science,  for 
its  data  are  too  indefinite  to  be  made  a basis  for  scientific 
deductions.  Philosophy  lays  no  claim  to  absolute  cer- 
tainty, though  her  very  name  proclaims  her  a searcher 
after  truth.  Her  first  object  is  to  learn;  her  second  to 
teach ; and  if,  in  the  domain  of  history,  she  is  able  to  draw 
lessons  from  the  past,  it  is  because  she  has  first  learned 
the  meaning  of  those  great  movements  which  she  pro- 
fesses to  expound. 

Judged  by  this  standard,  the  Chinese  have  chroniclers, 
but  not  historians.  Their  chronicles  are  composed  with 
studied  elegance  and  abound  in  acute  criticism  of  char- 
acter and  events;  but  the  whole  range  of  their  literature 
contains  nothing  that  can  be  called  a Philosophy  of 
History.  They  have  no  Hegel,  who,  after  reconstructing 
the  universe,  applies  his  principles  to  explain  the  laws 
of  human  progress ; no  Gibbon  or  Montesquieu  to  trace 
the  decay  of  an  old  civilization ; no  Guizot  or  Lecky  to 
sketch  the  rise  of  a new  one.  They  have  not  even  a 
Thucidides  or  a Tacitus,  who  can  follow  effects  up  to 
causes,  and  paint  the  panorama  of  an  epoch. 

The  reason  is  obvious.  Without  resorting  to  the  sup- 
position that  they  are  by  nature  deficient  in  the  philo- 
sophic faculty,  we  find  a sufficient  explanation  of  the 


396 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


phenomenon  in  the  faulty  model  set  for  them  by  the 
greatest  of  their  sages. 

With  them  Confucius,  not  Sze  Ma  Ch’ien,  is  the  Father 
of  History.  His  famous  Spring  and  Autumn  is  not  even 
a book  of  Annals.  It  is  a diary  in  which  all  events,  great 
and  small,  are  strung  like  beads  on  a calendar  of  days. 
This  method,  not  to  speak  of  the  extreme  conciseness  of 
his  style,  makes  it  difficult  for  his  reader  to  perceive  the 
connection  of  events.  Three  disciples  of  his  school  have 
come  to  his  aid  with  commentaries ; but  all  of  them  follow 
the  order  of  the  text,  chapter  and  verse.  His  continu- 
ators  have  done  the  same ; and  so  have  all  his  successors 
down  to  our  historiographers  of  the  Hanlin,  who  keep 
their  daily  journals  and  imagine  they  are  writing  history. 

To  have  so  many  pens  laboriously  employed  in  taking 
notes  is  a good  way  to  collect  materials ; but  those  ma- 
terials require  a different  kind  of  elaboration  from  any 
they  have  ever  received  at  the  hands  of  a native  author 
before  they  become  History,  in  our  acceptation  of  the 
term. 

That  their  History  has  remained  in  the  rudimentary 
condition  in  which  it  began  its  career  is  one  more  instance, 
in  addition  to  many  others,  of  noble  arts  which  the  Chi- 
nese originated  in  ancient  times ; and  which  remained 
ever  after  in  a state  of  arrested  development. 

There  are  men,  says  Sir  Lyon  Playfair,  who  “cannot 
see  a forest  for  the  trees  of  which  it  is  composed.” 

So  the  Chinese  chronicler,  bent  on  classifying  all  oc- 
currences in  the  order  of  time,  fails  to  perceive  the  trend 
of  colossal  movements  that  sweep  over  whole  nations  and 
long  centuries.  His  work  in  keeping  the  minutes  of  the 
day  is  History  only  in  the  sense  in  which  the  daily  noting 
of  the  stars  is  Astronomy.  Thousands  of  diligent  ob- 
servers had  recorded  their  observations  with  apparently 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  397 


fruitless  toil,  when  the  eye  of  Kepler,  sweeping  over  the 
mass  of  facts,  deduced  from  them  the  ellipticity  of  the 
planetary  orbits.  May  we  not  hope  that  some  master 
mind  will  yet  arise,  who  shall  be  capable  of  pointing 
out  the  reign  of  law  in  this  limbo  of  undigested  facts? 

The  historian,  who  shall  do  this  for  China,  will  be  a 
native ; but,  in  addition  to  the  culture  of  the  Hanlin,  he 
must  possess  the  training  of  a Western  university.  The 
students  of  history,  trained  in  the  native  schools,  are 
all  near-sighted.  They  analyze,  with  more  than  micro- 
scopic penetration,  particular  events  and  personal  char- 
acter; but  they  are  utterly  incapable  of  broad  synthetic 
combinations. 

In  proof  of  this,  I may  point  to  three  immense  move- 
ments, each  of  which  is  as  indispensable  to  the  under- 
standing of  the  present  condition  of  China  as  are  Kepler’s 
three  laws  to  the  explanation  of  the  solar  system.  Yet 
no  native  writer  appears  to  have  grasped  the  significance, 
or  even  formed  a conception,  of  any  one  of  them.  They 
are: 


1.  — The  conquest  of  China  by  the  Chinese; 

2.  — The  conquest  of  China  by  the  Tartars; 

3.  — The  struggle  between  the  centripetal  and  centrifu- 

gal forces  of  the  empire. 

To  the  mind  of  a native,  the  assertion  that  China  has 
been  conquered  by  the  Chinese  would  be  tantamount  to 
that  venerable  item  of  political  news  that  “ the  Dutch 
have  taken  Holland.”  To  him,  they  have  always  been  in 
possession,  and,  so  far  as  he  knows,  they  sprang  directly 
from  the  soil.  But  the  eye  of  a foreign  scholar,  trained  to 
trace  the  origin  of  nations,  perceives  at  a glance  that  the 
Chinese  were  a foreign  race,  who,  clothed  with  the  power 
of  a higher  civilization,  undertook  the  conquest  of  the 


39» 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


water-shed  of  eastern  Asia,  about  the  time  the  Aryan 
Hindus  undertook  that  of  the  southern  Peninsula.  He 
notes  the  first  seats  of  their  power  along  the  banks  of 
the  Yellow  River,  indicating  that  they  came  from  the 
North-west,  and  followed  its  course  down  into  the  cen- 
tral plain.  Whence  they  came,  he  may  not  be  able  to 
affirm  with  certainty ; but  he  finds  two-thirds  of  the  em- 
pire, even  in  the  classic  age  of  Chou,  still  in  possession 
of  savage  tribes,  who  must  be  regarded  as  the  true 
autochthones. 

He  sees  these  gradually  absorbed  and  assimilated  by 
the  superior  race,  until  the  remnants  of  the  aborigines  are 
driven  into  mountain  fastnesses,  where  they  still  main- 
tain their  independence,  and  where  the  conflict  of  ages  is 
still  going  on.  The  first  chapter  in  the  history  of  this 
conflict  is  found  in  the  brief  account  which  the  Shu  Citing 
gives  us  of  the  subjugation  of  the  San  Miao,  “ The  three 
aboriginal  tribes,”  by  the  Emperor  Shun. 

The  last  is  not  yet  written ; but  a page  still  wet  with 
blood  records  the  subjection  of  the  Miao  Tze  of  Kuei 
Chou,  and  the  extension  of  Japanese  sway  in  the  island  of 
Formosa.  What  a theme  for  the  pen  of  a native  scholar, 
if  he  could  only  enlarge  the  range  of  his  mental  vision 
so  as  to  take  in  a movement  of  such  magnitude ! 

The  second  of  the  three  great  movements  is,  in  its 
origin,  almost  co-eval  with  the  first,  and  runs  parallel 
with  it  through  all  the  ages  down  to  the  present  day.  To 
the  mind  of  a native,  the  Tartar  conquest  suggests  only 
the  successful  invasion  of  the  Manchus,  the  now  domi- 
nant race.  To  the  wider  survey  of  a western  thinker, 
it  signifies  a persistent  attempt,  extending  through  thou- 
sands of  years,  made  by  barbarians  of  whatever  name  on 
the  North  of  China,  to  gain  possession  of  a country  made 
rich  by  the  industry  of  its  civilized  inhabitants. 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  399 


Its  first  stage  was  an  advance  into  the  interior,  in  771 
b.  c.,  far  enough  to  destroy  the  western  capital,  near  the 
site  of  the  present  Hsi  An  Fu.  The  Emperor  and  his 
consort  perishing  in  the  ruins,  the  successor  of  the  un- 
fortunate monarch  removed  his  court  eastward,  to  a 
safer  situation,  in  the  heart  of  the  Empire.  At  a later 
period,  Lo  Yang,  the  eastern  capital,  was  also  sacked  by 
Tartars.  Still  later  (not  to  follow  the  fluctuations  of  the 
conflict),  when  the  northern  half  of  the  Empire  was 
over-run,  the  court  retired  from  the  banks  of  the  Iluang 
Ho  to  those  of  the  Yang  Tze  Chiang;  whence  it  removed 
still  further  south,*  in  the  vain  hope  of  escaping  the 
Tartars,  who,  under  the  leadership  of  Kublai,  effected  for 
the  first  time  the  conquest  of  the  whole  Empire. 

After  a brief  tenure,  they  lost  their  grand  prize,  but 
it  was  reconquered  by  the  Manchus ; and  for  two  cen- 
turies and  a half  it  has  remained  in  their  possession. 

The  Great  Wall,  stretching  from  the  sea  to  the  desert 
of  Kansu,  is  a monument  of  this  undying  struggle,  which, 
from  its  first  inception,  has  been  essentially  one  long  war, 
with  only  here  and  there  a fitful  truce. 

The  successive  sackings  of  Rome  by  Gaul  and  Vandal ; 
the  conquest  of  Italy  by  Barbarians  from  the  North ; and 
the  removal  of  the  capital  to  the  East,  are  parallels  that 
offer  themselves  to  a European  student,  and  suggest  a 
law  in  the  tide  of  nations,  viz, — that  the  hungry  hordes  of 
the  North  manifest,  in  all  ages,  a tendency  to  encroach  on 
opulent  regions  more  favored  by  the  sun. 

In  all  ages,  the  Tartar  invaders  have  yielded  to  the 
influence  of  a higher  civilization ; but,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  have  made  a deep  impression,  ethnologically 
as  well  as  politically,  on  the  state  of  China. 

The  Chinese  have  treated  this  subject  only  in  a frag- 
* To  Hang  Chou. 


400 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


mentary  way;  but,  taken  as  a whole,  in  its  philosophy 
and  its  poetry,  the  conquest  of  China  by  the  Tartars 
would  supply  the  Muse  of  History  with  another  of  her 
noblest  themes. 

The  two  great  movements,  which  I have  now  so  hastily 
sketched,  were  conflicts  of  races ; the  third  was  a conflict 
of  principles.  The  contending  forces  were  those  of  feudal 
autonomy  and  centralization.  At  the  dawn  of  the  Chou 
dynasty,  not  to  go  further  back  in  the  history,  an  able 
monarch  succeeded  in  holding  the  vassal  Princes  in  check ; 
while,  under  his  weak  successors,  they  threw  off  all  but 
the  semblance  of  subjection.  This  struggle  for  power 
went  on  for  eight  centuries,  until  both  combatants  were 
overwhelmed  by  a new  foe,  who  had  grown  strong  in 
conflict  with  the  Tartars  of  the  North' 

In  this  signal  event,  Chinese  historians  discern  noth- 
ing but  the  triumph  of  vulgar  ambition ; and  they  paint 
its  author  in  the  darkest  colors,  as  an  impious  tyrant  who 
burned  the  books  of  Confucius,  and  slaughtered  his  dis- 
ciples. For  such  unheard-of  cruelty,  they  find  no  better 
explanation  than  a partiality  of  Taoism,  coupled  with 
a desire  to  destroy  the  records  of  the  past,  in  order  that 
he  might  appear  to  posterity  as  the  author  of  a new  era. 
Not  one  of  them  has  understood  the  significance  of  Shill 
Huang  Ti,  the  august  title  by  which  he  proclaimed  him- 
self the  “ first  ” of  a new  order  of  “ autocratic  sovereigns.” 
Not  one  of  them  has  perceived  that  his  motive  for  burn- 
ing the  books  of  Confucius  was  to  obliterate  the  feudal 
system  from  the  memory  of  China ; and  that  he  cut  the 
throats  of  the  Literati  to  make  sure  that  those  books  and 
their  political  doctrines  should  never  re-appear. 

The  books  did  re-appear;  but  the  feudal  system,  once 
buried  in  the  sepulchre  of  the  slaughtered  scholars,  has 
had  no  resurrection.  It  had  been  to  China  the  fruitful 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  401 


mother  of  ages  of  anarchy.  Since  then  she  has  gone 
through  many  revolutions;  but,  thanks  to  the  genius  of 
Shih  Huang  Ti,  she  has  witnessed  no  repetition  of  the 
sad  spectacle  of  a family  of  States  waging  perpetual  war. 
His  system  of  centralized  power  remains  the  bond  of 
the  Empire;  and  the  title  of  Huang  Ti,  which  he  was  the 
“first”  to  assume,  still  survives  as  its  permanent 
expression. 

This  conflict,  between  the  centripetal  and  centrifugal 
forces,  forms  the  third  great  subject,*  which  the  old 
historians  have  not  comprehended,  and  which  waits  the 
advent  of  a writer  of  deeper  insight  and  more  com- 
prehensive grasp.  May  not  some  future  Hallam  show 
the  world  that  Feudalism,  which  formed  such  a con- 
spicuous stage  in  the  development  of  modern  Europe, 
has  played  an  equally  prominent  part  in  the  History  of 
China  ? 

Is  it  objected  that,  unhappily  for  the  study  of  Chinese 
history,  its  theatre  is  too  remote  to  awaken  public  interest 
in  any  high  degree?  Egypt  and  Babylon  are  remote  in 
one  sense,  but  they  are  not  altogether  alien.  They  are 
only  higher  up  on  the  stream  that  expands  into  the  broad 
current  of  our  western  civilization.  Ancient  India  is 
remote  ; but  it  forms  a part  of  the  same  ethnic  system  with 
ourselves,  and,  on  that  account,  appeals  powerfully  to  the 
imagination  of  the  European.  Chinese  history  forms  a 
stream  apart,  which  has  not,  it  is  said,  in  any  way  affected 
the  state  of  the  western  world. 

But  is  it  true  that  the  two  streams  have  flowed  down 
through  the  tracts  of  time  in  complete  independence  of 
each  other?  Are  they  not  like  those  ocean  currents 
which  bear  life  and  beauty  respectively  to  the  Eastern 
shores  of  the  Atlantic,  and  to  those  of  the  Pacific?  The 

* The  following  chapters  throw  light  on  two  of  them. 


402 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Gulf-stream  and  the  Kurosiwo,  though  flowing  through 
opposite  hemispheres,  are  not  indifferent  to  each  other. 
They  are  connected  by  the  pulsations  of  a common  tide. 
So  the  civilizations  of  China  and  Europe,  however  widely 
separated,  have  each  derived  from  the  other  influences  as 
real,  though  occult,  as  those  that  throb  in  the  bosom  of 
the  ocean.  To  discover  their  points  of  contact,  and  to 
exhibit  the  proofs  of  mutual  reaction,  are  among  the 
most  interesting  problems  offered  to  the  student  of 
Chinese  history. 

That  the  mutual  influence  of  the  two  civilizations  will 
in  the  future  be  far  greater  than  it  has  ever  been  in  the 
past,  it  is  easy  to  foresee.  When  China,  developing  the 
resources  of  her  magnificent  domain,  and  clothing  her- 
self with  the  panoply  of  modern  science,  becomes,  as  she 
must  in  the  lapse  of  a century  or  two,  one  of  the  three  or 
four  great  powers  that  divide  the  dominion  of  the  globe, 
think  you  that  the  world  will  continue  to  be  indifferent 
to  the  past  of  her  history?  Not  merely  will  some  knowl- 
edge of  her  history  be  deemed  indispensable  to  a liberal 
education ; — while  I am  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  I may 
as  well  go  on  to  predict  that  her  language  and  literature 
will  be  studied  in  all  our  Universities. 

But  why  should  the  degree  of  our  interest  in  any  field 
of  intellectual  investigation  be  measured  by  the  extent 
of  our  commercial  intercourse?  If  the  Chinese,  instead 
of  living  on  a globe,  the  dominion  of  which  they  are 
certain  to  dispute  with  our  posterity, — were  looking 
serenely  down  upon  us  from  the  surface  of  the  moon, 
would  that  be  any  reason  why  we  should  feel  no  concern 
for  their  fortunes?  If,  by  means  of  some  kind  of  scleno- 
graph  yet  to  be  invented,  the  moon  could  convey  to  us  the 
lessons  of  experience  evolved  by  such  a people  in  the 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  403 


course  of  their  existence,  would  she  not  be  giving  us 
something  more  substantial  than  moon-shine? 

Of  history  it  may  be  said,  as  of  fame — 

“ All  that  we  know  of  it,  begins  and  ends 
In  the  small  circle  of  our  foes  and  friends.” 

To  men  of  science,  however,  a well  authenticated  sta- 
tistical history  ought  to  be  welcome,  even  if  it  came 
from  the  remotest  limb  of  the  Universe.  The  archives 
of  China  do  not  indeed  supply  us  with  tabular  statements, 
such  as  would  satisfy  the  demands  of  Buckle  and  Quatre- 
fages,  but  they  give  us  the  nearest  approach  to  these  that 
it  is  possible  to  obtain  from  distant  periods  of  time. 

In  our  modem  observatories,  the  sun  is  made  to  take 
his  daily  photograph!  If  we  possessed  an  unbroken 
series  of  such  pictures,  extending  back  for  some  thou- 
sands of  years,  what  an  invaluable  aid  it  would  afford 
towards  ascertaining  the  laws  that  prevail  in  that  far-off 
world ! Now,  to  the  Chinese  chronicler,  the  emperor  is 
the  sun,  and  he  has  no  other  object  in  writing  than  to  give 
us  his  master’s  daily  picture.  Happily,  other  subjects  are 
brought  in  as  accessories  that  are  of  more  interest  to  us 
than  the  person  of  the  sovereign.  The  territory  is  de- 
scribed as  his  hereditary  or  acquired  estate ; the  people 
come  into  view  as  his  praedial  slaves ; the  signs  of  heaven, 
— sun-spots,  star-showers,  and  eclipses,  all  so  precious  to 
the  man  of  science, — are  recorded  as  shadows  on  the  dial 
of  imperial  destiny.  Casting  a hasty  glance  back  over  the 
long  concatenation,  we  are  struck  by  the  fact  that  Chi- 
nese society  is  far  from  presenting  an  aspect  of  change- 
less uniformity.  Nor  have  its  changes  been  as  monoto- 
nous as  those  registered  by  our  sea-side  watcher.  The 


404 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


men  have  not  always  worn  the  bald  badge  of  subjec- 
tion to  a foreign  yoke;  nor  have  the  women,  from  time 
immemorial,  hobbled  about  on  crippled  feet.  Time  was 
when  the  gods,  that  greet  us  at  every  comer,  had  not 
yet  made  their  advent;  when  books,  ink,  and  paper,  were 
unknown  (but  our  historians  were  even  then  taking  notes, 
for  it  is  they  that  tell  us)  ; and  when  China  was  confined 
to  a small  angle  of  the  present  empire,  the  rest  being 
occupied  by  savage  races.  In  those  primitive  days,  even 
the  face  of  nature  was  different,  The  hills  were  covered 
with  forest,  the  plains  with  jungle,  and  the  lowlands 
with  reedy  marshes  abounding  in  ferocious  beasts. 

Numerous  as  have  been  the  changes  through  which 
the  Chinese  people  have  passed,  they  have  not  been 
always  treading  in  a vicious  circle.  History  shows  them 
to  have  made  a general,  if  not  a regular,  advance  in  all 
that  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a people ; so  that,  in 
the  76th  cycle  of  their  chronology,  their  domain  is  more 
extended,  their  numbers  greater,  and  their  intelligence 
higher,  than  at  any  preceding  epoch  in  the  forty  centuries 
of  their  national  existence. 

We  shall  find  too  that  their  progress  through  the  ages 
has  been,  amid  all  their  fluctuations,  confined  within  the 
lines  of  a fixed  and  well-defined  social  organization.  In 
the  state,  a jure  divino  monarchy  has,  in  all  ages,  formed 
the  nucleus  of  the  government ; and  the  supremacy  of 
letters  has  been  secured  by  making  learning  the  passport 
to  office.  In  the  family,  the  kindred  principles  of  un- 
limited subjection  to  living  parents,  and  of  devout  worship 
to  dead  ancestors,  appear  of  equal  antiquity.  These  four 
are  the  corner-stones  on  which  the  social  fabric  reposes  at 
the  present  day. 

To  those  who  have  the  language  and  the  leisure  to 
enable  them  to  explore  its  original  sources,  I would  com- 


THR  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  405 


mend  the  study  of  Chinese  History  as  alike  attractive 
and  profitable.  With  these  two  conditions,  we  have  ac- 
cess to  masses  of  historic  lore,  which  we  may  compare, 
not  with  virgin  mines,  but  with  those  heaps  of  silver  slag 
left  by  the  old  Greeks  at  the  mines  of  Laurium,  from 
which  the  Germans  are  now  extracting  quantities  of  the 
precious  metal  that  escaped  the  cruder  methods  of  the 
ancients.  Or,  to  vary  the  figure,  we  may  liken  them  to 
the  walls  of  the  Colisseum,  out  of  which  the  mediaeval 
pontiffs  quarried  stones  to  build  the  churches  of  Rome 
But  a history  worthy  of  the  grandeur  of  the  subject  can- 
not be  produced  otherwise  than  by  the  combined  labors 
of  many  scholars. 


NOTE 

A BRIEF  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  LEADING  DYNASTIES  will 
help  to  elucidate  the  references  in  this  and  the  following 
chapters.  A sketch  of  history  may  be  found  in  Cycle  of 
Cathay,  pp.  251-264. 

1.  Period  of  the  Five  Rulers,  b.  c.  2852-2205.  Society 
emerges  from  barbarism.  Letters  are  invented,  followed 
by  arithmetic  and  chronology. 

The  last  two  rulers,  Yao  and  Shun,  are  models  of  every 
princely  virtue.  Dominated  by  love  of  the  people,  each 
rejects  his  own  son  as  unworthy  to  reign,  and  adopts  a 
capable  successor.  This  is  the  golden  age,  when  the 
interests  of  the  people  rose  above  those  of  the  reigning 
house.  The  events  of  this  period  are  largely  legendary. 

2.  The  Hsia  dynasty,  b.  c.  2205-1766.  A calendar  of 
days  and  rites  has  come  down  from  this  epoch  which 
shows  that  social  and  political  institutions  were  becoming 
crystallized  into  permanent  forms.  The  whole  of  China 
had  previously  been  occupied  by  savage  tribes;  but  the 


406 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


northern  half  was  now  brought  under  the  sway  of  the 
Chinese  rule.  Hsia  signifies  summer ; and  China  is  still 
called  the  “ summer  land.” 

3.  The  dynasty  of  Shang,  b.  c.  1766-11 22.  Shang  sig- 
nifies merchant.  It  perhaps  indicates  that  with  growing 
refinement  of  manners,  commerce  became  a conspicuous 
factor  in  social  life.  The  empire  was  subdivided  among 
vassal  States ; and  the  feudal  system  of  government  took 
definite  shape. 

4.  The  Chou  (round,  or  complete)  dynasty,  b.  c. 
1 122-255.  Literature  rose  and  sages  appeared.  Con- 
fucius was  born  b.  c.  551,  and  Laotze,  founder  of  the 
Taoist  school,  a little  earlier.  Civilization,  as  the  Chinese 
think,  then  attained  its  acme,  and  to  this  day  they  remain 
under  the  domination  of  the  rules  and  ideals  of  that 
period. 

5.  The  Ch’in  dynasty,  b.  c.  255-206.  The  Ch’ins  swept 
away  the  vassal  States,  unified  the  empire  and  gave  it 
the  name  of  China.  The  Great  Wall  is  their  enduring 
monument;  but  they  earned  the  execration  of  all  ages 
by  burning  the  books  of  Confucius  and  slaughtering  his 
followers. 

6.  The  Han  dynasty,  b.  c.  206-A.  d.  220.  Marked  by 
resurrection  of  Confucian  books  and  revival  of  letters ; 
introduction  of  Buddhism  and  completion  of  the  triad  of 
religions ; also  by  extension  of  the  Empire  to  the  bounds 
of  China  Proper.  In  honor  of  these  brilliant  achieve- 
ments, the  people  call  themselves  the  “ Sons  of  Han.” 

7.  Numerous  partial  or  short-lived  dynasties,  a.  d.  220- 
618.  A time  of  division,  war  and  anarchy;  these  four 
centuries  are  not  distinguished  by  any  conspicuous  step 
in  the  march  of  progress.  During  the  greater  part  the 
tendency  was  to  relapse  into  barbarism.  The  wars  of 


THE  STUDY  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY  407 


the  Three  Kingdoms,  with  which  the  period  opens,  were 
fertile  in  heroes.  One  was  K’uang  Fu,  the  God  of  War. 
It  was  preeminently  the  heroic  age. 

8.  The  dynasty  of  T’ang,  A.  d.  618-905.  In  letters,  the 
age  of  poetry ; noted  for  the  rise  of  the  drama  and  the 
formation  of  the  Hanlin  Academy,  this  period  is  still 
more  celebrated  for  the  invention  of  printing,  and  the 
diffusion  of  knowledge.  The  unsteady  hold  on  the  South- 
ern provinces  was  now  confirmed  so  that  the  people  of 
that  region  call  themselves  to  this  day  the  “ Men  of 
T’ang.” 

9.  The  Wu  Tai  or  “ Five  Dynasties,”  a.  d.  907-960. 

10.  The  Sung  Dynasty,  a.  d.  960-1278.  Noted  for  the 
rise  of  speculative  philosophy ; and  the  fixing  of  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Confucian  classics.  A school  of  acute 
thinkers,  beginning  with  Chao  and  Chang,  culminates 
after  more  than  a century  in  Chu  Futze,  who  is  also  the 
Coryphaeus  of  Chinese  Commentators.  They  show  signs 
of  having  felt  the  stimulus  of  Indian  thought,  but  decline 
to  adopt  anything  foreign.  They  have  become  the  stand- 
ard of  orthodoxy  in  both  their  philosophy  and  their  her- 
meneutics. A third  thing  was  added  to  complete  the 
yoke  of  authority,  viz. : the  reorganization  of  the  civil 
service  examination  system  on  its  present  basis. 

11.  The  Yuan  or  Mongol  dynasty,  A.  d.  1260-1368. 
The  Tartars,  who  from  time  to  time  had  seized  portions  of 
China,  now  established  their  sway  over  the  whole  empire 
under  the  famous  Kublai  Khan.  Under  his  reign  the 
Venetian,  Marco  Polo,  lived  in  China  and  gave  the 
earliest  detailed  description  of  the  country,  calling  it 
Cathay,  as  the  Mongols  do. 

12.  The  Ming  dynasty,  a.  d.  1368-1644.  This  period  is 
not  remarkable  for  any  intellectual  movement  except  the 


408 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


steady  growth  of  an  already  enormous  literature,  the 
compilation  of  encyclopaedias  and  the  codification  of  the 
Laws. 

13.  The  Ta  Ch’ing  or  Great  Pure  Dynasty,  A.  d.  1644  to 
the  present  time.  The  Manchu  Tartars,  a small  tribe  in 
Liaotung,  gradually  got  possession  of  that  outlying  col- 
ony, and  with  it  acquired  the  civilization  of  China.  The 
Mings  having  succumbed  to  internal  revolt,  they  were 
invited  to  aid  in  restoring  order,  and  did  so  by  seating 
their  own  princes  on  the  throne. 

Rivalling  the  house  of  Kublai  in  the  extent  of  their 
dominions,  they  have  surpassed  all  preceding  dynasties 
in  the  ability  and  merit  of  the  rulers  they  have  given  the 
celestial  empire.  Theirs  has  been,  on  the  whole,  the 
wisest  government  that  China  has  ever  enjoyed.  How 
much  longer  their  lease  of  power  has  to  run  must  depend 
on  the  degree  to  which  they  assimilate  the  principles,  arts 
and  methods  of  Western  Christendom.  Under  the 
Manchus,  Christianity  has  acquired  a firm  foothold  in 
China,  and  science,  which  came  with  it,  is  a powerful 
auxiliary  in  carrying  forward  the  intellectual  conquest. 


XXI 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  * 

THE  Great  Wall,  which  forms  the  northern  bound- 
ary of  China  proper,  tells  of  a conflict  of  races. 
Extending  for  fifteen  hundred  miles  along  the 
verge  of  the  Mongolian  plateau,  it  presents  itself  to  the 
mind  as  a geographical  feature,  boldly  marked  on  the 
surface  of  the  globe.  Winding  like  a huge  serpent  over 
the  crests  of  the  mountains,  it  seems  (to  adapt  the  words 
of  Emerson)  as  if — 

“ O’er  China’s  Great  Wall  bent  the  sky 
As  on  its  friend  with  kindred  eye. 

And  granted  it  an  equal  date 
With  Andes  and  with  Ararat.” 

It  divides  two  stages  of  civilization  to-day,  as  it  did  two 
thousand  years  ago.  On  one  side  are  vast  plains  un- 
broken by  the  plough,  and  occupied  only  by  tribes  of 
wandering  nomads;  on  the  other  are  fields  and  gardens, 
rich  with  the  products  of  agricultural  industry.  Between 
the  two,  a state  of  perpetual  hostility  is  inevitable,  unless 
restrained  by  the  power  of  some  overshadowing  govern- 
ment. This  natural  antagonism  has  never  failed  to  show 
itself  at  every  point  of  contact,  the  world  over.  Schiller 

* The  name  Tartar  is  incapable  of  precise  definition.  It  is 
applied  in  a general  sense  to  all  the  wandering  tribes  of  the 
North  and  West. 

409 


4io 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


hints — not  in  his  poems,  but  in  a course  of  historical 
lectures — that  this  endless  strife  of  shepherd  and  culti- 
vator was  foreshadowed  in  the  conflict  of  Cain  and  Abel. 
History,  unhappily,  supplies  us  with  an  abundance  of 
illustrations.  Egypt  fell  a prey  to  the  shepherd  kings ; 
and  in  Asia,  as  in  Europe,  the  inhospitable  North  has 
always  been  ready  to  disgorge  its  predatory  hordes  on 
lands  more  favored  by  the  sun. 

The  Chinese  of  the  border  provinces  were  in  the 
earlier  ages  compelled  to  divide  their  time  between  war 
and  work,  under  pain  of  losing  the  fruits  of  their  labors. 
Like  the  pioneers  of  the  Western  continent,  they  never 
allowed  themselves  to  be  parted  from  their  defensive 
weapons,  and  enjoyed  life  itself  only  at  the  price  of  per- 
petual vigilance.  Experience  proved  that  a line  of  mili- 
tary posts,  no  matter  how  closely  they  might  be  linked 
together,  afforded  no  adequate  security  against  the 
incursions  of  homeless  wanderers.  The  Great  Wall  was 
built,  not  as  a substitute  for  such  posts,  but  as  a supple- 
ment to  them.  That  it  served  its  end,  there  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt.  So  effectually  indeed  did  it  protect 
the  peaceful  tillers  of  the  soil,  that  an  ancient  saying 
describes  it  as  the  ruin  of  one  generation  and  the  salva- 
tion of  thousands. 

From  time  to  time,  however,  the  spirit  of  rapine,  swell- 
ing into  the  lust  of  conquest,  has  swept  over  the  huge 
barrier,  as  an  earthquake  wave  sweeps  over  the  artificial 
defenses  of  a seaport — or  found  means  to  open  its  gates. 
Twice  has  the  whole  of  China  succumbed  to  a flood  of 
extra-mural  invaders : — The  Mongols,  under  Genghis 
Khan,  were  aided  in  passing  the  Great  Wall  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Shansi  by  the  treachery  of  Alakush,  a Tartar 
chief,  whose  duty  it  was  to  defend  it ; and  the  Manchus, 
who  are  now  in  possession  of  the  throne,  entered  at  its 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  41 1 


eastern  extremity,  on  the  invitation  of  Wu  San  Kuei,  a 
Chinese  general,  who  sought  their  aid  against  a rebel  who 
had  subverted  the  throne  of  the  Mings. 

Besides  the  three  and  a half  centuries  of  Tartar 
domination  under  these  two  great  dynasties,  we  find,  prior 
to  the  first  of  them,  three  periods  of  partial  conquest. 
From  907  to  1234  a.  d.,  a large  portion  of  the  northern 
belt  of  provinces  passed  successively  under  the  sway  of 
the  Ch‘i  Tan  and  Nii  Chen*  Tartar;  from  386  to  532, 
an  extensive  region  was  subjected  to  the  Tartar  hordes 
of  Topa,  under  the  dynastic  title  of  Pei  Wei.  How  or 
where  these  invaders  passed  the  barrier,  it  is  not  worth 
while  to  inquire.  The  foregoing  examples  show  that,  in  a 
time  of  anarchy,  some  friend  or  ally  can  always  be  found 
to  open  the  gates.  Chung  chili  ch'eng  ch'eng,  says  a 
Chinese  proverb,  “ Union  of  hearts  is  the  best  bulwark.” 
Without  exaggerating  the  strength  of  the  Great  Wall, 
which,  through  a large  part  of  its  extent,  is  far  from 
being  the  imposing  structure  which  we  see  in  the  vicinity 
of  Peking,  we  may  still  affirm,  in  the  light  of  history, 
that,  had  it  been  backed  by  forces  untainted  by  treason 
and  unweakened  by  faction,  it  might  have  proved  suffi- 
cient to  shield  the  country  from  conquest.  Wanting 
these  conditions,  the  wall  was  powerless  for  defense ; and, 
notwithstanding  its  watch  towers  and  garrisons,  we  have 
before  us  the  astounding  fact  that  the  Chinese  of  the 
northern  provinces  have  passed  seven,  out  of  the  last 
fifteen  centuries,  under  the  yoke  of  Tartar  conquerors. 

Ascending  the  stream  of  history  to  the  dynasty  of 
Han,  which  ruled  China  from  202  b.  c.  to  220  a.  d.,  i.  e., 
for  more  than  four  centuries,  we  find  ourselves  in  pres- 

* Nti  Chen  or  Ju  Chih — also  called  Chin  Tartars.  The  Man- 
chus  claim  them  as  their  ancestors,  the  reigning  house  having 
Aischin  (gold)  for  its  family  name. 


412 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


ence  of  the  same  conflict.  The  names  of  the  opposing 
parties  are  changed ; but  the  parties  remain,  and  the  war 
goes  on.  The  empire  is  not  conquered  by  the  foreign  foe ; 
but  it  is  kept  in  a state  of  perpetual  terror,  by  an  assem- 
blage of  powerful  tribes  who  bear  the  collective  name  of 
Hsiang  Nu.  Bretschneider  says  they  were  Mongols 
nomine  mntato ; Howorth,  in  his  learned  History  of  the 
Mongols,  pronounces  them  Turks,  or  more  properly  Tur- 
comans, the  ancestors  of  the  present  occupants  of  Khiva, 
Bokhara,  and  Constantinople.  From  the  resemblance  of 
this  name  to  Hunni,  they  were  formerly  supposed  to  be 
the  progenitors  of  the  Magyars.  So  strong  indeed  was 
this  conviction  that,  a good  many  years  ago,  a follower  of 
Louis  Kossuth  went  to  China  in  search  of  his  “ kindred 
according  to  the  flesh ; ” actuated  apparently  by  the  hope 
of  inducing  them  to  repeat  the  invasion  of  Europe,  and 
deliver  their  brethren  from  the  yoke  of  the  Hapsburgs ! 

The  numerous  tribes  occupying  the  vast  region  ex- 
tending from  Lake  Balkash  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amur — 
diverse  in  language,  but  similar  in  nomadic  habits — were 
in  the  Han  period  combined  under  the  hegemony  of  the 
Hsiang  Nu,  forming  a confederation,  or  an  empire,  rather 
than  a single  state.  The  chief  was  styled  in  his  own  lan- 
guage Shan  Yu,  a word  which  the  Chinese  historians  ex- 
plain as  equivalent  to  Huang  Ti;  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  haughty  emperors  of  the  family  of  Han 
were  compelled  to  accord  the  sacred  title  to  their  barbar- 
ous rivals.  In  recent  times,  their  successors  (more  prop- 
erly successors  of  the  Shan  Yu)  have  hesitated  to  concede 
it  to  the  sovereign  of  at  least  one  European  empire. 
During  the  negotiation  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  treaty, 
the  Chinese  Ministers  objected  so  strenuously  to  the  as- 
sumption of  Huang  Ti,  that  the  heir  to  a long  line  of 
Kaisers  had  to  content  himself  with  the  first  syllable  of 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  413 


the  title,  on  the  principle  that  “ half  a loaf  is  better  than 
no  bread.”  Had  his  minister  been  well  versed  in  Chinese 
history  what  an  advantage  he  might  have  gained ! For, 
in  China,  a precedent  is  good  for  more  than  two  thousand 
years ; and  the  supposed  connection  of  the  Huns  and 
Hsiang  Nu,  though  not  admitted  by  ethnology,  is,  or  was, 
sufficiently  reliable  for  the  purposes  of  diplomacy. 

During  the  Han  and  succeeding  dynasties,  the  Hsiang 
Nu  were  held  in  check  mostly  by  force  of  arms;  but 
the  weaker  emperors,  like  those  of  Rome,  were  accus- 
tomed to  send  their  sisters  and  daughters  across  the 
frontier,  instead  of  generals ; flattering  the  vanity  of  the 
barbarians,  and  replacing  military  armaments  by  the 
sentimentalities  of  family  alliance.  The  incidents  con- 
nected with  these  transactions  have  supplied  rich  ma- 
terials for  poetry  and  romance.  A popular  tragedy  is 
founded  on  the  fortunes  of  Chao  Ch’iin,  one  of  the  many 
fair  ladies  who  were  offered  as  victims  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  borders.  The  Khan  of  Tartary,  hearing  of 
her  beauty,  demanded  her  in  marriage.  The  Emperor 
refused  to  surrender  the  chief  jewel  of  his  harem ; so  the 
Khan  invaded  China  with  an  overwhelming  force,  but 
he  retired  to  his  own  dominions  when  the  lady  was  sent 
to  his  camp.  Arrived  at  the  banks  of  the  Amur,  she 
threw  herself  into  its  dark  waters,  rather  than  endure 
a life  of  exile  at  a barbarian  court.  The  wars  of  those 
times  would  furnish  materials  for  a thrilling  history. 
The  battle-ground  was  sometimes  on  the  south  of  the 
Great  Wall,  but  generally  in  the  steppes  and  deserts 
beyond. 

As  illustrations  of  the  varying  fortunes  attending  the 
wars  of  the  Hans  and  the  Hsiang  Nu,  we  may  mention 
the  names  of  Li  Kuang,  Li  Ling,  Sze  Ma  Ch'ien,  and  Su 
Wu.  The  first  of  these  led  the  armies  of  his  sovereign 


4i4 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


against  the  Hsiang  Nu  for  many  years,  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  second  century  b.  c.  He  had,  it  is  said,  come  off 
victorious  in  seventy  battles,  when,  in  a final  conflict, 
disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  capturing  the  Khan, 
he  committed  suicide  on  the  field  of  battle,  though,  if  we 
may  believe  the  record,  that  battle  was  also  a victory. 
This  gives  us  a glimpse  of  the  style  of  Hsiang  Nu  war- 
fare. They  were  like  the  Parthians,  “ most  to  be  dreaded 
when  in  flight.”  That  a General,  contending  with  such 
a foe,  should  destroy  himself  from  chagrin  at  the  results 
of  his  seventy-first  victory,  affords  us  a fair  criterion  for 
estimating  the  value  of  the  other  seventy. 

Li  Ling,  the  son  (or  grandson)  of  the  ill-fated  Li 
Kuang,  appears  to  have  been  born  under  still  less 
auspicious  stars.  Appointed  to  succeed  his  father,  he 
suffered  himself  to  pursue  the  flying  enemy  too  hotly, 
when,  falling  into  an  ambuscade,  his  vanguard,  consisting 
of  a division  of  five  thousand  men,  was  cut  to  pieces 
before  the  main  body  could  come  to  the  rescue.  Li  Ling, 
with  a few  survivors,  surrendered  at  discretion.  His 
life  was  spared ; but,  to  take  his  own  description,  it  was 
little  better  than  a living  death.  In  addition  to  the  priva- 
tions incident  to  a state  of  captivity  among  savage  foes, 
he  had  the  bitter  reflection  that,  on  account  of  his  sup- 
posed treachery,  his  nearer  relations  had  all  been  put  to 
death ; and  that  a noble  friend,  who  had  guaranteed 
his  fidelity,  had  been  subjected  to  an  ignominious 
punishment. 

That  noble  friend  was  no  other  than  the  great  historian, 
Sze  Ma  Ch'ien.  Required  by  a cruel  decree  to  pay  the 
forfeit  of  Li  Ling’s  alleged  treachery,  the  historian  chose 
to  submit  to  a disgraceful  mutilation,*  rather  than  lose 
his  life;  not,  as  he  himself  says,  that  he  held  life  dear 

* He  had,  however,  become  a father  prior  to  this  disgrace. 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  415 


or  feared  death,  but  solely  to  gain  a few  years  for  the 
completion  of  his  life  task,  a debt  which  he  owed  to 
posterity.  He  lived  to  place  the  last  stone  on  his  own 
imperishable  monument ; and  for  twenty  centuries  he  has 
had  among  his  countrymen  a name  “ better  than  that  of 
sons  and  of  daughters.” 

Su  Wu,  the  last  of  the  four  unfortunates,  was  a diplo- 
matic envoy.  Having,  while  at  the  court  of  the  Grand 
Khan,  attempted  by  undiplomatic  means  to  compass  the 
destruction  of  an  enemy,  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  and 
detained  in  captivity  for  nineteen  years.  A tender  poem 
is  extant,  which  he  addressed  to  his  wife  on  parting,  at 
the  commencement  of  his  perilous  mission.  Whether  she 
survived  to  welcome  his  return,  we  are  not  informed ; but, 
in  that  case,  she  must  have  died  with  grief,  to  see  him 
accompanied  by  a Tartar  wife. 

We  cannot  pause  longer  among  the  romantic  episodes 
so  thickly  scattered  through  the  literature  of  the  Hans. 
We  must  travel  back  another  thousand  years,  to  arrive  at 
the  last  and  the  principal  division  of  our  subject, — the 
Tartar  Tribes  in  Ancient  China. 

We  find  ourselves  at  the  rise  of  the  third  dynasty,  the 
famous  dynasty  of  Chou,  which  occupied  the  throne  for 
over  eight  hundred  years  (1122  b.  c.  to  255  B.  c. ).  We 
are  at  the  dawn  of  letters ; at  the  dividing  line  which  sepa- 
rates the  legendary  from  the  historical  period.  The  Great 
Wall  has  no  existence,  but  the  hostile  tribes  are  there ; — 
not  Manchu  or  Mongol,  not  Hsiang  Nu,  Hui  Ku,  or  T‘u 
Chiieh,  but  the  ancestors  of  all  of  them,  under  different 
names,  hovering,  like  birds  of  prey,  on  the  unprotected 
frontiers  of  a rich  and  tempting  country.  At  this  epoch, 
the  Chinese  people,  who  had  originated  somewhere  in 
Central  Asia,  were  few  in  number,  and  occupied  a terri- 
tory of  comparatively  limited  extent.  They  were  dis- 


416 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tinguished  from  their  neighbors  chiefly  by  a knowledge  of 
letters,  and  by  the  possession  of  a higher  civilization. 
This  incipient  culture  gave  them  an  immense  advantage 
over  the  barbarous  tribes  who  surrounded  them  on  every 
side  and  opposed  their  progress.  These  tribes  are 
grouped  under  several  comprehensive  terms : — those  on 
the  east  are  called  Yi ; those  on  the  north,  Ti ; those  on  the 
west,  Jung  or  Ch'iang;  and  those  on  the  south,  Man. 
The  original  sense  of  these  names  as  expressed  in  picture 
writing,  seems  to  be  as  follows : — The  Yi  were  famous 
archers,  and  were  so  called  from  their  “ great  bows.”  The 
northerners  used  dogs  in  hunting  and  herding,  and  de- 
pended on  fire  to  temper  the  cold  of  their  rigorous 
winters ; “ dog  ” and  “ fire  ” are  therefore  combined  in 
the  ideograph  by  which  the  Ti  are  designated.  The  Jung 
were  armed  with  spears,  and  this  their  weapon  furnished 
the  symbol  for  their  ideograph.  The  ideograph  Ch‘iang 
is  made  up  of  the  head  of  a goat  and  the  legs  of  a man, 
and  so  denotes  to  the  Chinese  imagination  hideous  mon- 
sters, the  reverse  of  the  Greek  conception  of  Pan  and  the 
Satyrs  ; it  means  “ goat-men,”  “ goat-herds,”  or  “ shep- 
herds,” and  identifies  them  essentially  with  the  Ti,  or 
dog-using  nomads  of  the  north.  The  character  for  Man 
combines  those  for  “ worm  ” and  “ silk,”  and  implies 
that  the  barbarians  of  the  south,  even  at  that  early  day, 
were  not  ignorant  of  silk-culture. 

These  names  and  characters  all  became  more  or  less 
expressive  of  contempt,  but  were  without  doubt  less 
offensive  in  their  original  sense.  Marco  Polo,  who  fol- 
lowed the  Tartar  usage,  applies  the  word  Man,  in  the 
form  Manzi  (or  Montsi)  to  the  whole  of  the  Chinese 
people.  They  were  so  called  as  being  “ southrons  ” with 
respect  to  the  people  of  Mongolia,  and  at  the  same  time 
objects  of  contempt  to  their  conquerors. 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  417 


All  the  tribes  of  the  south  and  the  east,  i.  e.  the  Man 
and  the  Yi,  save  certain  aborigines  called  Miao,  were  con- 
quered and  gradually  absorbed  and  assimilated  by  the 
vigorous  race  whose  progeny  peoples  modern  China 
proper.  The  Miao  have  been  able  to  retain  their  inde- 
pendence to  the  present  day,  by  taking  refuge  in  the  inac- 
cessible fastnesses  of  mountain  chains. 

The  barbarous  tribes  of  the  north  and  west,  the  Ti  and 
the  Ch'iang,  were  never  permanently  subdued.  This  was 
simply  because  their  lands  never  invited  conquest.  Their 
storm-swept  pastures  offered  the  Chinese  no  adequate 
compensation  for  the  toil  and  danger  involved  in  such  an 
undertaking.  On  the  contrary,  as  we  have  seen,  it  was 
the  wealth  and  fertility  of  China  that  tempted  constantly, 
throughout  the  eight  hundred  years  of  the  Chou  dynasty, 
the  fierce  and  hungry  tribes  of  the  north  and  west  to 
make  their  predatory  incursions.  These  are  the  quarters 
from  which  conquering  armies  have  once  and  again  risen 
up,  like  the  sands  of  their  deserts,  to  overwhelm  parts  or 
the  whole  of  the  empire.  To  repel  the  aggressions  of 
these  troublesome  neighbors  was  the  chief  occupation  of 
the  Chinese  armies  in  the  earliest  times,  as  it  has  con- 
tinued to  be  down  through  all  the  ages.  The  oldest 
extant  Chinese  poetry,  older  than  any  history,  shows  us 
the  Chinese  warrior,  like  the  magic  horseman  of  Granada, 
with  the  head  of  his  steed  and  the  point  of  his  lance 
directed  always  towards  the  north  as  the  source  of  dan- 
ger. History  shows  that  the  princes  who  were  employed 
to  hold  these  enemies  in  check  generally  held  in  their 
hands  the  destinies  of  the  empire.  And  in  this  way 
the  northern  tribes  exercised  for  centuries,  throughout 
the  third  or  Chou  dynasty,  an  indirect  but  important  polit- 
ical influence. 

To  give  only  two  examples,  both  from  the  most  ancient 


4-i8 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


period  of  authentic  history: — The  house  of  Chou,  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  twenty-four  dynasties,  rose  from 
a small  warlike  principality  in  the  mountains  of  the  north- 
west ; they  were  made  strong  by  conflict  with  their  savage 
enemies,  and  their  chief  was  regarded  as  the  bulwark  of 
the  nation.  Hsi  Po,*  the  Lord  of  the  West,  or  Wen 
Wang,  as  he  is  now  called,  excited  by  his  growing  power 
the  jealousy  of  his  suzerain,  the  last  emperor  of  the 
second  or  Shang  dynasty,  and  was  thrown  into  prison  by 
the  tyrant,  who  did  not  dare,  however,  to  put  him  to 
death.  In  the  panic  caused  by  a sudden  irruption  of  the 
north  men,  Wen  Wang  was  set  free,  and  invested  with 
even  greater  power  than  he  had  ever  possessed  before. 
To  the  day  of  his  death,  he  remained  loyal ; but  his  son, 
Chou  Fa,  or  Wu  Wang,  employed  his  trained  forces,  like 
a double-edged  sword,  not  only  to  protect  the  frontier 
and  drive  back  the  invaders,  but  to  overturn  the  throne 
of  his  master,  the  last  emperor  of  the  Shang. 

After  the  lapse  of  over  eight  hundred  years,  the  house 
of  Chou  was  replaced  by  the  house  of  Ch‘in  which  had 
been  cradled  among  the  same  mountains  and  made  strong 
by  conflict  with  the  same  enemies.  During  the  Chou 
period  (1122  b.  c.  to  255  b.  c.),  the  barbarians  never 
ceased  to  be  a factor  in  the  politics  of  the  empire ; not 
merely  making  forays  and  retiring  with  their  booty,  but 
driving  the  Chinese  before  them,  occupying  their  lands, 
and  planting  themselves  in  the  shape  of  independent 
or  feudal  States,  as  the  Goths  and  Vandals  did  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  analogy  does  not 
stop  here.  Like  the  Roman  empire,  China  had,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  Chou  period,  two  capitals,  one  in  the 
west  near  Hsi  An  Fu  (about  one  hundred  miles  south- 

* Mencius  says  that  T’ai  Wang,  the  grandfather  of  Hsi  Po, 
paid  tribute  to  the  Tartars. 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  419 


west  of  the  great  bend  of  the  Huang  Ho),  in  Shensi ; and 
another  in  the  east,  near  the  present  K‘ai  Feng  Fu,  in 
Honan.  The  former  was  sacked  by  the  Tartars  in  781 
b.  c.,  just  as  Rome  was  by  the  Goths  in  410  a.  d. 

The  story,  as  given  by  Chinese  writers,  is  as  follows : — 
The  emperor  Yu  Wang  had  a young  consort  on  whom  he 
doted.  One  day  it  came  into  his  bead  to  give  a false 
alarm  to  the  armies  surrounding  the  capital,  merely  to 
afford  her  an  amusing  spectacle.  Beacon  fires,  the  signal 
of  imminent  danger,  were  lighted  on  all  the  hills.  The 
nobles  came  rushing  to  the  rescue,  each  at  the  head  of 
his  retainers.  Finding  there  was  no  real  danger,  they 
dispersed  in  a state  of  high  indignation.  The  young 
empress  had  her  laugh ; but  they  laugh  best  who  laugh 
last,  as  the  proverb  has  it.  Not  long  after  this,  the 
Tartars  made  a sudden  attack.  The  beacon  fires  were 
again  lighted,  but  tbe  nobles,  having  once  been  deceived, 
took  care  not  to  respond  to  the  call,  lest  they  should  again 
be  making  a woman’s  holiday.  The  city  was  taken,  and 
the  silly  sovereign  and  his  fair  enchantress  both  perished 
in  the  flames.  However  much  of  the  legendary  there  may 
be  in  diis  narrative,  the  one  stern  fact  that  lies  at  the  bot- 
tom of  it  is  the  presence  of  a ferocious  enemy  whom  we 
call  by  the  general  name  of  Tartars. 

After  this  calamity,  the  heir  to  the  throne  removed 
his  court  to  the  eastern  capital,  leaving  the  tombs  of 
his  fathers  in  the  hands  of  the  barbarians.  In  the  heart 
of  the  central  plain,  and  surrounded  by  a cordon  of 
feudal  States,  the  imperial  throne  was  thought  to  be 
secure.  But  the  irrepressible  foe  was  forcing  his  way  to 
the  south  and  east,  with  a slow  but  resistless  motion.  A 
hundred  and  thirty  years  later  (about  650  b.  c.),  we  have 
the  spectacle  of  a barbarian  horde  in  actual  possession  of 
the  eastern  capital,  and  the  emperor  a refugee,  pleading 


420 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


for  re-instatement  at  the  hands  of  his  vassals.  As  might 
be  expected,  the  blame  of  the  catastrophe  is  again  charged 
on  a woman.  That  woman  was  a barbarian,  and  the  fact 
throws  a strong  light  on  the  position  of  the  contending 
parties. 

Her  tribe  had  established  itself  in  the  rich  alluvial 
region  on  the  southern  bend  of  the  Yellow  river.  As 
enemies,  they  were  a standing  menace  to  the  capital ; as 
friends,  they  might  serve  for  its  janizaries.  In  order  to 
win  their  favor  and  secure  their  fidelity,  the  emperor 
took  one  of  their  princesses  into  his  harem.  Captivated 
by  her  charms,  he  subsequently  raised  her  to  be  the  part- 
ner of  his  throne.  An  ambitious  kinsman,  desirous  of  sup- 
planting the  emperor  on  the  throne,  began  by  supplanting 
him  in  the  affections  of  his  barbarian  wife.  Her  infi- 
delity being  discovered,  she  was  sent  back  to  her  kindred, 
where  she  was  joined  by  her  paramour,  who  stirred  up 
the  powerful  clan  to  avenge  an  insult  done  to  them  in 
her  person.  The  emperor  was  easily  put  to  flight ; but, 
wanting  the  support  of  the  nobles,  the  usurper’s  tenure 
of  the  capital  was  of  short  duration. 

Subsequently  the  barbarians  menaced  the  capital  fre- 
quently, if  not  constantly ; and  the  Son  of  Heaven  was 
more  than  once  compelled  to  appeal  to  his  vassals  for 
succor.  On  one  occasion,  his  envoys  even  turned  against 
him,  and  went  over  to  the  enemy,  apparently  deeming  it 
better  to  serve  a growing  than  a decaying  power.  About 
forty  years  earlier  than  the  flight  of  the  emperor  above 
mentioned,  another  barbarian  beauty,  named  Li  Chi, 
played  a conspicuous  and  mischievous  role  at  the  court  of 
Ch’in  Wen,  the  greatest  chief  of  the  vassal  States.  Taken 
in  battle,  she  captivated  her  princely  captor,  and  main- 
tained by  her  talents  the  ascendancy  which  she  at  first 
owed  to  her  personal  attractions.  She  induced  the  prince 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  421 

to  change  the  order  of  succession  in  favor  of  her  off- 
spring, sowing  the  seeds  of  a family  feud  that  brought 
the  princely  house  to  the  verge  of  destruction. 

Of  these  immigrant  Tartar  tribes,  no  fewer  than  five 
or  six  are  mentioned  in  the  Confucian  Annals  as  having 
succeeded  in  establishing  themselves  in  the  interior  of 
China.  Two  of  them  (called  Red  and  White, — probably, 
like  the  Neri  and  Bianchi  of  Florence,  from  the  color  of 
their  clothing,  or  of  their  banners)  were  settled  within  the 
bounds  of  the  present  province  of  Shansi ; one  in  Honan  ; 
one  in  Chihli ; and  two  in  Shantung.  How  they  effected 
a settlement  is  not  difficult  to  understand.  In  an  age 
of  anarchy,  when  rival  States  were  contending  for  the 
hegemony,  the  great  barons  found  it  to  their  interest  to 
secure  the  aid  of  troops  of  hardy  horsemen  from  the 
northern  plains,  rewarding  their  service  by  grants  of 
land.  The  emperor  sought  in  the  same  way  to  strengthen 
himself  against  his  unruly  vassals.  And  so,  at  last,  by  too 
great  dependence  on  foreign  auxiliaries,  the  empire  be- 
came unable  to  shake  off  its  helpers. 

How  deeply  seated  was  the  antagonism  between  them 
and  the  Chinese  may  be  inferred  from  one  or  two  ex- 
amples. The  emperor  being  about  to  despatch  a body 
of  those  hired  auxiliaries  to  chastise  a disobedient  subject, 
one  of  his  ministers  warned  him  against  a measure  which 
would  be  sure  to  alienate  his  friends,  and  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  common  enemy.  “ If,”  said  the  minister, 
“ the  prince  finds  his  moral  influence  insufficient  to  se- 
cure order,  his  next  resort  is  to  make  the  most  of  the 
ties  of  blood.  But  let  him  beware  of  throwing  himself 
into  the  arms  of  a foreign  invader.”  This  counsel  re- 
minds us  of  the  remonstrance  of  Lord  Chatham  against 
the  employment  of  savages,  in  the  conflict  with  the  Ameri- 
can colonies.  We  may  add  that  India  and  China  both 


422 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


came  under  the  sway  of  their  present  rulers  through 
the  mistaken  policy  of  depending  on  foreign  auxiliaries. 

With  the  Chinese,  it  was  a practical  maxim  that  no 
faith  was  to  be  kept  with  those  invaders ; and  a terrible 
vengeance  was  sometimes  taken  for  the  insults  and  perfidy 
to  which  they  were  subjected. 

Another  fact  may  be  cited,  which  shows  at  once  the 
power  of  the  barbarians  and  tbe  horror  in  which  they 
were  held.  In  the  sixth  century  b.  c.,  the  rising  civiliza- 
tion of  China  was  on  the  point  of  being  overwhelmed  bv 
them,  when  a deliverer  was  raised  up  in  the  person  of 
Duke  Huan,  of  Ch‘i,  who  turned  the  tide  at  the  critical 
moment,  as  Theodoric  did  the  onslaught  of  the  Huns 
under  Attila.  How  imminent  was  the  peril  of  the  em- 
pire, and  how  eminent  the  merit  of  the  victor,  is  apparent 
from  a reply  of  Confucius  to  some  one  who  supposed  that 
he  had  spoken  disparagingly  of  Duke  Huan.  “ How  could 
I disparage  Duke  Huan  ? ” he  exclaimed ; “ but  for  him 
we  should  all  have  been  buttoning  our  coats  on  the  left 
side,”  i.  e.,  we  should  have  been  subject  to  the  Tartars. 

Thus  far,  we  have  occupied  ourselves  with  what  we 
may  call  an  outline  of  the  political  relations  of  the  Chi- 
nese with  the  northern  tribes  in  war  and  in  peace.  The 
ethnography  of  those  tribes  now  claims  our  attention, 
if  only  to  show  the  impossibility  of  arriving  at  any  satis- 
factory conclusion.  The  doubts  expressed  by  tbe  best 
authorities  as  to  the  ethnological  relations  of  the  Hsiang 
Nu  have  already  been  referred  to.  Conspicuous  as  they 
are  in  history  for  many  centuries  about  the  commencement 
of  the  Christian  era,  it  has  been  much  disputed  whether 
they  were  Turks,  Mongols,  or  Huns.  How  much  greater 
is  the  difficulty  of  identification  as  we  travel  back  to  a 
period  where  the  torch  of  history  sheds  but  a feeble 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  423 


ray,  or  disappears  in  the  vague  obscurity  of  legendary 
tradition. 

In  those  remote  ages,  the  guiding  clue  of  philology  fails 
us.  While  a few  names  that  appear  in  the  less  ancient 
literature,  such  as  Hui  Ku  and  T‘u  Chiieh,*  suggest  the 
identity  of  the  tribes  that  bore  them  with  the  Ouigours 
and  Turks,  there  is  absolutely  nothing  to  be  made  out 
of  the  names  that  meet  us  most  frequently  in  the  earlier 
records.  The  vague  terms  Jung  and  Ti,  under  which 
were  grouped  peoples  as  diverse  as  the  tribes  of  North 
American  Indians,  are  always  accompanied  by  some  mark 
of  contempt ; the  character  for  dog  is  prefixed  to  one,  and 
incorporated  with  the  other.  Hsien  Yuan,  another  name 
of  frequent  occurrence,  has  the  dog  radical  in  both  its 
parts,  and  appears  intended  to  confound  the  people  who 
bore  it  with  a tribe  of  dog-like  apes.  It  could  hardly  be 
expected  that  writers,  who  deny  their  neighbors  the 
attributes  of  humanity,  would  take  an  interest  in  depicting 
their  manners  or  studying  their  language.  Accordingly, 
we  search  in  vain  in  the  earlier  Chinese  literature  for 
any  such  precious  fragments  of  those  northern  tongues  as 
Plautus,  in  one  of  his  plays,  has  preserved  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian. They  themselves  possessed  no  written  speech ; 
and,  had  they  possessed  it,  they  have  left  us  no  such  im- 
perishable monuments  or  relics  of  handicraft  as,  at  this 
day,  are  throwing  fresh  light  on  the  origin  of  the 
Etruscans. 

A vast  amount  of  undigested  information  is  to  be  found 
in  the  pages  of  Ma  Tuan  Lin,  relating  to  the  border 

* Hsiang  Nu,  Tu  Chiieh,  Hui  Ku,  Hsien  Yuan,  HsQn  Yu,  Pei 
Hu,  Ta  Ta  (=  Tartar)  Hsien  Pi,  Su  Sh£n  These  are  only 
some  of  the  names  that  are  given  in  a way  more  or  less  vague 
to  the  nomads  of  the  North  and  West. 


424 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


tribes  of  the  middle  ages.  But  outside  the  circle  of  the 
classics,  the  only  descriptive  geography  that  has  reached 
us  from  the  Chou  period  is  the  Shan  Hai  Ching,  a kind 
of  Chinese  Gulliver,  which  peoples  the  world  with  mon- 
sters of  every  form  and  fashion.  The  older  writers,  in 
confounding  numerous  tribes  under  one  or  a few  terms, 
were  no  doubt  influenced  by  the  fact  that  to  them  they 
all  appeared  under  one  aspect, — that  of  wandering  hunt- 
ers or  shepherds,  equally  rude  and  equally  ferocious. 

No  one  who  gives  attention  to  such  subjects  can  fail 
to  be  struck  with  a twofold  process  that  takes  place  in 
the  life  of  all  nations,  and  most  of  all  in  that  of  nomadic 
tribes.  The  first  is  what  we  may  call  the  stage  of  dif- 
ferentiation, through  which  they  pass,  when,  small  and 
weak,  they  keep  themselves  isolated  from  their  neigh- 
bors : Even  their  languages  diverge  in  a short  time  to 
such  a degree  as  to  be  mutually  unintelligible.  The 
second  is  the  stage  of  assimilation,  when,  brought  into 
the  collisions  of  war  or  the  intercourse  of  trade,  each 
gives  and  receives  impressions  that  make  them  approxi- 
mate to  a common  type.  Thus  the  barbarians  on  the 
north  of  China  present  in  the  earlier  ages  a vague  variety, 
which  tends,  with  the  lapse  of  time,  to  give  place  to  uni- 
formity of  manners,  and  even  of  physical  features. 

Rolling  over  the  plains,  as  the  waves  over  the  sea, 
their  blood  has  been  commingled ; and,  though  their 
names  have  often  changed,  their  physical  type  has  prob- 
ably remained  unaltered.  It  is  natural  to  raise  the  ques- 
tion,— What  was  that  physical  type?  It  has  not  been 
handed  down  either  in  painting  or  sculpture,  and  yet  I 
think  it  is  possible  for  us  to  recover  it.  It  stands  before 
us  to-day,  stamped  on  their  descendants  of  the  hun- 
dredth generation.  As  the  Manchu  and  Mongol  are  to- 
day, such  were  the  Jung  and  the  Ti,  co-eval  with  Assyria 


THE  TARTARS  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  425 


and  Babylon.  The  beautiful  Aleuta,  the  hapless  consort 
of  the  late  emperor,  was  a Mongol.  Her  grandfather, 
the  Grand  Secretary  Sai  Shang  A,  having  failed  to  sup- 
press the  Tai-ping  Rebellion,  was  thrown  into  prison 
and  condemned  to  death.  His  son,  Ch'ung  Ch'i,  begged 
to  share  his  fate,  and  tenderly  served  him  in  his  con- 
finement.— an  act  of  filial  piety  which  was  subsequently 
rewarded  by  bis  elevation  to  the  dignity  of  Chuang  Yuan, 
or  Scholar  Laureate  of  the  Empire.  So  eminent  is  this 
grade  that  his  daughter  was  deemed  a fit  consort  for  the 
late  Emperor  Tung  Chih.  For  two  short  years  she  en- 
joyed her  brilliant  position,  when,  the  Emperor  dying, 
she  refused  food  and  followed  him  into  the  world  of 
spirits. 

More  than  two  thousand  years  ago,  other  princes  were 
captivated  by  tbe  beauty  of  the  daughters  of  the  desert. 
The  barbarians  of  those  times  were  probably  not  inferior 
to  tbe  Chinese  in  form,  feature,  or  natural  intelligence, 
as  their  descendants  are  not  inferior  in  any  of  these 
respects.  Indeed  Chinese,  Manchus,  and  Mongols,  as  we 
see  them  in  the  city  of  Peking,  are  not  distinguishable 
except  by  some  peculiarity  of  costume. 

Were  they  originally  of  one  mould,  or  have  the  lines 
of  distinction  become  gradually  effaced  by  the  intercourse 
of  ages?  The  latter  is,  we  think,  the  correct  hypothesis. 
The  primitive  Chinese  type,  that  imported  by  the  immi- 
grants who  founded  the  civilization  of  China,  is,  we  be- 
lieve, no  longer  to  be  discerned.  In  the  southern  and 
central  region,  it  has  everywhere  been  modified  by  com- 
bination with  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  leading  to  pro- 
vincial characteristics,  which  the  practiced  eye  can  easily 
recognize.  It  has  undergone,  we  think,  a similar  modifi- 
cation in  the  northern  belt.  It  met  here  with  tribes  akin  to 
those  of  Mongolia,  and  gradually  absorbed  them,  and 


426 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


to  this  combination  are  probably  due  the  height  and 
the  stalwart  physique  of  the  Northern  Chinese. 

This  process  was  going  on  in  pre-historic  times. 
History,  at  its  earliest  dawn,  shows  us  unassimilated  frag- 
ments of  those  tribes  existing  among  the  Northern  Chi- 
nese. It  also  discloses  a vast  southward  movement  of  the 
outside  barbarians,  checked  for  a time  by  the  Great  Wall, 
only  to  be  renewed  on  a more  stupendous  scale.  We  have 
seen  how  small  bodies  infiltrated  through  every  channel ; 
we  have  also  seen  how,  organized  into  great  States,  they 
established  in  China  a dominion  enduring  for  centuries. 
We  are  inclined  to  believe  that  they  have  stamped  their 
impress  on  the  people  of  North  China  as  thoroughly 
as  the  Saxons  have  theirs  on  the  people  of  England,  or  the 
Vandals  theirs  on  that  part  of  Spain  which  still  bears 
their  name  in  the  form  of  Andalusia. 

The  former  have  made  the  language  of  the  English 
essentially  Germanic ; and  the  language  of  northern  China 
has  been  profoundly  modified  by  Tartar  influence.  Hence 
we  are  told  by  Dr.  Edkins  that  the  ancient  Chinese  pro- 
nunciation is  only  to  be  found  in  the  Southern  provinces, 
where  in  fact  we  should  look  for  it,  in  the  region  least 
affected  by  the  tide  of  invasion. 

If  you  inquire  for  the  influences  to  which  the  invaders 
have  in  their  turn  been  subjected,  we  answer  that,  in  all 
ages,  they  have  exchanged  barbarism  for  such  civilization 
as  they  found  among  the  more  cultivated  race. 


XXII 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA 

THE  treaties, by  which  China  has  been  brought  into 
closer  relations  with  the  nations  of  the  West,  and 
especially  the  establishment  of  intercourse  by 
means  of  permanent  embassies,  have  led  Chinese  states- 
men to  turn  their  attention  to  the  subject  of  International 
Law.* 

For  them,  it  is  a new  study,  involving  conceptions 
which  it  would  hardly  have  been  possible  for  their  pred- 
ecessors to  form  at  any  time  in  the  course  of  the  last 
two  thousand  years ; though,  as  we  shall  endeavor  to 
show,  they  possessed  something  answering  to  it  in  their 
earlier  history. 

Their  modern  history  commences  two  centuries  before 
the  Christian  era  ; and,  for  our  purpose,  it  may  be  divided 
into  three  periods.  The  first,  extending  from  the  epoch 
of  the  Punic  wars  down  to  the  discovery  of  the  route  to 
the  Indies  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope ; the  second,  com- 
prehending three  centuries  and  a half  of  restricted  com- 
mercial intercourse ; the  third,  commencing  with  the  so- 
called  “ opium  war,”  in  1839,  and  covering  the  sixty  years 
of  treaty  relations. 

During  the  first,  the  Chinese  were  as  little  affected 
by  the  convulsions  that  shook  the  western  world  as  if 

* The  works  of  Wheaton,  Woolsey,  Bluntschli,  and  others,  on 
this  subject,  have  been  translated  for  their  use  by  the  author 
of  this  book. 


427 


428 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


they  had  belonged  to  another  planet.  During  the  second, 
they  became  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  principal  States 
of  modern  Europe;  but  the  light  that  reached  them  was 
not  yet  sufficient  to  reveal  the  magnitude  and  importance 
of  those  far-off  powers.  Within  the  last  period  the  open- 
ing of  the  Suez  Canal  and  the  construction  of  the  Trans- 
Siberian  Railway  have  brought  them  into  what  they 
regard  as  a dangerous  proximity  to  formidable  neighbors. 
And  the  rude  experiences  of  five  wars,  each  increasing  in 
intensity  until  China  was  pitted  against  the  world,  have 
made  them  acquainted  with  the  military  strength  of  Euro- 
pean nations. 

Such  are  the  steps  by  which  China  has  been  led  to 
accept  intercourse  on  a footing  of  equality  with  nations 
which,  for  three  centuries,  she  had  been  accustomed  to 
class  with  her  own  tributaries. 

Her  tributaries  included  all  the  petty  States  of  Eastern 
Asia.  Attracted  partly  by  community  of  letters  and 
religion,  and  partly  by  commercial  interest,  but  more, 
perhaps,  by  the  moral  effect  of  her  national  greatness, 
they  rendered  a voluntary  homage  to  the  master  of  a 
realm  so  vast  that,  like  Rome  of  old,  it  has  always  called 
itself  by  a title  equivalent  to  orbis  terrarum.  These  vassal 
States  had  few  relations  with  each  other,  and  it  was  not 
to  be  expected  that  China,  acknowledging  nothing  like 
reciprocity  in  her  intercourse  with  them,  should  learn 
from  them  the  idea  of  a community  of  nations  possessed 
of  equal  rights. 

For  twenty  • centuries  she  had  presented  to  her  own 
people,  as  well  as  to  her  dependent  neighbors,  the  im- 
posing spectacle  of  an  empire  unrivaled  in  extent,  whose 
unity  had  been  broken  only  by  rare  intervals  of  revolution 
or  anarchy.  During  this  long  period,  it  was  no  more 
possible  that  an  international  code  should  spring  up  in 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


429 

China  than  it  would  have  been  for  such  a tiling  to  appear 
in  Europe,  had  the  Roman  empire  remained  undivided 
until  the  present  day.  The  requisite  conditions  were 
wanting.  Where  they  exist,  a code  based  upon  usage, 
and  moie  or  less  developed,  comes  into  being  by  the 
necessities  of  the  human  mind. 

These  conditions  are: 

1st.— The  existence  of  a group  of  independent  States  so  situ- 
ated as  to  require  or  favour  the  maintenance  of 
friendly  intercourse; 

2nd. — That  those  States  should  be  so  related  as  to  conduct 
their  intercourse  on  a basis  of  equality. 

If  these  conditions  were  conspicuously  absent  under 
the  consolidated  empire,  they  were  no  less  obviously 
present  in  the  preceding  period,  accompanied  by  every 
circumstance  that  could  favor  the  development  of  an 
international  code. 

The  vast  domain  of  China  proper  was  at  that  epoch 
divided  between  a number  of  independent  principalities, 
whose  people  were  of  one  blood,  possessors  of  a common 
civilization  already  much  advanced,  and  united  by  the 
additional  bond  of  a common  language. 

These  conditions  concurred  in  ancient  Greece,  and  the 
result  was  a rudimentary  code,  culminating  in  the  Am- 
phictyonic  Council, — a provision  for  settling  international 
disputes,  which  suggests  comparison  with  the  “ concert  ” 
of  European  powers. 

In  ancient  China,  the  conditions  are  similar,  but  the 
scale  of  operation  is  vastly  more  extended.  There  is, 
moreover,  another  important  difference.  The  Chinese 
States  were  not,  like  those  of  Greece,  a cluster  of  de- 
tached tribes  who  had  together  emerged  from  barbarism, 
without  any  well-defined  political  connection ; they  were 


43° 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  fragments  of  a disintegrated  empire,  inheriting  its 
laws  and  civilization,  as  the  States  of  modern  Europe 
inherited  those  of  Rome. 

The  period  during  which  they  rose  and  fell  was  the 
latter  half  of  the  dynasty  of  Chou,  pretty  nearly  cor- 
responding to  that  extending  from  the  birth  of  Solon  to 
the  close  of  the  first  century  after  the  death  of  Alexander, 
which  in  China,  as  in  Greece,  was  an  age  of  intense 
political  activity.  The  normal  form  of  government  for 
the  empire  was  the  feudal,  the  archetype  of  that  which 
prevailed  in  Japan  until  it  was  swept  away  by  the  revo- 
lution of  1868.  The  several  States  were  created  by  the 
voluntary  subdivision  of  the  national  domain  by  the 
founder  of  the  dynasty,  who,  like  Charlemagne,  by  this 
arrangement  planted  within  it  the  seeds  of  its  destruction. 

The  throne  of  each  State  being  hereditary,  a feeling 
of  independence  soon  began  to  spring  up.  The  emperors 
were  at  first  able  to  preserve  order  by  force;  and,  even 
when  shorn  of  their  power,  their  court,  like  that  of  the 
Holy  See  in  the  Middle  Ages,  continued  for  a long  time  to 
serve  as  a court  of  appeal  for  the  adjustment  of  interna- 
tional difficulties.  At  length,  losing  all  respect  for  au- 
thority, the  feudal  princes  threw  off  the  semblance  of 
subjection,  and  pursued  without  restraint  the  objects  of 
their  private  ambition.  This  age  is  called  by  the  native 
historians  chan  kuo,  or  that  of  the  “ warring  States ; ” 
and  that  which  preceded  it,  characterized  by  orderly  and 
pacific  intercourse,  is  described  as  lieh  kuo,  or  the  family 
of  “ co-ordinated  States.” 

A family  of  States,  with  such  an  arena  and  such 
antecedents,  could  hardly  fail  to  develop,  in  the  inter- 
course of  peace  and  war,  a system  of  usages  which  might 
be  regarded  as  constituting  for  them  a body  of 
international  laws. 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


431 


Accordingly,  if  we  turn  to  the  history  of  the  period, 
in  quest  of  such  an  indigenous  system,  we  shall  find,  if 
not  the  system  itself,  at  least  the  evidence  of  its  existence. 
We  find,  as  we  have  said,  a family  of  States,  many  of 
them  as  extensive  as  the  great  States  of  western  Europe, 
united  by  the  ties  of  race,  literature,  and  religion,  carrying 
on  an  active  intercourse,  commercial  and  political,  which, 
without  some  recognized  Jus  gentium,  would  have  been 
impracticable.  We  find  the  interchange  of  embassies, 
with  forms  of  courtesy,  indicative  of  an  elaborate  civiliza- 
tion. We  find  treaties  solemnly  drawn  up  and  deposited 
for  safe  keeping  in  a sacred  place  called  Meng  Fu.  We 
find  a balance  of  power  studied  and  practised,  leading  to 
combinations  to  check  the  aggressions  of  the  strong  and 
to  protect  the  rights  of  the  weak.  We  find  the  rights  of 
neutrals  to  a certain  extent  recognized  and  respected. 
Finally,  we  find  a class  of  men  devoted  to  diplomacy  as  a 
profession,*  though,  to  say  the  truth,  their  diplomacy  was 
not  unlike  that  which  was  practised  by  the  States  of 
Italy  in  the  days  of  Machiavelli. 

No  formal  text-book,  containing  the  rules  which  for 
so  many  centuries  controlled  this  complicated  intercourse, 
has  come  down  to  our  times.  If  such  writings  ever 
existed,  they  probably  perished  in  the  “ conflagration  of 
the  books,”  which  sheds  such  a lurid  light  on  the  memory 
of  the  builder  of  the  Great  Wall.  The  membra  disjecta 
of  such  an  international  code  as  we  have  supposed  are, 
however,  to  be  found  profusely  scattered  over  the  litera- 
ture of  those  times, — in  the  writings  of  Confucius  and 
Mencius ; in  those  of  other  philosophers  of  the  last  five 
centuries  b.  c.  ; in  various  historical  records ; and  par- 
ticularly in  the  Chou  Li,  or  Rites  of  the  Chou  dynasty. 

The  day  may  perhaps  come  when  some  Chinese  Grotius 
* See  next  chapter. 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


432 

will  gather  up  these  desultory  hints  as  carefully  as  the 
illustrious  Hollander  did  the  traces  of  international  usages 
in  Greece  and  Italy.  To  make  even  a partial  collection  of 
the  passages  in  Chinese  writers  relating  to  this  subject, 
would  neither  come  within  the  scope  nor  the  compass 
of  the  present  chapter.  All  that  I propose  to  myself,  in 
addition  to  indicating,  as  I have  done,  the  existence  be- 
tween the  States  of  ancient  China  of  a peculiar  system  of 
consuetudinary  law,  is  to  make  a few  citations  confirma- 
tory of  the  views  expressed,  and  throwing  light  on  some 
of  the  more  interesting  of  the  topics  to  which  I have 
adverted. 

The  clearest  view  of  the  public  law  which  was  ac- 
knowledged by  this  group  of  States,  after  they  became  in- 
dependent, is  undoubtedly  to  be  sought  for  in  their  rela- 
tions to  each  other  while  subject  to  a common  suzerain. 

The  greater  States  were  twelve  in  number,  and  for  ages 
that  distribution  of  territory  was  regarded  as  no  less 
permanent  than  the  order  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  It  was 
consecrated  by  the  science  of  astronomy  as  it  then  existed, 
and  an  ancient  map  of  the  heavens  gives  us  a duodecimal 
division,  with  the  stars  of  each  portion  formally  set  apart 
to  preside  over  the  destinies  of  a corresponding  portion  of 
the  empire. 

The  names  of  the  twelve  great  States  may  also  be  seen 
inscribed  on  the  horizon  of  an  azimuth  instrument,  made 
under  the  Mongol  dynasty,  circa  1320,  and  still  preserved 
in  the  Observatory  of  Peking.  What  can  better  illustrate 
the  depth  of  the  sentiment  connected  with  this  territorial 
division  than  the  fact  that  such  a souvenir,  associating 
it  with  the  unchanging  heavens,  should  be  reproduced  in 
the  construction  of  an  astronomical  instrument  fifteen 
centuries  after  the  last  of  those  States  had  ceased  to 
exist ! 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


433 


Confucius  appears  to  allude  to  this  in  a beautiful 
passage  in  which  he  compares  the  emperor,  or  the  wise 
man — for  the  words  have  a double  sense — to  the  polar 
star,  which  sits  unmoved  on  its  central  throne,  while  all 
the  constellations  revolve  around  it.  Could  anything  be 
devised  more  effectual  than  this  alliance  of  geography  and 
astrology,  to  place  the  territorial  rights  of  the  several 
States  under  the  safeguard  of  religion?  More  picturesque 
than  the  Roman  method  of  placing  the  boundaries  under 
the  care  of  a special  divinity,  it  was  probably  more  effi- 
cacious, and  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  maintain 
the  equilibrium  of  a naturally  unstable  system,  during  a 
period  which,  in  the  West  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of 
the  Babylonian,  Persian,  and  Greek  empires,  entailing  the 
complete  obliteration  of  most  of  their  minor  divisions. 

These  twelve  States  had  a great  number  of  lesser  prin- 
cipalities dependent  on  them,  the  whole  constituting  a 
political  organization  as  multifarious  and  complex  as 
that  which  existed  in  Germany  under  the  sway  of  the 
“ Holy  Roman  Empire.”  As  in  mediaeval  Europe,  the 
chiefs  of  these  States  were  ranked  with  respect  to  nobility 
in  five  orders,  answering  to  duke,  marquis,  earl,  viscount, 
and  baron,  the  inferior  depending  on  the  superior,  but  all 
paying  homage  to  the  Son  of  Heaven,  a title  which  was, 
even  at  that  early  period,  applied  to  the  Emperor,  who 
had  a right,  for  the  common  good,  to  command  the  serv- 
ice of  all.  In  the  annals  of  Lu,  we  find  the  following 
curious  entry : 

“ In  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign,  the  Duke  met  in 
conference  at  Kuei  Chiu  the  Duke  of  Chou,  the  Marquis 
of  Chi,  the  Viscount  of  Sung,  the  Marquis  of  Wei,  the 
Earl  of  Cheng,  the  Baron  of  Hsu,  and  the  Earl  of  Tsao.” 

We  note  here  the  presence  of  all  the  five  orders.  The 
commentary  of  Tso,  we  may  add,  states  the  object  of 


434 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  meeting  as  “ the  formation  of  a league  and  the  pro- 
motion of  friendly  relations  in  accordance  with  authorized 
usage.” 

The  authorized  usages  here  referred  to  constituted  the 
basis  of  the  international  law  of  the  time.  They  were  con- 
tained in  part  in  the  Chou  Li,  or  Rites  of  the  Chou  dynasty, 
published  by  imperial  authority  about  1100  B.  c.,  and,  in  a 
somewhat  mutilated  form,  extant  at  the  present  day.  This 
Code  defines  the  orders  of  nobility ; prescribes  a sump- 
tuary law  for  each,  extending  even  to  their  rites  of  sepul- 
ture ; regulates  the  part  of  each  in  the  public  sacrifices ; 
and  lays  down  a form  of  etiquette  to  be  observed  in  all 
their  public  meetings.  It  gives  in  detail  the  hierarchy 
of  officers,  civil  and  military ; indicates  their  functions ; 
fixes  the  weights  and  measures,  the  mode  of  collecting 
the  revenue,  and  the  modes  of  punishment ; and  all  this 
mixed  up  with  an  infinitude  of  ceremonial  detail  which  to 
us  appears  the  reverse  of  business-like,  but  which  was 
no  doubt  as  well  adapted  to  the  character  of  the  ancient 
Chinese  as  was  the  ritualistic  legislation  of  Moses  to  that 
of  the  Hebrews. 

Primarily  obligatory  on  the  immediate  subjects  of  the 
imperial  house,  this  Code  was,  secondarily,  binding  on 
all  the  vassals  of  the  empire,  by  all  of  whom  it  was 
adopted  in  the  minutest  particulars,  with  the  single  ex- 
ception of  the  State  of  Ch‘in,  in  the  extreme  northwest,  a 
State  which  obstinately  adhered  to  the  ritual  and  etiquette 
of  the  earlier  dynasty  of  Shang,  and,  cherishing  a spirit 
of  alienation,  became  the  secret  foe  and  ultimately  the 
destroyer  of  the  imperial  house. 

With  this  exception,  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  sev- 
eral States  were  so  uniform — all  being  copied  from  a 
common  model — that  there  was  little  occasion  for  the  cul- 
tivation of  that  branch  of  international  jurisprudence, 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


435 

which  in  modern  times  has  become  so  prominent  under 
the  title  of  the  “ conflict  of  laws.” 

Ideas  derived  from  the  feudal  system  were  so  inter- 
woven with  every  part  of  this  complicated  legislation  that 
its  general  acceptance  formed  the  mainstay  of  the  im- 
perial throne.  The  great  princes  styled  themselves 
vassals,  though  as  independent  as  some  of  China’s  mod- 
ern vassals,  and,  like  these  latter,  paying  formal  homage 
only  once  in  five  or  ten  years.*  They  accordingly  looked 
up  to  the  emperor  as  the  fountain  of  honor,  and  the 
supreme  authority  in  all  questions  of  ceremony,  if  not  in 
questions  of  right. 

Of  this  moral  ascendency,  for  which  we  can  find  no 
parallel  better  than  the  veneration  which,  in  the  Middle 
Ages  nearly  all  Christian  sovereigns  were  wont  to  show 
to  the  Holy  See,  we  have  a remarkable  example  in  the 
Kuo  Yu.  The  emperor,  Hsiang  Wang,  651  b.  c.,  being 
driven  by  a domestic  revolt  from  his  territories — a small 
district  in  the  center  of  the  empire,  which  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  Pontifical  States  recently  absorbed  by  the 
kingdom  of  Italy — was  restored  to  his  throne  by  the  pow- 
erful intervention  of  the  Duke  of  Ch'in.  In  recompense 
for  such  a signal  service,  the  emperor  offered  him  a slice 
of  land.  The  duke  declined  it,f  and  asked,  instead,  that 
he  might  be  permitted  to  construct  his  tomb  after  the 
model  of  the  imperial  mausoleum.  The  emperor,  viewing 
this  apparently  modest  request  as  a dangerous  assump- 
tion. promptly  refused  it,  and  the  duke  was  compelled  to 
abide  by  the  recognized  Code  of  Rites. 

The  possession  of  this  common  Code,  originating  in 

* A decennial  tribute  mission  from  Burmah  is  solemnly  prom- 
ised in  a treaty  with  Great  Britain. 

t According  to  some  of  the  histories,  he  finally  accepted  it, 
when  balked  in  his  loftier  aspirations. 


436 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  will  of  a common  suzerain,  contributed  to  maintain 
for  nearly  a thousand  years  among  the  States  of  China, 
discordant  and  belligerent  as  they  often  were,  a bond  of 
sympathy  in  strong  contrast  with  the  feelings  they  mani- 
fested toward  all  nations  not  comprehended  within  the 
pale  of  their  own  civilization.  When,  for  instance,  the 
Tartars  of  the  north-west  presented  themselves  at  the 
court  of  Ch’in,  requesting  a treaty  of  peace  and 
amity,  and  humbly  offered  to  submit  to  be  treated  as 
vassals  of  the  more  enlightened  power, — “ Amity,”  ex- 
claimed the  prince,  “ what  do  they  know  of  amity  ? The 
barbarous  savages ! Give  them  war  as  the  portion  due  to 
our  natural  enemies.”  Nor  was  it  until  his  minister 
had  produced  five  solid  reasons  for  a pacific  policy  that 
the  haughty  prince  consented  to  accept  them  as  vassals. 

In  the  history  of  those  times,  the  curtain  rises  on  a 
scene  of  peaceful  intercourse  which,  in  many  ways,  im- 
plies a basis  of  public  law.  Merchants  are  held  in  esteem, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  disciples  of  Con- 
fucius belonging  to  that  class ; and  a rivalry  subsists  be- 
tween the  several  princes  in  attracting  them  to  their 
States.  Their  wares  are  subjected  to  tolls  and  customs; 
but  the  object  is  revenue,  not  protection. 

The  commerce  of  mind  reveals  relations  of  a still  more 
intimate  character.  The  schools  of  one  State  are  often 
largely  frequented  by  students  from  another;  and  those 
who  make  the  greatest  proficiency  are  readily  taken  into 
the  service  of  foreign  princes.  Philosophers  and  political 
reformers  travel  from  court  to  court,  in  quest  of  patron- 
age. Confucius  himself  wanders  over  half  the  empire, 
and  draws  disciples  from  all  the  leading  principalities. 

A century  later,  Mencius,  with  the  spirit  of  a Hebrew 
prophet,  proclaims  in  more  than  one  capital  his  great 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


437 

message  that  “ the  only  foundation  of  national  prosperity 
is  justice  and  charity.” 

It  was  to  this  kind  of  intercourse  that  Ch'in,  the  rising 
power  of  the  North-west,  was  indebted  for  the  ascend- 
ency which  it  slowly  acquired  in  the  affairs  of  the  empire, 
and  which  eventually  placed  its  princes  in  possession  of 
the  imperial  throne,  its  rulers  having  adopted  the  policy 
of  seeking  the  best  talent  of  neighboring  States  for  viziers 
and  generals. 

The  personal  intercourse  of  sovereign  princes  forms  a 
striking  feature  in  the  history  of  those  times.  Their 
frequent  interchange  of  visits  indicates  a degree  of  mu- 
tual confidence  which  speaks  volumes  for  the  public  senti- 
ment. Confidence  was,  indeed,  sometimes  abused,  as  it 
has  been  in  other  countries ; but  such  intercourse  was  al- 
ways characterized  by  courtesy,  and  mostly  by  good  faith. 

On  one  occasion,  when  a powerful  prince  came  with  a 
great  retinue  to  visit  the  Duke  of  Lu,  Confucius,  who 
was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  adopted  such  precau- 
tions, and  conducted  the  interviews  with  such  adroitness, 
that  he  not  only  averted  what  was  believed  to  be  a danger, 
but  induced  the  foreign  prince  to  restore  a territory  which 
he  had  unjustly  appropriated. 

A visit  of  the  Duke  of  Ch’in  to  the  Duke  of  Lu  may 
be  mentioned,  as  illustrating  the  freedom  and  familiarity 
which  sometimes  marked  this  princely  intercourse.  The 
host  accompanied  his  guest  as  far  as  the  Yellow  River. 
The  latter,  learning  during  a parting  entertainment  that 
the  former  had  not  yet  received  the  Kuan  li  * — a rite  an- 

* Kuan  li — literally  the  “ cap  ceremony  ” — the  formal  assump- 
tion by  a youth  of  a kind  of  cap  distinctive  of  mature  age. 
Now  completely  disused,  this  was  formerly  one  of  the  “ four 
great  rites,”  and  the  references  to  it  in  the  ancient  books  remind 


438 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


swering  in  the  case  of  nobles  somewhat  to  the  conferring 
of  knighthood — offered,  then  and  there,  to  confer  it.  It 
was  objected  that  the  means  were  wanting  for  perform- 
ing the  ceremony  with  due  solemnity ; and  the  capital 
of  Wei  being  nearer  than  his  own,  the  Duke  of  Lu  pro- 
posed to  proceed  thither  for  the  purpose.  They  did  so, 
and  the  rite  was  celebrated  with  suitable  pomp  in  a temple 
borrowed  for  the  occasion. 

General  meetings  of  the  princes  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  or  renewing  treaties  of  alliance  were  of  frequent 
occurrence.  Embracing  what  were  then  regarded  as 
all  the  leading  powers  of  the  earth,  these  meetings  present 
a distant,  but  not  faint,  parallel  to  the  great  congresses 
of  European  sovereigns. 

The  more  usual  form  of  friendly  intercourse  between 
the  States  of  China  was,  as  elsewhere,  by  means  of 
envoys. 

The  person  of  an  envoy  was  sacred ; but  instances  are 
not  wanting  of  their  arrest  and  execution.  In  the  latter 
case,  they  were  regarded  as  spies,  and  the  punishment 
inflicted  on  them  was  considered  as  a declaration  or  act 
of  war.  In  the  former,  the  violence  was  sometimes  de- 
fended on  the  ground  that  the  envoy  had  undertaken  to 
pass  through  the  territory  into  a neighboring  State  with- 
out having  first  obtained  a passport,  his  visit  being  at 
the  same  time  held  to  have  a hostile  object.  Ordinarily, 
an  envoy  was  treated  with  scrupulous  courtesy,  the  cere- 
monial varying  according  to  his  own  rank,  or  that  of  his 
sovereign.  Questions  of  precedence,  which  often  arose, 
were  decided  according  to  settled  principles ; but  the  rules 

us  of  the  pomp  with  which  the  toga  virilis  was  assumed  by 
patrician  youth  at  Rome.  Still,  as  between  nobles,  I can  think 
of  no  better  analogy  than  that  given  in  the  text. 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


439 


were  by  no  means  as  clear  and  simple  as  those  enacted  by 
the  Congress  of  Vienna. 

A dispute  of  this  kind  arising  between  the  envoys  of 
two  duchies  at  the  court  of  Lu,  one  claimed  precedence  on 
the  ground  that  his  State  was  more  ancient  than  the 
other.  The  minister  of  the  latter  replied  that  his  sover- 
eign was  more  nearly  related  to  the  imperial  family.  The 
.difficulty  was  happily  terminated  without  bloodshed, 
which  was  not  always  the  case  with  such  quarrels  in 
Europe  prior  to  1815.  The  master  of  ceremonies  re- 
minded the  litigants  that  the  placing  of  guests  belongs  to 
the  host,  and  gave  preference  to  the  kinsman  of  the 
emperor. 

Insults  to  envoys  were  not  unfrequently  avenged  by 
an  appeal  to  arms.  Of  this,  a notable  instance  was  an 
insult  given  by  the  Prince  of  Chi,  at  one  and  the  same 
time,  to  the  representatives  of  four  powers. 

These  envoys  arriving  simultaneously,  it  was  observed 
by  some  wag  (the  court  fool,  perhaps)  that  each  was 
marked  by  a blemish  or  deformity  in  his  personal  ap- 
pearance. One  was  blind  of  an  eye ; a second  was  bald ; 
another  was  lame ; and  the  last  was  a dwarf.  It  was  sug- 
gested to  the  duke  that  a little  innocent  amusement  might 
be  made  out  of  this  strange  coincidence.  The  prince, 
acting  on  the  hint,  appointed  as  attendant  or  introducteur 
to  each  ambassador  an  officer  who  suffered  from  the 
same  defect.  The  court  ladies,  who,  concealed  by  cur- 
tains of  thin  gauze,  witnessed  the  ceremony  of  introduc- 
tion and  the  subsequent  banquet,  laughed  aloud  when 
they  saw  the  blind  leading  the  blind,  and  the  dwarfs,  the 
bald,  and  the  lame,  walking  in  pairs.  The  envoys,  hear- 
ing the  merriment,  became  aware  that  they  had  been  made 
involuntary  actors  in  a comedy.  They  retired,  vowing 


440 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


vengeance,  and  the  next  year  saw  the  capital  of  Chi  be- 
leaguered by  the  combined  forces  of  the  four  powers, 
which  were  only  induced  to  withdraw  by  the  most  hu- 
miliating concessions  on  the  part  of  the  young  prince, 
who,  too  late,  repented  his  indecent  levity.* 

In  the  history  of  Tso,  we  find  a rule  for  the  sending  of 
envoys,  which  has  its  parallel  in  the  diplomatic  usage  of 
modern  nations.  Speaking  of  a mission  to  a neighboring 
State,  he  adds : “ This  was  in  accordance  with  usage.  In 
all  cases  where  a new  prince  comes  to  the  throne,  envoys 
are  sent  to  the  neighboring  States  to  confirm  and  extend 
the  friendly  relations  maintained  by  his  predecessor.” 

The  highest  function  of  an  envoy  was  the  negotiation  of 
a treaty.  Treaties  of  all  kinds  known  to  modern  diplo- 
macy were  in  use  in  ancient  China.  Signed  with  solemn 
formalities,  and  confirmed  by  an  oath, — the  parties  ming- 
ling their  blood  in  a cup  of  wine,  or  laying  their  hands 
on  the  head  of  an  ox  to  be  offered  in  sacrifice, — such 
documents  were  carefully  treasured  up  in  a sacred  place 
called  Meng  Fu,  the  “ Palace  of  Treaties.” 

We  are  able  to  give,  by  way  of  specimen,  the  outlines 
of  a treaty  between  the  Prince  of  Cheng  and  a coalition  of 
princes  who  invaded  his  territories  in  544  b.  c. 

PREAMBLE: — The  parties  to  the  present  Treaty  agree  to  the 
following  Articles: 

Article  I. — The  exportation  of  corn  shall  not  be  prohibited. 

Article  II. — One  party  shall  not  monopolize  trade  to  the  dis- 

advantage of  others. 

* This  story  is  derived  from  a comparison  of  the  three  lead- 
ing historians  of  the  period,  who  differ  only  in  unimportant  de- 
tails. In  an  amplified  form,  it  is  to  be  seen  on  the  boards  of 
Chinese  theaters  at  the  present  day.  The  Chinese  theater,  like 
that  of  Greece,  is,  for  an  illiterate  public,  the  chief  teacher  of 
ancient  history. 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


441 


Article  III. — No  one  shall  give  protection  to  conspiracies 
directed  against  the  others. 

Article  IV. — Fugitives  from  justice  shall  be  surrendered. 
Article  V. — Mutual  succor  shall  be  given  in  case  of  famine. 

Article  VI. — Mutual  aid  shall  be  given  in  case  of  insurrection. 
Article  VII. — The  contracting  powers  shall  have  the  same 
friends  and  the  same  enemies. 

Article  VIII. — We  all  engage  to  support  the  Imperial  House. 


RATIFICATION  OATH. — We  engage  to  maintain  inviolate 
the  terms  of  the  foregoing  Agreement.  May  the  gods  of  the  hills 
and  rivers,  the  spirits  of  former  emperors  and  dukes,  and  the  an- 
cestors of  our  seven  tribes  and  twelve  states,  watch  over  its  fulfil- 
ment. If  any  one  prove  unfaithful,  may  the  all-seeing  gods  smite 
him,  so  that  his  people  shall  forsake  him,  his  life  be  lost,  and  his 
posterity  be  cut  off. 


The  outline  of  a similar  convention  is  given  by 
Mencius.  On  that  occasion,  the  great  barons  were  called 
together  by  Hsiao  Po,  Prince  of  Ch‘i,  for  the  purpose  of 
effecting  needful  reforms  in  651  b.  c.  Being  a century 
earlier  than  the  other,  it  is  instructive  to  compare  the 
two  documents.  While  in  that  of  later  date  the  Imperial 
authority  is  so  far  gone  that  the  barons  engage  to  uphold 
the  Imperial  House,  in  the  earlier  compact  the  authority 
of  the  Suzerain  is  fully  recognized, — each  article  of  the 
convention  being  styled  an  “ Ordinance  ” of  the 
Emperor. 

That  his  hold  on  his  vassals  was  already  much  weak- 
ened is,  however,  evident  from  the  provisions  that  they 
are  not  to  exercise  certain  powers  of  sovereignty  in  the 
way  of  rewards  and  punishments,  without  at  least  formal 
reference  to  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.” 

The  stipulations  are  partly  in  favor  of  good  morals, 
and  partly  to  facilitate  intercourse,  and  to  raise  the  char- 
acter of  the  official  hierarchy. 


442 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


Article  I. — To  punish  the  unfilial ; not  to  change  the  succes- 

sion to  the  throne  (of  any  state)  ; and  not  to 
raise  a concubine  to  be  a wife. 

Article  II. — To  respect  the  virtues  and  cherish  talent. 

Article  III. — To  honor  the  aged  and  to  be  kind  to  the  young, 
and  not  to  neglect  strangers. 

Article  IV. — Officers  not  to  be  hereditary ; proxies  not  to  be 
permitted.  Suitable  men  to  be  sought  and  found. 
Death  not  to  be  inflicted  on  nobles  without  refer- 
ence to  the  Emperor. 

Article  V. — Not  to  divert  water-courses,  nor  obstruct  the 
transport  of  grain.  Not  to  grant  land  in  fief 
without  reference  to  the  Emperor. 

CONCLUSION. — All  we  who  are  parties  to  this  Covenant 
agree  to  be  at  peace  with  each  other. 

“ These  five  rules,”  adds  the  philosopher,  “ are  openly 
violated  by  the  nobles  of  our  day.” 

In  addition  to  the  rites  of  religion  by  which  such  en- 
gagements were  ratified,  they  were  usually  secured  by 
sanctions  of  a less  sentimental  character.  As  in  the 
West,  hostages  or  other  material  guarantees  were  given 
in  pledge ; sometimes  also  they  were  guaranteed  by  third 
parties,  who,  directly  or  indirectly  interested,  engaged  to 
punish  a breach  of  faith.  We  have,  for  instance,  one 
prince,  demanding  the  mother  of  another  as  a hostage. 
The  case  is  instructive  in  more  than  one  of  its  aspects. 
The  Prince  of  Ch‘in,  calling  on  the  Prince  of  Chi  to 
recognize  him  as  his  chief,  and  to  surrender  his  mother 
as  a pledge  of  submission,  the  latter  replies  that  his 
State  was  created  the  peer  of  the  other  by  the  will  of  the 
former  emperors,  and  that  one  who  would  despise  the 
patent  of  an  emperor  was  not  fit  to  be  the  head  of  a 
League.  As  to  the  demand  for  his  mother  as  a hostage, 
that  was  a proposition  so  monstrous  that,  rather  than 
submit  to  it,  he  would  meet  the  enemy  under  the  walls 
of  his  last  fortress. 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


443 


At  this  point,  the  affair  takes  a turn  which  serves  to 
illustrate  a procedure  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
history  of  those  times.  The  princes  of  two  neighboring 
States  come  forward  as  mediators,  and  bring  about  an 
accommodation  on  less  oppressive  conditions. 

The  more  enlightened  writers  of  Chinese  antiquity 
condemn  the  practice  of  exchanging  hostages,  as  tending 
to  keep  up  a state  of  quasi  hostility  and  mutual  mistrust. 
No  writers  of  any  nation  have  been  more  emphatic  in 
insisting  on  good  faith  as  a cardinal  virtue  in  all  interna- 
tional transactions.  Says  Confucius  : — “ A man  without 
faith  is  like  a wagon  without  a coupling-pole  to  connect 
the  wheels.”  Speaking  of  a State,  he  says : — “ Of  the 
three  essentials,  the  greatest  is  good  faith.  Without  a 
revenue  and  without  an  army,  a State  may  still  exist ; but 
it  cannot  exist  without  good  faith.” 

It  remains  to  speak  of  the  intercourse  of  war.  " Inter 
hostes  scripta  jura  non  valerc  at  valcre  non  scripta  ” — 
is  a principle  that  was  as  well  understood  in  ancient 
China  as  among  the  ancient  nations  of  the  Western 
world ; and  war  in  China  was,  to  say  the  least,  not  more 
brutal  than  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 

The  command  of  Alexander  to  spare  the  house  of  the 
poet  Pindar,  if  it  shows  a degree  of  literary  culture,  indi- 
cates, on  the  other  hand,  that  moral  barbarism  which 
asserts  a right  to  the  spoils  of  the  conquered.  In  China, 
we  find  the  same  state  of  things;  vac  victis  is  the  sad 
undertone  in  every  narrative  of  military  glory,  relieved, 
indeed,  by  brilliant  instances  of  generosity  and  mercy. 
We  find  an  invading  chief  enjoining,  under  penalty  of 
death,  respect  for  the  very  trees  that  overshadow  the 
tomb  of  a philosopher,  and  at  the  same  time  setting  a 
price  on  the  head  of  a rival  prince. 

Every  military  leader  proclaims,  like  Achilles,  that 


444 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


“ laws  are  not  made  for  him ; ” yet  we  do  not  despair  of 
being  able  to  show  that  laws  existed  in  war  as  well  as  in 
peace,  even  though  they  were  systematically  trampled  on. 
With  this  view,  we  shall  call  attention  to  the  following 
facts : 

First: — In  the  conduct  of  war,  the  persons  and  prop- 
erty of  non-combatants  were  required  to  be  respected. 

This  we  infer  from  the  praise  bestowed  on  humane 
leaders,  and  the  reprobation  meted  out  to  the  cruel.  In 
Chinese  history,  the  example  of  those  who  have  achieved 
the  easiest  and  most  permanent  conquests  is  always  on 
the  side  of  humanity. 

Second: — In  legitimate  warfare,  the  rule  was  not  to 
attack  an  enemy  without  first  sounding  the  drum,  and 
giving  him  time  to  prepare  for  defense. 

The  following  instance  goes  beyond  this  require- 
ment, and  reminds  us  of  the  code  of  chivalry  which  made 
it  infamous  to  take  advantage  of  an  antagonist.  The 
Prince  of  Sung  declined  to  engage  a hostile  force  while 
they  were  crossing  a stream,  and  waited  for  them  to 
form  in  order  of  battle  before  giving  the  signal  to  ad- 
vance. He  was  beaten,  and,  when  reproached  by  his 
officers,  he  justified  himself  by  appealing  to  ancient  usage. 
“ The  true  soldier,”  said  he,  “ never  strikes  a wounded 
foe,  and  always  lets  the  gray-headed  go  free.  In  ancient 
times  it  was  forbidden  to  assail  an  enemy  who  was  not  in 
a state  to  resist.  I have  come  near  losing  my  kingdom, 
but  I would  scorn  to  command  an  attack  without  first 
sounding  the  drum.” 

We  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  the  captains  of 
that  age  “ laughed  at  the  simplicity  of  the  unfortunate 
prince.” 

After  the  battle  of  Agincourt  the  French  commander 
might  have  been  laughed  at  on  the  same  grounds.  Not 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


445 


only  did  he  allow  the  English  to  cross  the  Somme,  he  even 
sent  a message  to  the  King  asking  him  to  name  a day  for 
the  engagement. 

Third: — A war  was  not  to  be  undertaken  without  at 
least  a decent  pretext. 

These  words,  in  fact,  are  almost  a translation  of  an 
oft-quoted  maxim,  Shih  ch'u  yii  ming,  “ For  war  you 
must  have  a cause  that  may  be  named.”  This  indicates 
that  passion  and  cupidity  were  held  in  check  by  public 
opinion  pronouncing  its  judgment  in  conformity  with  an 
acknowledged  standard  of  right. 

Another  maxim,  equally  well  known,  makes  the  justice 
of  the  cause  a source  of  moral  power  which  goes  far  to 
compensate  the  inequality  of  physical  force. 

“ Soldiers  are  weak  in  a bad  cause,  but  strong  in  a 
good  one,”  said  the  ancient  Chinese,  assigning  as  high  a 
place  to  the  moral  element  as  our  own  poet,  when  he 
says, — “ Thrice  is  he  armed  who  hath  his  quarrel  just.” 

Fourth: — A cause  always  recognized  as  just  was  the 
preservation  of  the  balance  of  power. 

This  principle  called  to  arms  not  merely  the  States 
immediately  threatened,  but  those  also  which  by  their 
situation,  appeared  to  be  remote  from  danger. 

Not  to  speak  of  combinations  to  resist  the  aggressions 
of  other  disturbers  of  the  public  peace,  we  find,  320  b.  c., 
six  States  brought  into  line  to  repress  the  ambition  of 
Ch’in.  This  powerful  coalition,  the  fruit  of  twenty  years’ 
toil  on  the  part  of  one  man,  who  is  immortalized  as  the 
type  of  the  successful  negotiator,  was,  we  may  add,  after 
all  destined  to  fail  of  its  object.  The  common  enemy 
succeeded  in  detaching  the  members  of  the  league,  and 
in  overcoming  them  one  after  another.  The  arch  of 
States  which  protected  the  throne  of  their  suzerain  be- 
ing destroyed,  the  conqueror  swept  away  the  last  vestige 


446 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


of  the  house  of  Chou,  which  for  upwards  of  eight  hun- 
dred years  had  exercised  a feudal  supremacy  over  the 
princes  of  China.  Proclaiming  himself  under  the  title  of 
Shih  Huang  Ti,  the  “first  of  the  autocratic  sovereigns,” 
he  abolished  the  feudal  constitution  of  the  empire,  at  the 
same  time  that  he  completed  the  Great  Wall.  His  suc- 
cessors to  the  present  day  are  called  Huang  Ti,  and  the 
system  of  centralized  government  which  he  inaugurated 
is  as  firmly  established  as  the  Great  Wall  itself. 

Fifth : — The  right  of  existence,  prior  to  the  revolution 
just  noticed,  was,  in  general,  held  sacred  for  the  greater 
States  which  held  in  fief  from  the  Imperial  Throne. 

This  right  is  often  appealed  to,  and  proves  effectual  in 
the  direst  extremity ; e.  g., — the  Prince  of  Ch’i,  at  the 
head  of  a strong  force,  enters  Lu,  with  an  evidently 
hostile  intent.  Chan  Hsi,  a minister  of  Lu,  is  sent  to  meet 
him,  in  the  hope  of  arresting  his  progress.  “ The  people 
of  Lu  appear  to  be  very  much  alarmed  at  my  approach,” 
said  the  prince.  “ True,”  replied  the  minister,  “ the  people 
are  alarmed,  but  the  ruler  is  not.”  “ Why  is  not  the  ruler 
also,”  inquired  the  invader,  “ when  his  troops  are  in 
disorder,  and  his  magazines  as  empty  as  a bell  ? On  what 
does  he  repose  his  confidence  that  he  should  affect  to  be 
superior  to  fear?  ” 

“ He  rests  on  the  grant  which  his  fathers  received 
from  the  ancient  emperors,”  said  the  minister.  He  then 
proceeded  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  his  master,  under 
what  was  recognized  as  the  traditional  law  of  the  em- 
pire, with  such  force  that  the  prince  desisted  from  his 
purpose,  and  withdrew  without  any  further  act  of 
violence. 

A similar  instance,  it  will  be  remembered,  has  been 
cited  already  in  another  connection, — the  case  in  which 
a prince,  after  urging  in  vain  this  same  plea, — the  sacred- 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


447 


ness  of  the  imperial  grant, — was  saved  from  humiliation  or 
extinction  by  the  mediation  of  neighboring  powers,  who 
recognized  and  were  determined  to  uphold  the  principle. 

A third  example  of  the  kind  is  one  in  which  the  exist- 
ence of  the  now  feeble  remnant  of  the  imperial  domain 
was  itself  at  stake.  The  Prince  of  Ch’u,  after  a victorious 
campaign  against  other  foes,  crossed  the  Rubicon  and 
entered  the  territories  of  the  house  of  Chou,  with  the 
evident  intention  of  seizing  the  imperial  throne.  The 
emperor,  unable  to  oppose  armed  resistance,  dispatched 
Wang  Sun  Man,  one  of  his  ministers,  to  convey  a supply 
of  provisions  to  the  invading  army,  and  to  ascertain  the 
designs  of  its  leader.  The  latter  veiled  his  purpose  in 
figurative  language,  asking  to  be  informed  as  to  the 
“ weight  of  the  nine  tripods,” — insinuating  that,  if  not 
too  heavy,  he  intended  to  carry  them  away.  The  min- 
ister, without  answering  directly,  gave  the  history  of 
the  tripods,  relating  how  they  had  been  cast  in  bronze 
by  Ta  Yu,  the  founder  of  the  first  great  dynasty,  and 
emblazoned  with  a chart  of  the  empire  in  relief ; how  for 
fifteen  centuries  they  had  been  preserved  as  emblems 
of  the  imperial  dignity;  and,  exposing  in  a masterly 
manner  the  necessity  of  respect  for  that  venerable  power 
to  the  order  of  the  several  States,  he  concluded  by  saying 
— “ All  this  being  true,  why  should  Your  Highness  ask 
the  weight  of  the  tripods  ? ” 

The  chief,  struck  by  the  force  of  his  arguments,  which, 
like  the  most  effective  on  such  occasions,  were  purely 
historical,  renounced  his  nefarious  purpose,  and  retired 
to  his  own  dominions. 

Sixth: — Finally,  the  rights  of  neutrals  were  admitted, 
and  to  a certain  extent  respected. 

It  has  been  remarked  that,  in  the  wars  of  Greece,  there 
were  no  neutrals.  Those  who  desired  to  be  such,  if  they 


448 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


were  so  situated  as  to  be  of  any  weight  in  the  conflict, 
were  always  compelled  to  declare  themselves  on  one  side 
or  the  other.  This  was  not  the  case  in  China.  The  neu- 
tral frequently  rejected  the  overtures  of  both  parties,  and 
his  territories  interposed  an  effectual  barrier  in  the  way 
of  the  belligerents.  We  have  numerous  instances  of  pas- 
sage being  granted  to  troops  without  further  participation 
in  the  conflict,  and  one  case  in  which  a wise  statesman 
warns  his  master  against  the  danger  of  such  an  impru- 
dent concession.  “ In  a former  war,”  said  he,  “ you 
granted  it  to, your  detriment;  if  you  do  so  again,  it  will 
be  to  your  ruin.”  His  chief  failed  to  profit  by  the  warn- 
ing; and  the  prince  thus  unjustly  favored,  after  destroy- 
ing his  antagonist,  turned  about  and  took  possession  of 
the  territory  of  his  friend. 

CONCLUSION. 

It  is,  as  we  have  intimated,  quite  possible  that  text- 
books on  the  subject  of  international  relations  may  have 
existed  in  ancient  China,  without  coming  down  to  our 
times,  just  as  the  Greeks  had  books  on  that  subject,  of 
which  nothing  now  survives  but  their  titles.  Whether 
this  conjecture  be  well  founded  or  otherwise,  enough  re- 
mains, as  we  have  shown,  to  prove  that  the  States  of 
ancient  China  had  a Law  written  or  unwritten,  and  more 
or  less  developed,  which  they  recognized  in  peace  and 
war.  The  Book  of  Rites  and  the  Histories  of  the  period 
attest  this. 

Of  these  histories,  one  was  acknowledged  as  constitu- 
ting in  itself  a kind  of  international  code.  I allude  to  the 
Annals  of  Lu  edited  by  Confucius  and  extending  over 
two  centuries  and  a half.  Native  authors  affirm  that  the 
awards  of  praise  and  blame  expressed  in  that  work,  often 
in  a single  word,  were  accepted  as  judgments  from  which 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


449 


there  was  no  appeal,  and  exercised  a restraining  influ- 
ence more  potent  than  that  of  armies  and  navies. 

Chinese  statesmen  have  pointed  out  the  analogy  of  their 
own  country  at  that  epoch  with  the  political  divisions  of 
modem  Europe.  In  their  own  records,  they  find  usages, 
words,  and  ideas,  corresponding  to  the  terms  of  our 
modern  international  law ; and  they  are  by  that  fact  the 
more  disposed  to  accept  the  international  code  of  Christen- 
dom, which,  it  is  no  Utopian  vision  to  believe,  will  one 
day  become  a bond  of  peace  and  justice  between  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 


XXIII 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA 

INTERNATIONAL  diplomacy  is  an  art  new  to  the 
Chinese,  but  one  for  which  they  evince  a marvel- 
lous aptitude.  From  the  inquiry  on  which  we  are 
about  to  enter,  it  will,  we  think,  be  made  apparent  that 
with  them  it  is  rather  the  revival  of  a lost  art, — an  art  in 
the  creation  of  which  they  can  claim  the  distinction  of 
precedence  over  all  existing  nations. 

Under  that  famous  dynasty  of  Chou  when  sages  were 
born,  and  when  those  books  were  produced  which  rule 
the  thought  of  the  empire,  diplomacy  took  its  rise.  Akin 
to  the  spirit  of  war,  it  flourished  most  in  that  period  when 
the  central  power  had  lost  its  control,  and  vassal  states 
engaged  in  ceaseless  struggles  over  the  division  of  their 
patrimony.* 

Diplomacy  may  be  defined  as  the  art  of  conducting  the 
intercourse  of  nations.  It  supposes  the  existence  of  states 

* There  are  three  well  known  works  that  relate  to  this  period, 
viz : — 

The  History  of  the  Warring  States,  called  Chan  Kuo  Ts’e. 

A Romance  founded  on  the  preceding,  called  Lieh  Kuo  Chih, 
an  expanded  history  of  the  feudal  ages. 

The  National  History  of  Sze  Ma , called  Shih  Chi. 

As  an  authority,  the  Romance  is  of  no  value.  The  National 
History  derives  its  materials  from  the  same  source  as  the  other 
two  works,  but,  as  they  have  been  passed  through  the  sieve  and 
weighed  in  the  balance  of  the  great  author,  I have  taken  it  for 
my  guide  so  far  as  facts  are  concerned,  reserving  to  myself 
always  the  right  of  interpretation. 

450 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  451 


which  carry  on  their  intercourse  on  a footing  of  equality. 
This  makes  it  evident  why  it  flourished  in  the  period 
referred  to,  and  why  it  disappeared  for  two  thousand 
years,  to  reappear  in  our  own  day,  like  a river  that,  after 
flowing  for  a time  underground,  rises  to  the  surface  with 
an  increase  of  volume.  As  etiquette  is  the  outgrowth  of 
a society  of  individuals,  so  diplomacy  springs  from  a 
society  of  states.  Robinson  Crusoe,  spending  his  life  on  a 
lonely  island,  can  hardly  be  supposed  to  occupy  his 
thoughts  with  the  rules  of  good  breeding,  and,  although 
“ Monarch  of  all  he  surveyed,”  he  had  no  use  for  diplo- 
macy. 

The  triumph  of  Ch'in,  by  which  these  numerous  States 
were  swept  from  the  arena,  was  the  death-blow  of 
diplomacy. 

The  empire  was  thenceforth  one  and  indivisible,  from 
the  desert  of  Tartary  to  the  borders  of  Yunnan,  and  from 
the  foot  of  the  Himalayas  to  the  shores  of  the  eastern 
sea.  No  rival,  no  equal,  was  known  to  exist  on  the  face 
of  the  globe.  Envoys  no  longer  sped  on  secret  missions 
from  court  to  court.  Alliances  ceased  to  be  formed,  be- 
cause there  was  none  whose  friendship  could  bring 
strength,  or  whose  opposition  could  occasion  danger. 
The  outside  world  was  synonymous  with  barbarism,  and 
the  “ inner  land  ” comprised,  for  the  Chinese,  the  whole 
of  human  civilization.  Inferior  states  came  with  tribute, 
and  went  home  laden  with  patronizing  gifts.  Diplomacy 
in  any  proper  sense  was  impossible.  All  that  the  Chinese 
of  later  ages  could  know  of  it  was  a legend  of  the  past, 
which  connected  itself  with  a few  illustrious  names. 

The  best  way  to  treat  the  subject  will  be  to  take  up 
those  “ names,”  and  evoke  from  them  the  busy  actors  in 
a slow  but  momentous  revolution. 

The  revolution,  which  some  of  them  endeavoured  to 


452 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


further,  while  others  strove  in  vain  to  arrest,  was  the 
rise  in  the  north-west  of  an  ambitious,  aggressive,  semi- 
barbarous  power,  which  eventually  swallowed  up  its 
rivals,  and  remained  sole  master  of  the  field. 

To  trace  the  steps  by  which  a petty  principality,  the 
guardian  of  a remote  frontier,  advanced  to  such  emi- 
nence that  all  the  older  and  more  civilized  states  com- 
bined to  check  its  progress,  forms  one  of  the  most  in- 
structive chapters  of  Chinese  history.  Of  the  early 
stages  of  the  unfolding  drama,  we  can  only  remark  that, 
as  in  the  later  stage,  the  principal  actors  on  the  side  of 
the  growing  power  appear  to  have  been  foreigners.  The 
princes  of  Ch'in,  rude  and  uncultivated  as  they  were, 
displayed  for  the  most  part  that  element  of  greatness, 
which  consists  in  the  choice  of  the  fittest  instruments. 
The  Duke  Hsiao  (368  b.  c. ),  conscious  of  the  backward 
state  of  his  people,  made  proclamation  that  if  any  man, 
native  or  foreign,  should  devise  a new  method  for  pro- 
moting the  prosperity  of  his  dominions,  he  would  be  re- 
warded by  a grant  of  land  and  a patent  of  nobility. 

One  instance  out  of  many  will  suffice  to  illustrate  the 
effect  of  this  policy.  A young  man  by  the  name  of 
Shang  Yang,  who  had  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of 
political  science,  came  to  the  court  of  Wei,  his  native 
state,  in  quest  of  employment.  The  prince  was  struck 
by  his  talents,  but  hesitated  to  take  him  into  his  service. 
“ Kill  him  then,”  said  an  old  minister,  “ but  by  no  means 
allow  him  to  give  his  great  abilities  to  the  service  of  a 
rival  state.”  The  prince  did  neither,  and  .Shang  Yang 
proceeded  to  the  court  of  Ch‘in,  where  he  was  invested 
with  high  office,  and  reformed  everything,  from  army 
discipline  to  land  tenure.  It  was  largely  through  his 
influence  that  his  adopted  country  attained  such  power 
as  to  threaten  the  independence  of  its  neighbors. 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  453 


It  was  then  that  diplomacy  came  on  the  stage  as  a 
leading  factor  in  deciding  the  destiny  of  states.  In  more 
tranquil  periods,  it  had  occupied  itself  with  matters  of 
ceremony, — missions  of  compliment  to  express  felicita- 
tion or  condolence;  or,  if  negotiation  was  engaged  in,  it 
seldom  rose  higher  than  the  arrangement  of  the  terms  of 
a marriage.  But  now  the  diplomat  became  the  most 
conspicuous  figure  of  the  age,  rising  above  the  general, 
because  generals  marched  as  he  directed ; more  influential 
than  princes,  because  the  prince  decided  in  accordance 
with  the  far-sighted  views  of  his  diplomatic  adviser. 
Jove  sat  wrapped  in  his  pavilion  of  clouds,  and  Mercury 
engrossed  the  scene  as  he  sped  back  and  forth  on  winged 
sandals. 

If  we  follow  some  of  these  envoys,  we  shall  not  only 
obtain  an  impression  of  the  importance  of  their  functions, 
but  get  a clearer  view  of  the  history  of  the  period  than 
any  other  stand-point  can  afford  us. 

The  scene  is  that  portion  of  China  lying  to  the  north 
of  the  river  Yangtze;  the  period  of  time,  that  in  which 
Alexander  and  his  successors  were  extending  their  con- 
quests in  western  Asia. 

The  first  diplomats  to  challenge  our  attention  are  Su 
Ch‘in  and  Chang  I.  They  are  not,  like  Talthybius  and 
Eurybates,*  mere  heralds  or  post-boys,  whose  duty  it  is 
to  carry  a message,  and  blow  a trumpet.  They  are  states- 
men, full  of  self-acting  energy ; and  each  opposed  to  the 
other  in  a conflict  that  ends  only  with  life.  As  in  Greece, 
there  was  a school  of  statesmanship  in  which  they  ac- 
quired their  arts,  and  above  all  the  art  of  persuasion. 
The  Academy  to  which  they  resorted  was  a wild  gorge 
in  the  mountains  of  Honan,  and  the  master  to  whose  in- 

* Compare  this  latter  name,  meaning  “ one  who  walks  abroad,” 
with  “ walkers,” — ancient  Chinese  for  “ envoys.” 


454 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


structions  they  listened  is  known  to  posterity  by  no  other 
name  than  that  of  Kuei  Ku  Tze,  “ Philosopher  of  the 
Devil’s  Hollow.” 

I have  read  the  books  ascribed  to  his  pen,  but  find  in 
them  nothing  that  can  account  for  the  eminence  of  his 
disciples ; — nothing  even  that  could  have  afforded  them 
a suggestion  of  the  career  which  they  pursued  with  such 
wonderful  success.  The  fact  is,  this  lover  of  solitude 
was  not  a diplomatist,  but  an  educator.  Books  were  few 
in  those  days,  existing  only  in  manuscript  copies ; and 
the  knowledge  of  letters,  very  restricted.  It  follows  that 
the  influence  of  the  teacher  was  greater  than  it  now  is, 
when  books  are  cheap,  and  libraries  accessible  to  all. 

Emerging  from  seclusion  with  the  full  consciousness 
of  superior  intelligence,  Su  Ch'in  thought  only  of  carry- 
ing his  wares  to  the  most  promising  market.  That 
market  was  the  court  of  the  rude,  rising  power  of  the 
northwest,  whose  princes  welcomed  all  who  had  anything 
to  teach,  and  rewarded  them  with  unexampled  munifi- 
cence. He  was  a native  of  the  central  state,  born  under 
the  immediate  sway  of  the  suzerain ; but  he  did  not 
scruple  to  point  out,  to  a great  vassal,  the  way  in  which 
he  might  crush  all  lesser  rivals,  and  possess  himself  of 
the  throne  of  his  imperial  master.  “ My  wings,”  replied 
the  Prince,  “ are  not  sufficiently  grown  for  so  high  a 
flight ; ” and  so  he  dismissed  the  dusty  traveller,  who 
sought  prematurely  to  embroil  him  with  his  fellow 
princes. 

Mortified  by  ill  success,  Su  turned  homeward,  vowing 
that  the  Prince  of  Ch‘in  should  repent  the  blunder  of 
suffering  him  to  escape,  after  having  rejected  his  advice. 
Arriving  in  rags,  his  wife  and  his  brothers’  wives  treated 
him  with  ill-concealed  disrespect.  They  looked  on  him 
as  stark  mad  when,  instead  of  applying  himself  to  some- 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  455 


thing  profitable,  he  resumed  his  former  studies  with 
fresh  ardor. 

Su  not  only  took  pains  to  improve  his  style  of  speak- 
ing and  writing,  so  that  his  argument  would  come  with 
force  from  tongue  or  pen ; he  studied  the  history  of  each 
of  the  feudal  states,  acquainted  himself  with  the  per- 
sonnel of  their  courts,  drew  maps  of  the  empire,  made 
estimates  of  the  population  and  military  strength  of  its 
several  parts,  and  sketched  plans  of  hypothetical  cam- 
paigns. 

After  two  years  of  intense  application,  he  set  oft"  for 
the  court  of  Yen,  with  a mind  better  furnished  than  on 
the  occasion  of  his  first  abortive  attempt.  The  capital 
of  Yen  is  represented  by  Peking,  and  there  it  was  that 
Su  entered  on  a career  of  successful  diplomacy,  which 
extended  over  more  than  twenty  years,  and  made  him  for 
all  time  the  type  of  a Chinese  diplomat.  His  patience, 
with  him  a leading  virtue,  was  still  to  be  sorely  tried. 
Without  money  or  influence,  he  found  no  ready  way 
to  open  the  doors  of  the  great ; and,  for  a whole  year,  he 
danced  attendance  on  numerous  courtiers,  before  he  could 
induce  anyone  to  procure  him  an  interview  with  the 
Prince. 

That  interview  was  decisive.  Su  was  not  the  only  one 
who  saw  the  danger  to  which  the  other  states  were  ex- 
posed by  the  aggressions  of  Ch‘in,  but  he  was  the  only 
one  who  saw  how  it  could  be  averted.  In  eloquent  terms 
he  set  forth  the  urgency  of  immediate  action,  and  showed 
that  the  only  hope  of  successful  resistance  lay  in  the  for- 
mation of  an  alliance,  which,  diverting  the  forces  of  the 
six  states  from  the  mad  work  of  mutual  destruction, 
would  turn  their  united  strength  against  their  common 
foe. 

The  Prince  was  delighted.  The  feasibility  of  the 


456 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


scheme  was  no  longer  doubtful ; and,  by  carrying  it  into 
execution,  he  would  secure  the  honor  of  taking  the  lead 
in  a patriotic  movement  of  unparalleled  importance.  In- 
vesting Su  with  the  rank  of  ambassador,  he  despatched 
him  with  general  credentials  to  the  courts  of  the  other 
five  powers, — a precedent  which  the  Chinese  ministers  of 
our  day  recalled  when  they  sent  Mr.  Burlingame  on  a 
mission  to  the  great  powers  of  the  two  worlds, — a prece- 
dent which  they  still  follow  in 'accrediting  a single  envoy 
to  half  the  courts  of  Europe. 

Taking  in  order  the  courts  of  Chao,  Han,  and  Wei,  and 
then  moving  eastward  to  the  court  of  Ch‘i,  Su  exposed 
to  each  his  plan  of  mutual  defence,  obtaining  from  each 
a pledge  conditioned  on  the  adhesion  of  all  the  rest. 
Further  south,  on  the  banks  of  the  middle  Yangtze, 
which  then  formed  the  southern  limit  of  the  empire  and  of 
civilization,  was  a power  whose  definite  acceptance  of  the 
plan  was  essential  to  its  success.  This  was  the  kingdom 
of  Ch‘u,  occupying  nearly  the  ground  of  the  present 
province  of  Hupei. 

Flattered  by  the  cunning  envoy  with  the  hope  of  be- 
coming head  of  the  league,  the  Prince  of  Ch‘u  entered 
into  it  with  great  zeal,  and  sent  Su  on  his  return  journey, 
loaded  with  fresh  honors.  The  last  link  was  thus 
added  to  a chain  which  he  had  been  long  and  patiently 
forging, — a chain  strong  enough  to  keep  an  unscrupulous 
aggressor  within  founds,  and  to  secure  in  a great  meas- 
ure the  blessings  of  peace  to  a family  of  states  hitherto 
in  perpetual  conflict. 

The  achievement  was  one,  the  difficulty  and  grandeur 
of  which  it  is  not  easy  to  over-estimate.  The  man  who 
conceived  the  plan,  and,  with  steady  purpose,  carried  it 
through,  deserved  all  the  honors  that  were  heaped  upon 
him.  Like  Prince  Bismarck,  who,  to  the  chancellorship 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  457 


of  the  empire,  added  that  of  the  kingdom  of  Prussia,  Su 
held  a duplicate,  or  rather  a multiple  office.  His  chief 
dignity  was  that  of  President  of  the  Sextuple  Alliance ; 
and,  in  order  that  he  might  render  it  effective,  each  of 
the  six  powers  conferred  on  him  the  seal  of  a separate 
Chancellorship. 

Turning  northward  with  a strong  escort  and  immense 
retinue,  he  came  to  the  border  of  his  native  state,  which, 
years  before,  he  had  quitted  in  the  guise  of  a palmer, 
staff  in  hand.  Here  he  was  met  by  messengers  from  the 
Emperor,  who  offered  him  a banquet,  and  gave  him  a 
welcome  on  behalf  of  their  master,  who,  says  the  his- 
torian, “ was  alarmed  at  the  power  and  magnificence  of 
his  quondam  subject.”  A better  explanation  would  be  a 
generous  acknowledgment  of  the  success  of  Su  Ch'in ; 
or  better  still,  a desire  to  make  use  of  Su’s  diplomatic 
triumphs  to  restore  the  sinking  prestige  of  the  empire, 
menaced  by  the  growing  power  of  Ch'in. 

What  wonder  that  the  members  of  his  own  family, 
who  had  treated  him  so  shabbily,  should  now  meet  him 
with  demonstrations  of  respect ! “ How  comes  it,”  he 

said  to  his  elder  brother’s  wife,  who  was  throwing  her- 
self at  his  feet,  “ that  you  treat  me  so  differently  to-day 
from  the  time  when  I came  home  from  the  first  journey?  ” 
“ Because,”  said  she  with  naive  candor,  “ you  are  now 
a great  ofificer  and  have  plenty  of  money.” 

Su  was  kind  to  his  poor  relations,  and,  distributing 
money  with  a lavish  hand,  proceeded  to  the  Court  of 
Chao. 

There  it  was  that  he  fixed  his  headquarters ; not  that 
the  kingdom  was  great,  or  the  prince  influential,  but 
because  its  geographical  situation  was  such  as  to  make 
it,  to  borrow  a scientific  phrase,  the  centre  of  political 
pressure.  “ From  this  point,”  says  the  historian,  “ by 


458 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  hand  of  a herald,  he  launched  at  the  Prince  of  Ch'in 
a copy  of  the  six-fold  League.”  Imagine  the  satisfac- 
tion with  which  he  submitted  that  document  to  the  in- 
spection of  a potentate  who  had  rejected  his  services, 
and  who  was  now  to  be  confined  by  it,  as  with  a chain, 
within  his  proper  bounds ! “ For  fifteen  years,”  adds  the 

historian,  “ the  armies  of  Ch'in  did  not  dare  to  show 
themselves  beyond  the  mountain  pass  of  Han  Ku.” 

What  proof  of  success  could  be  more  striking!  What 
doubt  that,  during  this  long  period,  Su  had  occasion  to 
repeat  often  and  again  his  weary  circuit,  in  order  to 
maintain  his  hold  on  the  inharmonious  elements  which 
he  had  brought  under  his  control ! 

On  the  East  coast  of  Africa,  there  are  places  in  which, 
we  are  told,  it  is  impossible  to  induce  three  men  to  go 
together  on  an  errand,  because  each  fears  that  the  other 
two  may  combine  and  sell  him  into  slavery.  So  it  was 
with  these  “ warring  states,”  as  they  are  called  in  Chinese 
history.  Each  one  regarded  its  nearest  neighbors  with 
profound  distrust  and  aversion. 

To  overcome  their  centrifugal  tendencies,  and  hold 
them  together  for  so  long  a time,  required  a combination 
of  qualities  rarely  equaled,  perhaps  never  surpassed. 

The  masterly  arguments,  by  which  Su  had  originally 
conquered  that  ascendancy,  are  given  in  extenso  in  the 
voluminous  work  of  Sze  Ma  Ch'ien.  They  are  clear  and 
eloquent,  but  they  read  more  like  genuine  state  papers 
than  like  the  speeches  that  Livy  is  wont  to  put  into  the 
mouths  of  his  heroes. 

How  skilfully  he  adapts  his  mode  of  address  to  the 
disposition  of  each  ruler!  In  one  he  kindles  ambition;  in 
another  he  awakens  jealousy,  as  his  strongest  passion, 
and  directs  it  against  the  mighty  foe.  He  practices  on 
the  fears  of  others,  while  flattering  their  pride ; and  one 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  459 


(the  Prince  of  Han),  who  was  on  the  point  of  attaching 
himself  to  Ch'in,  he  deterred  effectually  by  employing  a 
proverb  which,  from  that  fact,  has  acquired  an  undying 
celebrity : — “ Better  be  a chicken’s  head  than  an  ox’s 
tail,”  or,  as  Caesar  puts  it,  “ First  in  a village  rather  than 
second  at  Rome.” 

Su‘s  brother,  Su  Tai,  was  also  an  able  diplomat,  and 
gave  him  effectual  assistance  in  bringing  about  the  union 
of  the  powers.  But  I speak  of  him  at  present  for  the 
sake  of  citing  a famous  apologue,  of  which  he  is  the 
author.  History  has  not  preserved  any  of  his  longer 
speeches.  He  was  perhaps  wanting  in  that  lofty  elo- 
quence for  which  the  elder  Su  was  so  distinguished,  but 
he  was  endowed  with  a certain  homely  wit  that  carried 
conviction.  Discoursing  with  one  of  the  princes  on  the 
danger  of  disunion,  he  said : — “ As  I walked  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  I saw  a bird  pecking  at  an  oyster;  the 
oyster  closed  its  shell,  and  held  the  bird  as  in  a vice. 
Just  then,  a fisherman  came  along,  and  captured  both.” 
The  application  was  clear ; whoever  might  be  represented 
by  the  foolish  fowl  and  the  equally  foolish  shell-fish,  there 
could  be  no  doubt  as  to  who  was  the  lucky  fisherman. 
In  a concise  form,  this  fable  continues  to  be  used  as  a 
proverb.*  It  is  one  of  those  shining  nuggets  which,  in 
China,  the  departing  stream  of  time  has  left  so  plentifully 
scattered  among  its  sands. 

Of  the  elder  Su,  I have  said  enough  to  establish  his 
claim  to  transcendent  talents.  What  was  the  League 
itself  but  a creation  of  genius?  And  its  maintenance  for 
fifteen  years,  was  it  not  a marvelous  manifestation  of 
power?  Yet,  like  other  great  men,  he  had  his  weak- 
nesses. Able  in  governing  others,  he  was  impotent  to 
control  his  own  passions ; and  to  that  cause,  more  than  to 

* When  bird  and  fish  quarrel,  both  fall  a prey. 


460 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


any  other,  was  due  the  final  overthrow  of  the  fabric 
which  he  had  spent  his  life  in  erecting. 

Through  jealousy  and  anger,  he  made  an  enemy  of 
Chang  1,  who  ever  after  sought  to  work  his  ruin.  Yield- 
ing to  a more  tender  passion,  he  became  involved  in  an 
undiplomatic  intrigue,  flight  and  death  being  the  dis- 
astrous consequence. 

Finding  himself  under  the  necessity  of  leaving  the 
court  of  Yen,  to  escape  the  consequences  of  a liaison 
which  he  had  formed  with  a princess,  he  begged  the  prince 
to  send  him  on  a mission  to  the  kingdom  of  Ch‘i,  alleging 
that  he  could  there  promote  his  interests  much  better  than 
by  remaining  at  home.  Arriving  there,  he  entered  the 
service  of  the  foreign  state ; and  subsequently,  his  in- 
trigues against  its  welfare  being  detected,  he  was  bound 
between  two  chariots  and  torn  to  pieces, — a melancholy 
emblem  of  the  empire  of  that  day,  rent  asunder  by  the 
opposing  forces  represented  by  the  Leagues  of  the  East 
and  West. 

Su’s  conduct  in  the  kingdom  of  Ch‘i  finds  a pretty 
close  parallel  in  that  of  Chetardie  at  the  court  of  Russia, 
who  narrowly  escaped  a like  hideous  fate.* 

Chang  I stands  next,  by  common  consent,  on  the  list  of 
international  statesmen  of  ancient  times.  In  talent  not 
much  inferior  to  Su  Ch‘in,  his  career  is  wanting  in  that 
unity  which  imparts  a kind  of  grandeur  to  the  achieve- 
ments of  Su.  His  life  was  divided  between  internal  ad- 
ministration and  external  politics. 

* In  a note  to  the  Guide  Diplomatique  of  de  Martens,  Volume 
I,  page  83,  we  have  a brief  account  of  the  incident  alluded  to. 
I cite  here  one  or  two  lines  only : — 

“ La  Chetardie,  ambassadeur  de  France,  avait  eu  la  principale 
parta  la  revolution  qui  pla<;a  Elisabeth  sur  la  trdne  de  Russie.” 

“ La  Chetardie  s’6tait  iminisce  dans  les  intrigues  de  cour  . 
....  II  ne  tarda  pas  a s’en  repentir.” 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  461 


As  administrator  and  military  chief,  he  served  by  turns 
three  or  four  states,  always  giving  a temporary  pre- 
ponderance to  the  one  he  served, — unlike  his  rival  who 
served  six  at  once,  and  promoted  equally  the  interests  of 
all. 

As  a negotiator,  he  effected  one  or  two  powerful  alli- 
ances; but  his  chief  claim  to  distinction  is  the  skill  he 
showed  in  sowing  discord  among  the  members  of  the 
eastern  league,  to  avenge  himself  for  an  insult  received 
at  the  hand  of  a faithless  friend. 

That  insult  was  received  on  the  threshold  of  his  career. 
As  Su  had  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  in  the  north- 
west, so  Chang  began  by  a fruitless  journey  to  Ch‘u,  in 
the  south.  In  the  meantime,  his  friend  had  risen  to 
eminence,  and  he  sought  to  join  him  at  the  court  of 
Chao.  Su,  however,  was  as  yet  only  forging  the  second 
link  of  his  diplomatic  chain.  Whether  he  dreaded  the 
disturbing  influence  of  a mind  too  original  to  become  a 
tool,  or  whether  he  feared  that  the  lustre  of  Chang  I’s 
talent  would  obscure  the  brightness  of  his  own,  he  treated 
him  with  disdain,  and  found  means  to  send  him  away 
from  the  scene  of  his  own  activity.  In  his  eagerness  to 
rid  himself  of  a possible  rival,  he  even  supplied  him  with 
money  and  with  attendants,  to  escort  him  as  far  as  the 
capital  of  the  north-western  kingdom. 

Chang  saw  through  the  stratagem,  and  vowed  that 
Su  should  repent  of  it.  Winning  the  confidence  of  the 
Prince,  he  rose  to  the  highest  positions  in  the  state,  being 
sometimes  general,  sometimes  diplomatic  envoy,  and  more 
than  once  clothed  with  the  dignity  of  prime  minister. 

As  head  of  the  administration,  he  developed  the  re- 
sources of  the  state,  and  prepared  the  way  for  its  ultimate 
triumph.  As  a leader  of  troops  he  was  uniformly  suc- 
cessful; but  it  was  in  a third  character, — that  of  diplo- 


462 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


matist, — that  he  performed  the  most  marvelous  feats. 
Labouring  to  undo  the  work  of  Su,  he  contrived  to  keep 
him  in  a state  of  perpetual  anxiety  during  his  life-time ; 
and  ultimately  to  effect  the  dissolution  of  the  confederacy 
immediately  on  the  death  of  its  founder. 

The  most  remarkable  incidents  in  his  career  occurred 
in  the  kingdom  of  Ch‘u.  On  his  first  visit,  which,  as 
we  have  said,  was  unsuccessful,  he  had  the  misfortune 
to  be  set  upon  by  his  enemies  and  badly  beaten.  Taunted 
by  his  wife  for  his  damaged  appearance,  he  opened  his 
mouth  and  asked  her  to  see  if  his  tongue  was  in  its  place. 
On  her  answering  in  the  affirmative,  he  added, — “ With 
this  I shall  retrieve  my  fortunes,” — and  he  kept  his  word. 
So  great,  indeed,  were  his  powers  of  persuasion  that  he 
often  disarmed  hostility,  and  sometimes  raised  himself 
to  power,  where  he  had  been  menaced  with  destruction. 
To  cite  only  one  instance: — The  Prince  of  Ch'in  engaged 
in  war  with  Ch‘u,  stirred  up  perhaps  by  his  minister’s 
hatred  for  the  state  where  he  had  suffered  his  first  great 
humiliation.  The  army  of  Ch‘u  was  defeated,  anct  Ch'in 
demanded,  as  the  price  of  peace,  the  cession  of  a coveted 
territory  in  exchange  for  another.  The  worsted  Chief 
replied  with  a grim  joke: — “Give  me  your  chancellor, 
and  I will  yield  the  territory,  without  asking  a foot  of 
ground  in  exchange.” — The  Prince  of  Ch'in  repeated  this 
flattering  proposal  to  his  minister,  but  with  no  thought 
of  compliance. 

To  his  surprise,  Chang  I replied : — “ 1 am  ready ; send 
me  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy.” 

On  arrival  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  menaced 
with  death ; but  he  had  one  acquaintance,  whom  he  could 
rely  on  as  amicus  in  curia.  Through  this  man,  he  con- 
veyed to  the  reigning  beauty  a hint  that  the  western 
prince  was  about  to  send  a beautiful  woman  as  his  ran- 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  463 


som.  The  lady  took  alarm,  and  procured  his  release  with- 
out waiting  for  the  ransom. 

Just  at  that  moment,  the  news  of  Su's  death  came  to 
his  ears,  suggesting  the  possibility  of  turning  his  tempor- 
ary captivity  into  a veritable  victory.  Seeking  an  inter- 
view with  the  Prince,  under  guise  of  thanking  him  for 
sparing  his  life,  he  sought  to  repay  his  debt  of  gratitude 
by  tendering  the  best  advice  he  was  able  to  offer ; that 
was  that  he  should  abandon  the  confederacy,  and  throw 
in  his  fortunes  with  his  powerful  neighbor.  The  Prince 
desired  to  hear  the  reasons  for  such  a startling  proposi- 
tion ; and  Chang  set  them  forth  with  clearness  and  force, 
concluding  a discourse,  not  inferior  to  Su’s  best  speeches, 
with  a recommendation  to  cement  the  peace  by  accepting 
his  neighbor's  son  as  a hostage,  and  giving  his  own  in 
exchange ; and  further  to  consolidate  the  union,  by  asking 
in  marriage  a princess  of  Ch‘in.  No  translation  can  do 
justice  to  his  masterly  argument,  because  it  bristles  all 
over  with  allusions  to  places  whose  names  are  strange 
to  European  ears,  and  facts  of  history  which,  out  of  China, 
have  no  significance. 

But  the  Prince,  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  understood 
it.  Every  word  took  effect ; — how  deep  the  effect  may 
be  judged  from  the  fact  that  his  kinsman,  Ch’ii  Yuan, 
the  gifted  poet,  tried  in  vain  to  deter  him  from  following 
the  counsel  of  Chang  I. 

His  energetic  remonstrance  is  not  too  long  to  give 
in  full.  “ Your  Highness,”  said  he,  “ has  once  and  again 
been  the  victim  of  Chang  I's  deceptions.  When  your 
enemy  had  come  into  your  hands,  I took  it  for  granted 
you  would  roast  him  alive.  Now  if  you  have  relented 
so  far  as  to  refrain  from  putting  him  to  death,  why  should 
you  go  a step  further,  and  listen  to  his  deceitful  advice  ? ” 

The  prince  persisted,  and,  to  make  a long  story  short, 


464 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  poet,  like  Ahithophel,  went  away  and  destroyed  him- 
self, his  hapless  fate  being  commemorated  by  the  annual 
festival  of  dragon  boats. 

On  his  way  home,  Chang  visited  the  court  of  Han, 
and  succeeded  in  detaching  the  prince  of  that  country 
also  from  the  confederacy. 

Arriving  at  the  capital  of  Ch'in,  picture  to  yourselves 
the  glory  of  his  triumphal  entry.  He  had  gone  forth 
alone  and  unattended,  a voluntary  peace-offering,  to  be 
sacrificed  to  the  resentment  of  a hostile  state.  He  re- 
turned leading  in  his  train  the  envoys  of  that  state,  and 
those  of  another  hereditary  enemy. 

The  Prince  of  Ch‘in  was  duly  sensible  of  the  value  of 
this  service,  and  conferred  on  the  hero  the  lordship  of 
five  cities.  So  well  had  Chang  I succeeded  in  his  attempt 
to  detach  Ch‘u  and  Han,  that  he  resolved  not  to  desist 
from  his  undertaking  until  the  confederacy  should  be 
utterly  demolished.  At  his  request,  his  master  com- 
missioned him  to  proceed  successively  to  the  capitals  of 
Chao,  of  Yen,  and  of  Ch‘i.  The  histories  tell  us  what 
he  said  to  each  prince ; how  he  tempered  menace  with 
flattery,  so  that,  on  reading  each  several  discourse,  we 
are  not  surprised  that  the  prince,  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed, should  feel  impelled  by  ambition,  as  well  as  by 
prudence,  to  follow  the  policy  so  powerfully  advocated. 

One  by  one,  all  of  the  states  which  Su  had  so  labor- 
iously arrayed  against  Ch'in,  Chang  I had  the  satisfaction 
of  seeing  at  the  feet  of  his  master,  humbly  acknowledg- 
ing the  hegemony  of  the  north-western  power.  Recall 
the  long  negotiations  that  were  required  to  bring  the 
petty  states  of  Greece  to  accept  the  hegemony  of  Sparta 
or  Athens,  and  you  can  appreciate  the  greatness  of 
Chang  I’s  diplomatic  triumph. 

For  three  centuries,  the  leadership  among  the  feudal 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  465 


states  had  been  the  great  object  of  ambition.  Four  of 
them  had  enjoyed  it  in  succession,  feeling  satisfied  with 
that  distinction  without  dreaming  of  attaining  the  im- 
perial yellow. 

Ch'in  was  the  last  to  erect  the  standard  of  leadership, 
and  Chang  I’s  diplomacy  was  the  proximate  influence 
that  led  the  other  states  to  rally  round  it.  A century 
was  yet  to  elapse  before  Ch‘in  became  bold  enough  to 
usurp  the  imperial  throne, — an  event  which  followed 
naturally  on  the  destruction  of  the  most  loyal  of  its 
feudatories.  But  that  is  a history  into  which  we  have 
no  time  to  enter.  Nor  have  we  time  to  pursue  the  for- 
tunes of  this  consummate  master  of  diplomatic  intrigue 
further  than  to  say  that,  losing  power  through  the  death 
of  his  patron,  he  returned  to  his  native  state,  where  he 
was  invested  with  the  honors  of  prime  minister,  and 
died  the  following  year. 

After  the  death  of  Chang,  the  eastern  states,  one  by 
one,  broke  away  from  their  allegiance  to  Ch‘in.  Kung 
Sun  Yen,  who  all  along  had  opposed  the  policy  of 
Chang  I,  now  that  the  latter  was  dead,  exerted  himself 
to  resuscitate  the  confederacy,  and  succeeded  in  doing  so, 
as  Chang  had  succeeded  in  dissolving  it,  on  the  death 
of  Su.  Through  his  efforts,  five  of  them  were  formed 
into  a phalanx,  with  hostile  spears  pointing  to  the  North- 
west. Kung  Sun,  as  successor  to  Su,  received  the  grand 
seal  of  chancellor  of  the  union.  This  ephemeral  success, 
easier  far  than  the  untried  enterprise  of  his  predecessor, 
causes  him  to  be  ranked  among  the  noted  diplomatists  of 
that  troubled  period.  We  dismiss  him  with  this  brief 
notice,  merely  calling  attention  to  him  as  chancellor  of 
the  second  Eastern  league. 

In  this  second  league,  the  principality  of  Chao  took  a 
leading  part,  as  it  had  done  in  the  first.  In  command  of 


466 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


the  gate  of  the  west,  its  strategic  position  was  imposing; 
but  it  owed  its  influence  in  the  league  to  its  good  fortune 
in  possessing  the  ablest  general  and  the  most  gifted 
statesman  of  the  age.  The  general  was  Lien  P‘o,  and 
the  statesman  Lin  Hsiang  Ju,  of  whom  we  shall  speak 
only  in  his  character  of  envoy  and  negotiator. 

Two  incidents  in  his  history  will  serve  to  throw  light 
on  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  His  prince  possessed  a 
gem  of  great  value,  like  the  koh-i-noor,  unique, — the  envy 
of  neighboring  potentates.  The  Prince  of  Ch‘in  sent  an 
embassy  to  offer  fifteen  cities  in  exchange  for  it.  Its 
owner  was  afraid  to  refuse,  and  equally  afraid  to  comply, 
lest  the  other  party  should  not  act  in  good  faith.  Lin, 
then  a young  official  in  the  household,  said  to  his  master : 
• — “You  need  not  fear  the  loss  of  the  gem;  send  me 
with  it,  and,  if  the  cities  are  not  surrendered,  I will  be 
answerable  for  its  safe  return.” 

Arriving  at  the  court  of  Ch'in,  and  appearing  in  the 
presence  of  the  prince  for  the  purpose  of  offering  the 
gem,  he  discovered  that  the  prince  was  inclined  to  play 
him  false,  by  detaining  the  gem,  and  withholding  at 
least  a part  of  the  price.  On  perceiving  this,  Lin  stealthily 
slipped  the  gem  into  the  bosom  of  a trusty  servant,  who, 
following  an  unfrequented  path,  conveyed  it  safely  home. 
Lin,  of  course,  remained  at  court,  and,  when  the  fact  be- 
came known,  he  offered  to  give  his  life,  if  required,  in  lieu 
of  the  gem.  The  prince,  appreciating  his  courage  and 
fidelity,  let  him  go  unharmed.  On  reaching  home,  he  was 
loaded  with  honours;  and  one  hopes  the  faithful  domestic 
was  not  forgotten.  It  is  related  of  one  of  the  crown 
jewels  of  Russia  that,  in  a time  of  trouble,  it  was  once 
given  to  a servant  to  convey  to  a place  of  safety.  The 
servant  said  as  he  departed: — “If  I should  be  slain  by 
the  way,  you  will  find  the  jewel  in  my  body.”  He  was 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  467 


slain,  and  his  master,  recovering  his  body,  found  the 
jewel  in  his  stomach. 

The  other  incident  in  the  life  of  Lin  relates  to  a cere- 
monious meeting  of  two  princes.  They  met  on  the  com- 
mon frontier,  each  accompanied  by  his  diplomatic  adviser. 
In  a festive  humor,  the  Prince  of  Ch'in  asked  his  brother 
prince  to  favor  him  with  a specimen  of  the  music  in 
which  he  was  known  to  be  a proficient.  The  request  was 
unsuspectingly  complied  with,  but  Lin  saw  in  it  a design 
to  treat  his  master  with  indignity.  “ Now,”  said  he  to 
the  Prince  of  Ch‘in,  “ it  is  your  turn ; please  beat  the 
tabor  after  the  manner  of  your  country.”  The  prince 
hesitating,  he  added : — “ If  you  refuse,  I shall  spatter 
my  blood  on  your  royal  robes,  as  a protest  against  the 
affront  you  have  put  upon  my  master.”  Hearing  this, 
the  guards  rushed  upon  him,  and  were  about  to  cut  him 
down ; but  his  fearless  bearing  held  them  in  check,  and 
the  haughty  prince,  not  wishing  to  bring  the  conference 
to  a tragic  ending,  gave  a few  beats  on  the  tabor.  The 
princes  parted  on  equal  terms ; and  Lin  was  raised  to 
the  highest  rank  in  the  state,  for  having  saved  the 
honour  of  his  master. 

When  Bismarck  lighted  his  cigar  in  the  diet  at  Frank- 
fort,— a privilege  regarded  as  belonging  exclusively  to 
the  ambassador  of  Austria, — all  Germany  was  astounded 
at  his  audacity.  Not  less  were  the  states  of  China,  at 
the  boldness  of  Lin,  in  compelling  the  mightiest  prince 
of  the  empire  to  keep  time  to  h>s  master’s  music.  In 
.either  case,  a trivial  act  was  clothed  with  a grave  political 
significance ; and  it  evinced  diplomatic  talent  of  the  high- 
est order  to  turn  it  to  account. 

The  famous  general  Lien  P‘o,  who,  previous  to  this  oc- 
currence, had  enjoyed  the  first  rank  in  his  state,  felt 
it  as  a personal  outrage  that  a man,  whom  he  looked 


468 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


on  as  an  upstart,  should  suddenly  be  raised  above  him. 
Forgetting  that  the  statesman  is  above  the  soldier,  and 
that  good  diplomacy  requires  the  highest  kind  of  states- 
manship ; he  let  it  be  known  that,  wherever  he  should 
meet  his  rival,  he  would  insult  him  to  his  face.  Lin, 
hearing  of  this  threat,  took  pains  to  avoid  a meeting. 
The  general,  remarking  this,  sent  him  a half  contemptu- 
ous message,  asking  an  explanation  of  his  strange  and 
undignified  conduct,  which  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  im- 
pute to  fear,  after  the  proofs  he  had  seen  of  Lin’s  per- 
sonal courage.  Lin  replied: — “If  I avoid  an  encounter, 
it  is  because  your  life  and  mine  are  indispensable  to  the 
safety  of  our  country.  If  Ch'in  refrains  from  attacking 
Chao,  it  is  on  account  of  us  two.  The  Prince  of  Ch'in 
would  be  delighted  to  see  us  fall  by  each  other’s  hands.” 

The  general  was  so  struck  with  this  patriotic  answer, 
and  particularly  with  Lin’s  moral  courage  in  exposing 
himself  to  a suspicion  of  cowardice  rather  than  bring  a 
calamity  on  his  country,  that  he  frankly  confessed  him- 
self in  fault,  in  the  ceremonious  fashion  then  in  vogue. 
Coming  to  Lin’s  door  with  a rod  in  his  hand,  instead 
of  using  it  on  Lin,  he  begged  that  it  might  be  applied  to 
his  own  back.  The  two  rushed  into  each  other’s  arms, 
swore  to  be  brothers,  and  sealed  the  covenant  by  drink- 
ing a cup  of  wine,  mingled  with  blood  drawn  from  the 
veins  of  both.  Who,  on  hearing  this,  can  fail  to  recall 
the  manner  in  which  Aristides  and  Themistocles  laid  aside 
their  deadly  feud, — how,  when  Xerxes  was  threatening 
the  liberties  of  Greece,  knowing  that  union  is  strength, 
they  dug  a pit  and  formally  buried  their  enmity,  not  to 
be  resurrected  until  the  danger  was  past  ? 

If  I have  followed  the  career  of  particular  statesmen 
with  considerable  detail,  it  is  because  I have  thought 
I might  in  that  way  present  a more  vivid  picture  of  the 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  469 


diplomacy  of  the  period.  Viewed  from  a moral  stand- 
point, that  diplomacy  was  not  above  criticism.  It  bears 
little  resemblance  to  the  transparent  candor  and  immac- 
ulate integrity,  which  characterize  the  European  diplo- 
macy of  our  own  day ! For  has  not  diplomacy,  like  every- 
thing else;,  risen  above  the  level  of  former  ages?  Is  it 
not  a recognized  maxim,  in  our  enlightened  times,  that 
honesty  is  the  best  policy?  Is  it  not  equally  a maxim 
that  the  advantage  of  each  is  found  in  the  prosperity  of 
all?  What  representative  of  a European  power  ever  dis- 
guises the  truth,  or  thinks  of  taking  advantage  of  the 
ignorance  or  weakness  of  the  power  with  which  he  is 
called  to  negotiate?  In  fact,  what  is  diplomacy,  as  we 
understand  it,  but  another  name  for  philanthropy? 

Chinese  statesmen  of  the  period  under  review  had  not 
yet  attained  to  this  sublime  conception ; “ let  every  man 
work  for  his  own  master,”  was  the  maxim  they  openly 
professed, — a maxim  often  quoted  to  excuse  deviations 
from  rectitude. 

Envoys  went  and  came  on  all  occasions  calling  for 
felicitation  or  condolence,  and  I will  not  assert  that  they 
were  too  high-minded  to  improve  the  opportunity  to  spy 
out  the  nakedness  of  the  land ; or  that  custom  forbade 
them,  while  professing  peace,  to  make  preparation  for 
war. 

There  existed  a code  of  recognized  rules  for  the  regu- 
lation of  intercourse  by  means  of  diplomatic  envoys.  1 
have  touched  on  these  in  a previous  chapter.  My  object 
in  this,  has  been  rather  to  show  diplomacy  in  action,  than 
to  set  forth  either  rules  or  theories.  The  following  facts 
will  prove  interesting: — 

1. — Among  the  privileges  of  ambassadors,  as  laid 
down  in  the  ancient  books  of  China,  we  find  no  trace  of 
that  convenient  fiction  known  as  extra-territoriality. 


47° 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


The  hospitable  Spaniard,  in  Buenos  Ayres,  sends  you 
a card  of  invitation  to  come  to  “ your  own  house,”  in 
such  and  such  a street.  So,  western  peoples  have  agreed 
that  a diplomatic  envoy,  as  guest  of  the  nation,  shall  be 
considered  as  living  and  moving  on  his  own  ground.  It 
is  a little  singular  that  the  Chinese  never  thought  of 
expressing  their  sense  of  the  inviolable  sanctity  of  such 
envoys  in  a similar  manner,  especially  as  their  language 
is  not  wanting  in  similar  fictions,  dictated  by  courtesy  or 
flattery. 

As  a principle,  the  sanctity  of  an  ambassador's  person 
was  fully  admitted ; but  in  practice,  it  was  frequently 
violated.  Nor  is  that  to  be  wondered  at,  in  a state  of 
society  in  which  ambassadors  regarded  it  as  their  main 
business  to  mingle  in  court  intrigues. 

2.  — In  the  diplomacy  of  ancient  China,  there  was  no 
such  thing  as  a minister  plenipotentiary. 

The  sovereign  always  held  himself  free  to  disavow  the 
acts  of  his  representative,  whenever  it  might  suit  his 
policy  so  to  do.  When  the  Chinese  were  first  confronted 
with  that  term,  in  their  negotiations  with  the  west,  they 
expressed  some  surprise,  and  declined  to  accept  it.  “ There 
is  only  one  plenipotentiary  in  the  empire,”  they  said; 
“ that  is  the  Emperor.”  It  required  nothing  less  than  the 
storming  of  his  forts  to  induce  the  Emperor  to  grant 
the  *itle. 

3.  — In  the  diplomacy  of  ancient  China,  there  was  no 
such  thing  as  a resident  minister ; they  were  all  envoycs 
extraordinaires. 

But  they  found  occasion  to  prolong  their  stay  for 
months  or  years;  and,  in  many  cases,  they  were  kept 
going  back  and  forth  so  frequently  as  to  accomplish  all 
the  purposes  of  residence,  together  with  the  additional 
advantage  of  frequent  conference  with  their  chiefs. 


DIPLOMACY  IN  ANCIENT  CHINA  471 


As  an  example  of  the  kind  of  reports  they  were  ex- 
pected to  make,  I may  mention  that  Su  Tai,  the  brother 
of  the  more  noted  Su,  of  whom  we  have  heard,  was  once 
sent  as  ambassador  to  Ch'i.  On  returning,  his  master 
desired  him  to  report  on  the  state  of  that  country,  and 
the  character  of  its  prince,  with  particular  reference  to 
the  question  whether  he  was  aspiring  to  the  hegemony, 
or  had  any  prospect  of  attaining  it. 

As  an  instance  of  frequent  and  prolonged  missions,  I 
may  cite  the  case  of  Ch'en  Chen.  Being  often  sent  on 
missions  to  Ch‘u,  he  was  accused  by  Chang  I of  enrich- 
ing himself  without  benefitting  his  chief.  Charged  with 
drawing  emoluments  from  two  states,  and  making  himself 
a persona  grata  at  the  foreign  court  without,  in  any  way, 
improving  the  state  of  foreign  relations,  he  defended 
himself  successfully ; and  I only  cite  the  case  as  an 
illustration  of  the  point  in  hand. 

4. — The  political  relations  of  the  great  states  of  ancient 
China  afford  a remarkable  analogy  to  those  of  the  states 
of  modern  Europe.  In  the  former,  the  diplomacy  of  the 
period  turned  on  the  question  of  furthering  or  checking 
the  progress  of  one  power,  which  appeared  to  aim  at 
universal  dominion.  Who  shall  say  that  the  situation  in 
Europe  may  not  be  described  under  the  same  formula? 
Reversing  the  points  of  the  compass, — a political  map 
of  the  one  might  serve,  mutatis  mutandis,  for  that  of  the 
other.  And  who  shall  blame  the  Chinese  for  reading  the 
wars  and  alliances  of  modern  Europe  in  the  light  of  their 
own  ancient  history?  When  they  read  how  for  centuries 
the  eves  of  Russia  have  been  fixed  on  the  imperial  city 
of  the  Bosphorus ; how  the  first  Napoleon,  on  the  eve  of 
his  disastrous  expedition,  predicted  the  danger  of  Europe 
becoming  Cossack ; how,  in  1854,  the  advance  of  Russia 
was  checked  by  another  Napoleon,  in  concert  with  Eng- 


472 


THE  LORE  OF  CATHAY 


land ; how,  in  1878,  she  was  compelled,  by  a conference 
of  the  Powers,  to  relinquish  her  prey  when  fairly  within 
her  grasp;  and  how  in  1900  she  absorbed  Manchuria; — 
will  they  not  believe  that  their  great  cycle  has  come  round 
again,  and  that  their  own  old  drama  is  being  repeated  on 
a new  and  grander  theater? 

Though  the  aptitude  of  the  Chinese  for  diplomacy  is 
freely  admitted,  it  is  not  so  generally  known  that  their 
collisions  with  foreign  powers  have  mostly  sprung  from  a 
want  of  diplomatic  tact.  Their  long  isolation  and  the 
immensity  of  the  empire  under  one  sovereign  led  them  to 
despise  other  nations,  and  in  disputes  with  them  to  resort 
to  violence,  instead  of  diplomacy. 

In  1839,  Lin  brought  on  the  opium  war  by  depriving 
the  foreign  community  of  liberty  and  threatening  them 
with  death. 

In  1857,  Yeh  provoked  the  ‘ Arrow  ’ war  by  summarily 
executing  for  piracy  a boat’s  crew  sailing  under  the 
British  flag. 

In  1797  and  1816,  China  demanded  the  kotow  of  vas- 
salage from  Great  Britain;  and  in  1859  she  demanded  it 
from  the  United  States,  thus  alienating  those  who  might 
have  been  her  friends. 

This  spirit  culminated  in  1900  when  a Tartar  Dowager 
attempted  to  slaughter  the  envoys  of  eleven  nations. 

China  needs  to  learn  in  the  school  of  adversity. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


“ A girl  is  born,”  139 
“ A son  is  born,”  140 
Abbe  Hue.  49 
Academic  Degrees,  304 
Academic  Honors,  317;  Legion 
of  Honor,  360 
.TEsop,  translation  of,  145 
Age  of  philosophy,  34 
Agnosticism.  Chinese,  42 
Alchemy,  based  on  Taoist  ma- 
terialism, S3 ; “ Book  of 

Changes  ” = Transformation. 
70;  extracts  from  Chinese 
teachers,  56;  origin  of,  182; 
original  with  China,  49,  71 ; 
source  of  chemistry,  44;  still 
an  occult  science,  29 ; students 
pledged  to  secrecy,  55 ; West 
and  East  compared,  44,  66. 
Allusions,  historical,  etc.,  in 
Chinese  literature,  135 
Ancestral  worship,  178,  264;  at- 
titude of  Jesuits  toward,  277; 
attitude  of  missionaries  to- 
ward, 277 ; ceremonial  of,  264 ; 
heart  of  religion  of  China, 
267;  idolatry  excrescence  not 
essence,  277 ; influence  of 
Buddhism,  270;  objectionable 
features,  269;  occasions  for, 
272;  only  religion  favored  by 
State,  266 ; prayers  to  the 
dead,  273 ; relation  to  Chinese 
conservatism,  275 ; relation  to 
Christianity,  275 ; relation  of 
Confucius  to  it,  268;  relation 
to  social  order,  270 ; relation  to 
the  Three  Religions,  267 ; 
spontaneous  in  origin,  268 
“ Annals  of  Lu,”  448 
Antiquity,  imitation  of,  1 18 
Arrow  War,  The,  472 
Astronomy,  Chinese,  29 


Authors,  rewards  of,  302 
Avery,  Benj.  P.,  Letter  to  Com- 
missioner Eaton,  282 
Awakening  in  China,  7 
Avicenna — Ebn-Cinna  or  Ibn 
Sina — Son  of  China,  51 

“ Balance  of  Power  ”,  445 
Benevolence  and  good  faith,  221 
“Book  of  Changes”,  152,  242; 
I Citing,  basis  of  alchemy,  70; 
origin  of,  242 
“ Book  01  Odes  ”,  243,  350 
“ Book  of  Rites  ”,  92,  242,  350 
Boxer  Outbreak,  8.  472 
Buddhism,  adoption  of  Taoist 
usages,  238 ; atheism  of, 
185;  authentic  utterances,  240; 
claim  to  priority,  249;  contri- 
bution of  Christian  terms,  261 ; 
contribution  to  Chinese 
thought,  253 ; element  of  hope, 
257;  elsewhere  than  in  China, 
255 ; Faith,  Hope,  Charity, 
259;  forgeries,  239;  influence 
on  philosophy,  37;  introduced 
into  China,  188;  monasticism 
of,  185 ; oldest  manuscripts, 
251;  philosophy  of,  186;  plas- 
. tic  character  of.  252;  popular- 
ity in  China,  184;  preparation 
for  Christianity,  249;  prepar- 
ing way  for  Christian  graces, 
258;  relation  to  Christian  eth- 
ics, 259;  satisfied  a conscious 
want,  254 : sources  of  knowl- 
edge of.  250 ; superiority  of  its 
divinities,  254;  varying  influ- 
ence in  different  ages,  252 
Buddhist  temples,  Location  of, 
184 

Cardinal  virtues.  The,  219 

475 


476 


INDEX 


“ Celestial  Rhetoric’1’,  361  Chinese  translations,  117 

Chart  of  Chinese  Ethics,  207,  Chronology  of  Dynasties,  405 

230  Chu  Hsi,  next  to  Confucius  and 
Chart  of  Human  Nature,  214,  Mencius  as  a teacher,  34 

231  Civil  service,  comparison  with 
Chart  of  Moral  Excellence,  219,  American  methods,  328;  coun- 


232 

Chemistry  and  alchemy,  44 
Children,  slow  development  of, 
284. 

China,  democracy  of,  311;  dif- 
ferent forms  of  government, 
10;  history  of  consolidation 
of,  452;  New  China,  The,  8; 
reform,  not  incapable  of,  8; 
revolutions  in,  16;  tributary 
states,  428;  unity  of,  9 
“ China’s  Only  Hope  ”,  19 
Chinese,  The,  amalgamated  with 
Mongols,  425  ; chroniclers,  not 
historians,  395 ; Confucianists, 
Buddhists,  and  Taoists  at 
once,  191 ; first  to  use  al- 
chemy, 49 ; fond  of  poetry,  75  ; 
in  Central  Asia,  415  ; influence 
of  education,  281 ; influence  on 
Tartars,  426;  misunderstood, 
8 ; primitive  type,  425 ; readi- 
ness to  accept  modifications, 

IS 

Chinese  characters,  admiration 
of  the  people  for,  113 
Chinese  civilization,  our  indebt- 
edness to,  23 

Chinese  conquest  of  China,  397 
Chinese  diplomacy,  early  char- 
acter of,  469 
Chinese  discoveries,  23 
Chinese  history,  study  of,  387; 

three  periods  of,  427 
Chinese  and  Hindu  history  con- 
trasted, 388 
Chinese  inventions,  23 
Chinese  League,  The  first,  455 
Chinese  literature,  characteris- 
tics of,  1 12;  refinement  of, 
115 ; schools  of,  125 
Chinese  poetry.  75 
Chinese  records,  value  of,  111 
Chinese  style,  varieties  of,  114 


terpoise  to  absolutism,  324; 
development  of,  312;  examina- 
tions, 308,  314;  examination 
questions,  322;  grades  of 
scholarship,  315;  influence  on 
the  gentry,  325 ; number  of 
candidates,  323 ; political  bear- 
ings of,  324;  primary  object 
of,  309 ; safety  valve,  324 ; sub- 
jects of  examination,  321 
Coalition  of  the  Three  Relig- 
ions, 191 

Code  of  Chou  Dynasty,  433 
Confucian  Apocrypha,  87 
Confucianism,  ability  to  absorb 
religions,  12;  canon  of,  241; 
compared  with  Christianity, 
176;  comoared  with  Taoism 
and  Buddhism,  189;  death, 
doctrine  of,  99 ; inspiration  of, 
241;  origin  of,  170;  philoso- 
phy, not  a religion,  178;  pro- 
scription of,  188;  skepticism 
of,  176;  time,  emblem  of,  99 
Confucius,  apocryphal  character 
of  many  references,  87 ; as  an 
editor.  78;  born  551  b.  C.,  171 ; 
characterization  of  the  Emper- 
or, 433 ; compared  with  Bud- 
dha, 246;  dogmatism  of,  177; 
estimate  of,  by  Mencius,  245 ; 
family  traditions,  96;  Filial 
Piety,  doctrine,  of,  174;  inspi- 
ration of,  160;  international 
good  faith,  443 ; memorabilia, 
98;  modern  conception  of, 
246;  modesty  of,  247;  musi- 
cian, a,  76;  Plato,  compari- 
son with,  106;  poetry,  place 
of,  75 ; proverbs  of,  173;  real 
and  mythical  compared,  103; 
reforms  of,  172;  successor  of, 
199;  tomb  of,  200;  view  of  by 
native  Christians,  248. 


INDEX 


477 


Conjugal  fidelity,  212 
Competitive  examinations  (see 
also  Civil  service),  307 
Composition,  training  in,  292 
Conservation  of  energy,  Chinese 
idea  of,  41 

Cosmogony,  Chinese,  38 

Degrees,  academic,  304 
Democracy  of  China,  31 1 
Dictionary,  The  Great,  352 
Diplomacy  in  ancient  China, 
450 

Diplomats  of  China,  early,  453 
Divination,  National  Book  of, 

361 

Drama,  Chinese,  83 
Dualism  in  nature,  37 
Duties  vs.  rights,  226 
Dynasties,  chronology  of,  405 ; 
educational  influence  of,  312 

Eaton,  Commissioner,  Letter 
from  Benj.  P.  Avery,  282 
Educated,  extent  of  informa- 
tion of  the.  355 

Education,  commencement  of, 
286;  committing  to  memory, 
289;  common  schools  lacking, 
297;  contributions  for,  298; 
degrees,  304 ; examinations, 
3°3.  307;  extent  and  scope  of, 
355 ; fear  as  a motive,  290 ; fe- 
male education,  299 : extent  of 
information,  355 ; government 
agency,  301 ; government  rela- 
tion to,  297 ; grade  of  schools, 
296 ; history,  study  of,  307 ; 
home  life  not  conducive  to 
mental  development,  285 ; in 
the  home,  284;  influence  on 
national  character,  281 ; means 
to  an  end,  301 ; misconcep- 
tions, 300;  no  national  school 
system,  297;  originality,  want 
of,  287;  private  instruction, 
297;  ratio  of  illiteracy,  300; 
school  life.  286;  stages  of 
studv,  288:  subjects  of,  321; 
support  of,  by  the  wealthy, 


298;  teachers,  reverence  for, 
287;  translation  and  composi- 
tion, 291 ; type  of  Chinese, 
321 ; universality  of,  300 
Elixir  of  life,  62 
Emperor  at  Altar  of  Heaven, 
196 

Emperors,  life  of  the,  illus- 
trated in  Hanlin  Memoirs, 
362 

Empress  Dowager,  opposition 
to  reform,  7 

Encyclopaedia,  The  Great,  330 
“ Encyclopaedia  of  Philosophy  ”, 
35.  352 

Envoy,  sacred  character  of,  438 
Essays,  style  of,  123 
Ethical  philosophy  of  China, 
205 

Ethics,  Chart  of  Chinese,  207 
Evolution,  Chinese  conception 
of,  41 

Examination  questions,  322 
Examination  of  Sacred  Books, 
291 

Examinations,  system  of,  303 
Examiners,  duties  of,  305 

Fables  in  Chinese  Literature, 
144 

Fear  as  a motive  in  education, 
290 

Feudalism  in  China,  401 
Filial  Piety  (see  also  Ancestral 
worship),  bond  of  social  or- 
der, 270;  Confucian  doctrine 
of,  174;  doctrine  of  Confucius, 
Mencius  and  Plato,  106 
Five  elements,  The,  227 
Five,  frequency  of  use  of,  358 
Five  Classics,  289 
Five  orders  of  nobility,  433 
“ Flowers  of  Talent  ”,  315 
Force,  definition  of,  41 
Fraternal  duty,  212 
Future  life,  doctrine  ofi  153 

Genghis  Khan,  410 
Genii,  236 

Geography  and  astrology,  433 


478 


INDEX 


Geography  o£  Chinese,  424 
Girls’  schools,  299 
God,  belief  in,  153  (see  also 
Shang  Ti) 

Golden  Age  of  Chinese  Letters, 
127 

Government  relation  to  educa- 
tion, 297,  301 
Grade  of  schools,  296 
Great  Study,  The,  213 
Great  Wall,  The,  399,  409 
Gunpowder,  invention  of,  24 

Hanlin,  The,  329 ; academy  of 
inscriptions,  350;  age  of,  337; 
apartments  of,  333 ; belief  in 
occult  sciences,  358;  burned, 
330;  ceremonies  of,  334;  con- 
stitution of,  341 ; duties  of, 
348;  founder  of,  338;  history 
of,  337;  integral  part  of  Gov- 
ernment, 346;  library,  the, 
334;  membership  of,  333; 
Memoirs  of  the  Academy,  360: 
origin  of  name,  341 ; qualifi- 
cations for  membership,  348; 
records  of  the  Emperors,  364 ; 
simultaneous  with  discovery 
of  printing,  340 
Hanlins  (members  of  Hanlin 
Library),  opposition  to  re- 
form, 17 

Heaven,  personification  of,  166 
Herodotus  of  China,  89 
Historians,  four  great,  393 
Historic  movements,  three 
great,  397 

Historical  works,  character  of, 
393 

History,  Chinese  conception  of, 
387;  study  of  Chinese,  307, 

387 

Holy  men,  243 
Home  education,  284 
Hostages,  443 

Hsi  An  Fu,  sacked  by  Tartars, 
418 

Human  nature,  view  of,  215 


Illiteracy,  ratio  of,  300 
Immortality  in  Taoism,  235 
Immortality  of  the  soul,  be- 
lief in,  253 ; secret  of,  56 
Immortals,  manifestation  of 
the,  236 

Imperial  Academy,  329;  mem- 
bership in,  317 

Imperial  T’ung  Wen  College, 

*7 

Imperialism  in  Chinese  Litera- 
ture, 361 

Individual  and  society,  212 
Individualism  in  Chinese  litera- 
ture, 125 

Information,  extent  of  among 
scholars,  355,  357 
Inspiration,  Chinese  ideas  of, 
234 

Intellectual  Awakening,  13 
Intercourse  between  States,  436 
International  law  in  ancient 
China,  427 

International  relations,  charac- 
ter of,  444 

Kang  Yu  Wei,  20 
Kaotze  on  human  nature,  216 
Kao  Tsu,  Founder  of  Hanlin, 
^338 

Iluang  Hsu,  attempt  at  reform, 
7;  at  Temple  of  Heaven,  196; 
reform  decrees,  20 
K’ung,  successor  to  Confucius, 
199 

Laotze,  doctrines  of,  180;  Li 
Erh,  founder  of  Taoism,  179 
Laureate,  Title  of,  307;  duties 
of,  354 

Legion  of  Honor,  360 
Letter  Writing,  characteristics 
of,  130 

Li  Erh.  Laotze,  founder  of 
Taoism,  179 
Library  of  Hanlin,  334 
Literary  style,  different  forms 
of,  1 18 

Lyric  poetry,  83 


Idolatry  in  China,  165 


INDEX 


479 


Manchu  invasion.  The,  410 
Mandarins,  position  and  duties 
of,  310 

“Manual  of  Filial  Duty”,  94; 
155- 

Mariner  s compass,  26 
Mathematics.  Chinese,  30 
Maxims  for  morals,  149 
Memory,  committing  to,  289 
Mencius,  estimate  of  Confucius, 
245;  on  human  nature,  216; 
on  study  of  nature,  32;  treaty 
convention,  a,  441 ; miracles, 
power  of,  57 
Mongol  invasion,  410 
Moral  Excellence,  Chart  of,  219 
Moral  sentiment,  theory  of,  221 
Mother  Goose,  156 
Mothers,  education  by,  285 
Mythology  of  Taoism,  183 

Nature  study,  basis  of  Chinese 
philosophy,  33 
Neutrals,  rights  of,  447 
New  Year’s  Eve,  Song  for,  79 
Nirvana,  185 

Nobility,  five  orders  of,  433 
Non-combatants,  treatment  of, 
444 

Occult  Sciences  (see  also  Al- 
chemy), believed,  358 
Ode  composed  by  the  Emperor, 
331 

Officeholding  not  hereditary,  310 
Opium  War,  The,  472 

Parallelism  in  Chinese  style, 
1 17;  in  education,  294 
Peabody,  A Chinese,  298 
Philosophy,  Chinese  forms  of, 
3i,  33  5 Cartesian  not  Bacon- 
ian, 35 

Physics,  Chinese,  30 
Planchette,  237 

Poetry,  Chinese  forms  of,  75, 
76,  79 

Poetry,  Manners,  Music,  the 
educational  tripos  of  Confu- 
cius, 76 


Political  ideas,  development  of, 
10 

Polytheism  and  Idolatry  of 
China,  165 

Porcelain,  a Chinese  art,  28 
Practical  joking,  290 
Primitive  Chinese  type,  425 
Printed  paper,  respect  for,  157 
Printing,  invention  of,  27 
“Promoted  Scholars”,  315 
Propriety,  sense  of,  220 
Prose  composition,  111 
Proverbs  of  Confucius,  173 
Providence,  255 
Psychology,  226 
Public  buildings  of  Chinese.  335 

Questions  for  examination,  322 

" Ready  for  office  ”,  317 
Records,  Chinese  care  for,  389 
Reform  decrees.  20 
Religious  philosophy,  schools 
of,  1 19 

Religious  thought,  change  in,  12 
Retribution,  tracts  on,  153 
Revelations  of  the  unseen,  237 
Rewards  to  authors,  302 
Rhetoric  in  style,  115 
“ Rites  of  Chou  Dynasty  ”,  434 

San  Chiao,  Three  Religions.  165 
Sacred  Books,  exposition  of,  291 
Sappho  of  China,  The,  82 
Scholarship,  grades  of,  315 
School  and  family  training,  281 
“ School  for  the  Sons  of  the 
Empire  ”,  371 

Schools  private,  not  national, 
297 

Science  in  China,  33 
“ Selections  from  a Thousand 
Bards'”,  86 

Shang  Ti,  The  Deity,  168;  At 
Temple  of  Heaven,  197 
Sheng  jen  (holy  men),  243 
Sinceritv  of  purpose,  225 
Silk,  manufacture  of,  28 
“ Sons  of  the  Empire  ”,  376 
Sophists  of  China,  88 


480 


INDEX 


Speculative  philosophy  in  China, 
33. 

Spiritualistic  mediums,  236 
Spiritualistic  revelations,  237 
Stages  of  study,  288 
State  religion.  No  one,  196 
“ Stone  Classics  ”,  The,  374 
Stone  Library  at  Hsi  An  Fu, 
374 

Style,  emphasis  on,  295 ; great 
masters  of,  127 

Sze  Ma  Ch’ien,  Herodotus  of 
China,  89 

Taoism,  geomantic  influence 
of,  183;  gave  impulse  to  al- 
chemy, 53;  indigenous  to 
China,  179;  materialistic  char- 
acter, 182;  origin  of,  179; 
philosophy,  influence  on,  37; 
possible  relation  to  Judaism, 
180;  rationalism  of,  179;  the- 
ogony  of,  183 

Tartar  Conquest,  The,  398;  in- 
cursions, 417 

Tartars  and  Chinese,  antago- 
nism between,  421 
Tartars  in  ancient  China,  409; 

influenced  by  Chinese,  426 
Temperance  ode,  The  oldest,  79 
Temple  of  Heaven,  167;  Em- 
peror at  the,  196 
Three  Religions,  coalition  of, 
191 ; not  identical  but  supple- 
mentary, 193 

T’ien,  Heaven,  worship  of,  166 


Tracts,  in  Chinese  literature, 
148;  religious  character  of, 
160;  two  celebrated,  153 

Translation  and  exposition  of 
Sacred  Books,  292 

Transmigration,  doctrine  of, 
153 

Treaties,  character  of,  440 

Tributary  States  of  China,  428 

Trinity,  Taoist  conception  of, 
1 80 

T’ung  Wen  College,  17 

Universe,  origin  of  the,  38 

University,  A new,  383 

University,  an  old,  371 ; curricu- 
lum, 381 ; number  of  scholars, 
378;  professorships,  value  of, 
380 ; professors,  duties  of, 
379;  scholarships  sold,  377 

Virtue,  Confucian  doctrine  of, 

174 

Virtue  and  Vice,  sources  of, 
218 

Virtues,  parent,  219 

Wen  Chang,  Chinese  Belles-let- 
tres, 124;  the  goal  of  students, 
295 

Wen  Hsiang,  favourable  to  re- 
form, 17 

Yung  Wing,  educational  mis- 
sion, 19 


